Chapter 3 Corpus and Generalization of Loanword Substitutions
3.5 Summary
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sequence is syllabified as VG. The combination will not happen if the vowel sequence is syllabified as GV, as in (76a), or if the second syllable ends with a consonant, even though the two adjacent vowels conform to the conditions necessary for the
combination, as in (76b).
(76) Syllable without combination
a. mararia [mã.ɾa.ɾi.a] → malaliah [mã.la.li.aʔ] ‘malaria’
b. kauntaa [ka.ɯ̃n.ta:] → khaunta [k*a.un.ta] ‘counter’
3.5. Summary
The substitution of every Japanese segment is explicit discussed in this chapter based on the data from Japanese loanword corpus. Examples, numbers, and
percentages of each substitution are provided.
We can group the substitutions of the Japanese segments into three major types, as shown in (77).
First, a Japanese segment will remain unchanged if it is licit in Taiwanese. These segments can in fact also change into other segments, but such kind of substitution is very rare, normally accounting for less than 1% of all occurrences, and such instances are normally viewed as exception.
Second, a Japanese segment will be substituted by the most similar sound if it is illicit in Taiwanese sound inventory. Sometimes a strategy such as reconfiguration is adopted to make the loanword match to the source as closely as possible. Again, variations do occur, but the percentages of their occurrences are very low.
Third, a Japanese segment will occasionally change to another segment even though it is a licit segment in Taiwanese. Usually such modification occurs to satisfy the requirement of Taiwanese constraints.
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(77) Dominant and systematic substitutions Type 1
Other than the segment substitution mentioned above, two adjacent Japanese vowels may combine to one in some loanwords. This phenomenon occurs if the two vowels in question are syllabified as a VG structure in Taiwanese. However, the combination will not happen if there is a nasal coda in the second one of the two adjacent syllables.
Finally, the glottal stop is inserted at the word-final position in some loanwords.
Generally, this takes place when in a loanword, the structure of the penultimate syllable and the last syllable are (C)V.(C)V or (C)VS.(C)V. However, for loanwords with the (C)VS.(C)V structure, the glottal insertion is likely to be suspended if the coda and the onset are not the same in the place of articulation. Moreover, the chance for loanwords with the (C)V.(C)V structure to incur the glottal insertion will be reduced if one of or both ‘V’ are long vowels in the Japanese sources.
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Chapter 4
Optimality Theory Analysis
In this chapter, we develop an Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) analysis of the correspondence between Japanese sources and Taiwanese loans. The analysis will focuses on the dominant or the systematic substitutes.
4.1. Substitution of Vowels
The loanword data in the present corpus show that segment substitution is preferred over deletion. MAX is therefore needed to prevent segment deletion.
(1) MAX: Assign one violation mark for every input that has no correspondent in the output.
First, consider the substitution of Japanese long vowels. While Japanese short vowels contrast with long ones phonemically, such difference in length between short and long vowels is phonetically in Taiwanese. Japanese long vowels do not surface in Taiwanese, and this is enforced by vowel shortening. The two constraints concerning the modification of the vowel length are given in (2) and (3).
(2) *V:: Assign one violation mark for every lengthened vowel.
(3) IDENT[long]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [long].
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IDENT[long] is dominated by *V:, or loanwords with lengthened vowels will be the optimal output. With this ranking hierarchy, consider tableaux (4) and (5).
(4) Input: [oʤ
i:sãɴ] ‘old man (Japanese)’
Output like [ozisãŋ] (with a nasalized vowel) is also a possible candidate. Since our main concern here is to show the competition between long and short vowels, it will be ignored at this moment. However, we will discuss the choice between a nasalized and an oral vowel in substituting for Japanese nasalized vowels in section 4.2.2.
As shown in (4) and (5), two Japanese sources [oʤ
i:sãɴ] ‘old man’ and [o
ʤisãɴ]
‘uncle’ which have different meanings lose their contrast in Taiwanese loans.14 They are both borrowed as [ozisaŋ]. In tableau (4), the most faithful output candidate (a) is ruled out as its violation of *V: is fatal. Candidate (4b) defeats candidate (4c) in that (4b) conforms to the higher ranked constraint MAX. Candidates (4c) and (5b) are in fact not legitimate forms in Taiwanese. They are listed in the tableaux to show the ranking between MAX and IDENT[long]. That is, to obtain the optimal output candidate (b), MAX must dominate IDENT[long]. In tableau (5), candidate (a) satisfies all the
14 When evaluating candidates in a tableau, the focus is on the segments in boldface. All tableaux in this chapter follow this principle.
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constraints and is chosen as the optimal output.15
Next, consider the substitution of Japanese short vowels. There are five short vowels, [a], [i], [ɯ], [e], and [o], in Japanese. Only [ɯ] is illicit in the Taiwanese sound system, and it is clear that this vowel will be substituted. Concerning the markedness constraints of segments, it is generally agreed that languages have
constraints that prohibit the occurrence of certain vowels, such as *ɯ, *e, *o, … Since [ɯ] is prohibited in Taiwanese, the segmental markedness constraint *ɯ, as shown in (6), will be ranked at the top, while the markedness constraints like *e and *o will be ranked as low as needed.
(6) *ɯ: Assign one violation mark for every vowel [ɯ].
However, constraint *ɯ says nothing about which substitute will be picked up for the source vowel in question. To decide which vowel shall be the substitute for the Japanese [ɯ], distinctive features are employed, as illustrated in (7).
(7) Feature specifications of vowels
a # i u e o ə ɯ
High - - + + - - - +
Low + + - - - - -
-Back - + - + - + + +
Round - - - + - + -
-It is suggested by some researchers (e.g., Chung 1996) that the value of [back] of the low vowel /a/ is empty underlyingly in Taiwanese. However, the present study deals with the surface form of segments. The low vowel /a/ has in fact two allophones [a] and [#] at the surface. The vowel /a/ is realized as [a] when it combines with the
15 Constraints that are adopted in the present study are defined as prohibiting only literal feature change (McCarthy 2008a). Based on this, candidate (4c) and (5b) do not incur violation of IDENT[long], since the target vowel is deleted in those candidates.
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alveolar coda nasal [n] or the labial coda nasal [m]. In contrast, /a/ will be realized as [#] when it combines with the velar coda nasal [ŋ].
As shown in chapter 3, Japanese and Taiwanese differ in the high back vowel.
Japanese high back [ɯ] is unrounded, while the Taiwanese high back [u] is a round one. To account for the change of roundness, IDENT[round] is adopted, as in (8). As for the Japanese vowels [a], [i], [e], and [o], they remain intact in general. This suggests that Japanese vowels and their substitutes in Taiwanese are all identical in the place of articulation. To account for the identity of place features, IDENT[Place] is adopted, as given in (9).
(8) IDENT[round]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [round].
(9) IDENT[Place]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the features [high], [back], and [low].
IDENT[round] shall be ranked lower than IDENT[Place], or the vowel [u] will never be chosen as the substitute for [ɯ].
With the new proposed constraints above, first consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [ɯ].
(10) Input: [ɾɯ
:ba:] ‘louver’
*ɯ MAX IDENT[Place] IDENT[long]] IDENT[round]
e. liba [back]! *
☞ f. luba * *
g. loba [high]! * *
h. lɯba *! *
i. lba *!
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The constraints *V: is omitted in this tableau to save space. Since illicit vowels never surface in Taiwanese, the constraint *ɯ is undominated in the ranking hierarchy. The faithful output (d) is ruled out, as its violation of *ɯ is fatal. Candidate (e) is
eliminated by the constraint MAX. Candidates (a) and (c) both violate IDENT[Place], making the output less closer to the input, and thus are eliminated. Therefore, the optimal output is candidate (b).
Next, consider the vowel [e]. Although it is a licit vowel in Taiwanese,
adjustment is still observed. This sound is intact when it is in an open syllable or ends with a glottal stop [ʔ]. But it will change to [ja] when preceding an alveolar nasal or an alveolar stop, since *en/t is not common in early phases in Taiwanese. However, many Taiwanese speakers pronounce [jan] as [jen], some even drop the glide [j], and the sound surfaces as [en] (Hung 2005). Chung (1996) pointed out that the [jan/t] to [jen/t] change is “quite universal in [the] Chinese language.” However, Taiwanese prohibits the backness feature of two vowels that combine to a diphthong from being the same. On that account, the form [jen/t] will further go through glide deletion, yielding to [en/t] in the surface to prevent violation of Taiwanese phonotatics.
The [ian] to [en] change is in fact not a necessary phonological process. However, according to Yip (1993), the adjustments of loanwords are minimal so that the source and its loan can be as close as possible. Thus, loanwords like [enʤiɴ] ‘engine’ or [enka] ‘traditional Japanese song’ are pronounced as [enzin] and [enka] by Taiwanese speakers, respectively. Consider tableau (11) below.
(11) Input: [ẽnʤĩɴ] ‘engine’
MAX IDENT[long]
☞ a. enzin
b. janzin *!
c. ŋzin *!
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The adjustment of the nasality is ignored here, but will be discussed in section 4.2.2.
Constraints such as IDENT[round] and IDENT[long] are inactive and are omitted in this tableau. Constraints such as IDENT[Place] and IDENT[round] are inactive and are
omitted in this tableau. The monophthong [e] changes to a diphthong [ja] in candidate (b), which violates IDENT[long], as the length of [ja] is longer than that of [e].
Candidate (c) is eliminated by MAX for segment deletion.16 Candidate (a) is the optimal output as it satisfies all the constraints.
Finally, consider the Japanese vowel [o]. Most occurrences of this vowel will remain intact, but it will change to [ə] as the second part of a diphthong in Taiwanese, that is, [jə]. The /io/ sequence is typically pronounced as [jə] by Taiwanese speakers.
To account for this, constraint *jo is adopted, as in (12).
(12) *jo: Assign one violation mark for every sequence [jo].
(13) Input: [ʃ
ok
ɯba] ‘place of work’*jo IDENT[Place] IDENT[round]
c. sjok*ubaʔ *!
☞ d. sjək*ubaʔ *
e. sjek*ubaʔ [back]!
The glide [j] in the outputs is a result of reconfiguration (that is, [ʃ] is split to [s] and [j]). The phenomenon of reconfiguration will be discussed in section 4.2.3. In this tableau, candidate (a) is eliminated as its violation of *jo is fatal. Candidate (c) is excluded by IDENT[Place]. The optimal output is candidate (b), though it violates IDENT[round]. This suggests that *jo has to be ranked higher than IDENT[round].
To summarize, we have examined the substitution of the vowels in loanwords
16 In this candidate, the nasal [n] in the first syllable changes to [ŋ] (or maybe to [m], and become a nucleus) to satisfy Taiwanese phonotatics.
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with the deployment of markedness as well as faithfulness constraints and rankings.
The faithfulness constraints concerning the feature identities are adopted since the output is assumed to be as close to the input as possible. The other markedness constraints are employed to prevent the output from having illegitimate segments or structures. The overall rankings of all of the constraints related to the vowel
substitutions are provided in (14).
(14) *ɯ, *V:, *jo >> MAX, IDENT[Place] >> IDENT[round], IDENT[long]
4.2. Substitution of Onset Consonants
This section discusses the substitution of Japanese consonants in the onset position. As shown in the last chapter, each Japanese consonant may have more than one substitute in Taiwanese. When developing an OT analysis, we consider only the adaptation of the dominant substitute of the Japanese consonants that are illicit in Taiwanese sound system, or those that reveal systematic adjustments.
4.2.1. Illicit Consonants
There are eight Japanese onset consonants [d], [ɸ], [ç], [ʃ], [ʧ], [ʤ], [dz], and [ɾ]
that are not legitimate in the Taiwanese sound system. The segmental markedness constraints for consonants, as in (15), are employed to prohibit the occurrence of those consonants.
(15) Consonantal markedness constraints: Assign one violation mark for every consonant [d], [ɸ], [ç], [ʃ], [ʧ], [ʤ], [dz], and [ɾ].
Constraints in (15) cannot be violated, since these consonants are not found in the loanwords.
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The constraint family IDENT[F] is employed to decide which Taiwanese
consonants shall be the substitutes of the corresponding Japanese ones. Consider the feature specifications of the two languages, as illustrated in (16).
(16) Feature specifications of onset consonants of Japanese and Taiwanese
d l ɾ ɸ h ç ʃ s ʧ ʦ ʤ z dz
The value of [continuant] of the Taiwanese [l] is controversial in the literature. It is normally viewed as a [+continuant] sound in languages. However, since [l] is grouped with stop to form a natural class in Taiwanese, some researchers suggest that its [+continuant] value is not obvious (e.g. Luo 1993, Chung 1996, Hung 2005). In the present study, we follow the universal principle and treat [l] as a [+continuant] sound.
The affricates are neither [+continuant] nor [-continuant]. Thus, to distinguish the affricates from other segments, the feature [delayed release] is adopted. Only the affricates have positive value of this feature.
As shown in (16), all Japanese consonants and their substitutes are identical in the [voice] feature. This suggests that any violation of this feature is fatal. Besides, almost all the substitutions have the same value of [labial], [dorsal], and [coronal]
features. The glottal [h] is a laryngeal sound, it is considered as placeless here.
Accordingly, [h] incurs no violations of IDENT[dorsal], IDENT[labial], and IDENT[coronal].
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Moreover, although every pair in a consonant substitution in (16) is the same in [nasal], the identity of this feature is not so important. This is evident in the [m] to [b]
and [n] to [l] substitution, which will be discussed in the next section. Finally, the identity of the manner features, including [continuant], [delayed release], [sonorant], and [lateral], is relatively not significant, which is evident in the [d] to [l] change, or the [ʤ] and [dz] to [z] substitutions.
The relevant constraints and their rankings are given below.
(17) Constraints
a. IDENT[voice]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [voice].
b. IDENT[dorsal]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [dorsal].
c. IDENT[coronal]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [coronal].
d. IDENT[nasal]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the feature [nasal].
e. IDENT[MR]: Assign one violation mark for every output that differs from its input correspondent in the features [continuant], [delay release], [sonorant], and [lateral].
>> IDENT[coronal] >> IDENT[nasal] >> IDENT[MR]
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With the above constraint set, let us first consider the substitution of the Japanese [d]. The dominant substitute of this segment is [l].
(19) Input: [ɯ:do] ‘hood’
IDENT[dorsal] is inactive and is left out in this tableau. Candidate (a) incurs one violation of IDENT[coronal] by changing a labial [b] to a coronal [d]. Candidate (b) is eliminated due to the violation of IDENT[voice]. Candidate (c) is ruled out for violating IDENT[nasal]. Although candidate (e) is most faithful to the input, it is ruled out for having an illicit segment [d] in the word. Candidate (g) violates MAX by deleting the target segment [d], and is excluded. Candidate (d) incurs three violations of
IDENT[MR], but candidate (f) incurs only one violation of the same constraint. Thus, candidate (f) is chosen as the optimal output. However, the optimal output shall be candidate (d) rather than candidate (f) based on the evidence from the present corpus.
In Taiwanese, only vowels [i] and [u] and glides are allowed to follow the fricative [z]. As can be observed, the sequence [zo] in candidate (f) violates this Taiwanese phonotatic. To rule out the candidate (f), constraint *zV[-hi] is employed.
(20) * zV[-hi]: Assign one violation mark for every sequence where [z] is followed by a non-high vowel.
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* zV[-hi] IDENT[nasal] IDENT[MR]
☞ a. hulo [lat] [son] [cont]
b. huzo *! [cont]
c. hunõ *! [son]
The other higher ranked constraints are omitted in this tableau, as they are inactive.
Candidate (b) is eliminated by *zV[-hi] in that [z] is followed by a mid vowel [o]. The optimal output is candidate (a) at the expense of IDENT[MR]. Moreover, IDENT[MR]
has to be ranked lower than IDENT[nasal], or candidate (c) will be mistaken as the optimal output.
Next, consider the flap [ɾ], another Japanese consonant that becomes [l] in Taiwanese. As shown in (19), candidates with segment deletion will never be the optimal substitute. Thus, MAX is omitted to save the space in the following tableaux.
(22) Input: [ɾaita:] ‘lighter (noun)’
IDENT[dorsal] is inactive and is omitted here. Candidate (f), though is the most faithful output, is ruled out for its violation of the segmental markedness constraint *ɾ is fatal.
Candidate (b) is ruled out, as its violation of * zV[-hi] is fatal. Candidates (a), (c), and (d) violate IDENT[coronal], IDENT[voice], and IDENT[nasal], respectively, and are ruled out. Candidate (e) is selected as the optimal output at the expense of IDENT[MR].
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Next, consider the Japanese fricative [ʃ], which is substituted by [s]. To correctly predict [s] as the optimal output, we need MAX[Place].
(23) MAX[Place]: Assign one violation mark for every input that has no correspondent in the output in [Place].
(24) Input: [mẽ:ʃi] ‘calling card’
*ʃ IDENT[voice] IDENT[coronal] IDENT[MR] MAX[Place]
a. mẽpĩ *! [cont] (28)) are allophones before the vowel [i]. Taiwanese speakers who are affected by the pronunciation of Mandarin accent may pronounce [Ûi] instead of [si] (and [tÛi] instead of [ʦi], and [ʒi] instead of [zi]). Such alternation often occurs in the young generation.
Here we only consider the substitute [si] (aslo [ʦi] and [zi]).
IDENT[dorsal] and IDENT[nasal] are irrelevant and are omitted in the tableau (24).
Candidate (f) is ruled out as its violation of the segmental markedness constraint *ʃ is fatal. Candidate (a) violates IDENT[coronal] and IDENT[MR], and is eliminated.
Candidate (c) differs with the input in the manner of articulation, and is ruled out.
Candidate (d) is eliminated as it differs with the input in [voice]. Candidate (e) incurs one violation of MAX[Place], since [h] is voiceless. Candidate (b) satisfies all the constraints in the tableau, and is chosen as the optimal output.
Next, consider the fricative [ç], which is substituted by [h] in Taiwanese.
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IDENT[coronal] and IDENT[nasal] are irrelevant and are left out. The most faithful output candidate (e) is ruled out as its violation of *ç is fatal. Candidates (a), (b), and (c) incur at least one violation of the IDENT constraints, and are eliminated. Candidate (d) is chosen as the optimal output at the expense of violating MAX[Place], which is outranked by the other constraints.
Next, consider another fricative [ɸ], which is also substituted by [h].
(26) Input: [ɸɯɾe:mɯ̃] ‘frame’
IDENT[nasal] is inactive and is omitted in the tableau. Candidates (b), (c), and (d) violate IDENT[voice], IDENT[coronal], and IDENT[dorsal], respectively, and are ruled out.
The most faithful output candidate (f) contains an illegitimate segment [ɸ], which violates the segmental markedness constraint *ɸ, and is eliminated. Candidate (e) defeats candidate (a) by substituting a segment that is consistent with the input in
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[continuant] (satisfy IDENT[MR]). It is therefore chosen as the optimal output.
Let us now take a look at the Japanese affricates [ʧ], [ʤ], and [dz]. Consider first the voiceless affricate [ʧ], which is mostly substituted by [ʦ].
(27) Input: [ʧi:sai] ‘small’
*ʧ IDENT[voice] IDENT[coronal] IDENT[MR]
a. sisaj [del rel]!
☞ b. ʦisaj
c. lĩsaj *! [del rel]
d. kisaj *! [del rel]
e. ʧisaj *!
IDENT[dorsal] and IDENT[nasal] are inactive and are left out. The most faithful candidate (e) is eliminated by the segmental markedness constraint *ʧ. Candidates (c) and (d) are ruled out by IDENT[voice] and IDENT[coronal], respectively. Candidate (b) is selected over candidate (a) as the optimal output because the later fatally incurs one violation of IDENT[MR].
Finally, consider voiced affricates [ʤ] and [dz]. The voiced fricative [z] is the dominant substitute of both segments in Taiwanese. Actually, the two affricates show a similar adjustment process, for they are identical in every feature of that is
employed in the present study.
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IDENT[dorsal] is inactive and is omitted here. Candidate (e) is eliminated for it contains an illegitimate segment *ʤ. Candidates (a), (b), and (d) violate the constraints
IDENT[coronal], IDENT[nasal], and IDENT[voice], respectively, and are excluded.
Candidate (c) is selected as the optimal output, as it satisfies all the higher ranked constraints at the expense of violating IDENT[MR].
4.2.2. Substitution of nasals [m] and [n]
We presented the details of the substitution of Japanese consonants in the onset position that are illicit in the Taiwanese sound system in last section. However, there are some Japanese consonants, such as the labial [m] and the alveolar [n], that are licit in Taiwanese sound system, but still change to other consonants.
Consider first the substitution of the labial nasal [m]. The nasal feature of the Japanese [m] is deleted when the segment is in the onset of a NVN syllable. In Taiwanese, two nasal sounds cannot co-exist within the same syllable (Chung 1996, Hung 2002). The onset labial nasal in such kind of syllable therefore changes to a non-nasal [b] in loanwords. The constraint in (29) is adopted to avoid such kind of syllable structure. This constraint has to be ranked higher than IDENT[nasal] to exclude the most faithful substitute [m]. The symbol N stands for nasal segments.
(29) *[NVN]σ: Assign one violation mark for every output that has nasals in both onset and coda position in the same syllable.
Regarding the nasalization of vowels, they are clearly nasalized before /ɴ/ in Japanese (Vance 2008), as in [ɾẽɴ] ‘ream’. As for the vowels that follows the nasal consonants like [mõ:ta:] ‘motor’, no literature is found in discussing the nasalization of such vowels. However, when there is a nasal consonant in the onset position, it is
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unlikely that the nucleus possesses an oral vowel. On the contrary, it may be likely that a combination of an onset non-nasal consonant and a nucleus nasalized vowel will happen. Therefore, it is assumed in the present study that the vowel that follows a nasal consonant will be nasalized in real pronunciation.
When the Japanese nasalized vowels are loaned to Taiwanese, their [nasal]
feature may either be deleted or be maintained. The nasalized vowel will lose the [nasal] feature when being followed by a nasal coda, for example, [ɾẽɴ] → [len]
‘ream’. In contrast, the [nasal] feature will be preserved when the vowel is in an open syllable, as in [mõ:ta:] → [mõta] ‘motor’. According to Hung (2002, 2005), there is a CV nasal harmony constraint in Taiwanese, as in (30). This constraint excludes syllables like [lẽn] and [mo.ta] in real pronunciation.
(30) C-V N.H.: Assign one violation mark for every output whose onset and nucleus do not agree in [nasal]. (Hung 2002)
With the new constraints proposed above, consider first the modification of the labial [m] in the onset position in an NVN syllable.
(31) Input: [hoɾɯ
mõɴ] ‘hormone’
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Substitution of the uvular [ɴ] will be discussed in next section, and is left out here.
*[NVN]σ is undominated, since an NVN syllable is illegitimate in Taiwanese.
Candidates (a), (b), and (c) show that outputs that differ with regard to input in the voice feature and the place feature, such as [dorsal] and [coronal], will never be the optimal output. Based on this, the only possible substitute of the voiced labial nasal [m] is the voiced labial stop [b]. Candidate (h) violates MAX by deleting segment [m], and is ruled out. MAX is violated if it is a segment rather than a feature that is deleted.
Therefore, candidates (a) to (g) do not incur violations of this constraint. As the most faithful output, candidate (e) is still ruled out since it violates the undominated constraint *[NVN]σ. Candidate (d) repairs the problematic NVN structure by deleting the nasal feature of the onset consonant. By doing so however, it violates C-V N.H. and IDENT[nasal]. Candidate (f) eliminates the nasal feature of the vowel, but violates both
*[NVN]σ and C-V N.H.. The optimal output is candidate (g), for it satisfies all the higher ranked constraints at the expense of violating IDENT[nasal]. This shows that IDENT[nasal] has to be outranked by all of the other constraints listed in the tableau.
Next, consider the labial [m] in the onset position in a CV syllable.
(32) Input: [mõ:ta:] ‘motor’
Constraints *[NVN]σ and IDENT[voice] are inactive and are omitted. Candidate (a) incurs one violation of C-V N.H. for it deletes the nasal feature of the onset consonant,
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which also violates the lower ranked constraint IDENT[nasal]. Candidate (b) satisfies the CV harmony constraint by deleting the nasal feature of the vowel, but violates IDENT[nasal] twice, and is also ruled out. The two candidates show that any deletion of the nasal features in an Nṽ syllable is fatal. Candidate (f) is eliminated due to the violation of MAX. The most faithful output candidate (c) defeats candidates (d) and (e) and is chosen as the optimal output, for it is identical with the input in the place
which also violates the lower ranked constraint IDENT[nasal]. Candidate (b) satisfies the CV harmony constraint by deleting the nasal feature of the vowel, but violates IDENT[nasal] twice, and is also ruled out. The two candidates show that any deletion of the nasal features in an Nṽ syllable is fatal. Candidate (f) is eliminated due to the violation of MAX. The most faithful output candidate (c) defeats candidates (d) and (e) and is chosen as the optimal output, for it is identical with the input in the place