從語料庫及優選理論分析台語中的日語借字 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文. National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授：蕭宇超 Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 從語料庫及優選理論分析台語中的日語借字. ‧. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Japanese Loanwords in Taiwanese: A Perspective from Corpus and Optimality Theory. Ch. engchi. i Un. 研究生：粘復真撰 Student: Fuchen Nien 中華民國九十九年六月 June, 2010. v.

(2) Japanese Loanwords in Taiwanese: A Perspective from Corpus and Optimality Theory. BY. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大 Fuchen Nien. n. al. er. io. sit. y. ‧. Nat. A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Institute of Linguistics in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. Ch. engchi. June, 2010. i Un. v.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. Copyright @ 2010 Fuchen Nien All Rights Reserved. iii. v.

(4) Acknowledgements. 三年碩士生涯，在論文完成的同時，也將劃下句點。感謝師長的指導、同學的鼓勵、家人的支持，讓我得以順利完成論文！首先，感謝我的指導教授，蕭宇超老師。謝謝您在我茫然於語料分析、研究架構時，指引我正確的方向，讓我了解做學問的「撇步」。謝謝您在我腦袋混亂、思緒打結時，提示我解套的方法，讓我能夠看得更多，想得更廣。謝謝您在我參加研討. 治政會、發表論文前，聆聽我的報告，修正我的缺點，讓我多一分安心，少一分緊張不大立安，也讓我學到很多做簡報的「鋩角」。 ‧ 國. 學. 感謝口試委員吳瑾瑋老師、林蕙珊老師。謝謝兩位老師，願意在忙得不可開交. ‧. 的學期末，擔任我的口試委員，提供許多寶貴的意見，使我的論文能更趨完善。. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 同學們的加油打氣，是論文寫作過程中，最棒的補給品！感謝愛跑步的熊芮華，多少個爆肝的夜晚，因為有妳透過 MSN，給我精神支持，讓我知道我不是一個人，. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. 讓我更有繼續前進的動力。感謝嬌小可愛的林綠茜，身為幫內論文先鋒的妳，總是. engchi. 不吝於提供妳的經驗，讓我對「論文」，不那麼無所適從。感謝美麗溫柔的凌旺禎，妳從不吝嗇的鼓勵話語，總能讓我信心大增。最後，感謝家人的支持，讓我沒有經濟壓力，可以專心一意，完成我的碩士學業。感謝我最愛的家人，親愛的老媽，幽默的老爸，惜字如金的老哥。你們，是我最強而有力的後盾！. iv.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgements .....................................................................................................iv Chinese Abstract ...................................................................................................... viii English Abstract ..........................................................................................................ix. 政治大 1.1 Research Issue .......................................................................................................... 1 立 Chapter 1 Introduction ................................................................................................ 1. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 1.2 The Principles of the Transcription .......................................................................... 3. Chapter 2 Literature Review ...................................................................................... 7. sit. y. Nat. 2.1 Optimality Theory .................................................................................................... 7. n. al. er. io. 2.1.1 Basic Concept ................................................................................................. 7. i Un. v. 2.1.2 Feature Assimilation Constraint ...................................................................... 9. Ch. engchi. 2.1.3 Cophonology ................................................................................................. 11 2.2 Bases of Taiwanese and Japanese Phonology ........................................................ 12 2.2.1 Taiwanese ...................................................................................................... 12 2.2.2 Japanese ........................................................................................................ 14 2.3 Previous Studies on Japanese Loanwords in Taiwanese ........................................ 15 2.3.1 Chang’s (1993) Analysis ............................................................................... 16 2.3.2 Tsao’s (2000) Analysis .................................................................................. 17 2.3.3 Hung’s (2002) Analysis................................................................................. 18 2.4 Researches on Loanwords...................................................................................... 20. v.

(6) 2.5 Previous Studies with Loanword Corpus ............................................................... 21. Chapter 3 Corpus and Generalization of Loanword Substitutions ...................... 23 3.1 The Corpus ............................................................................................................. 23 3.2 Segmental Substitutions ......................................................................................... 25 3.2.1 Vowels ........................................................................................................... 25 3.2.2 Glides ............................................................................................................ 31 3.2.3 Onset Consonants.......................................................................................... 32 3.2.3.1 Voiced Stops ..................................................................................... 33. 治政 3.2.3.2 Voiceless Stops ................................................................................. 35 大立 3.2.3.3 Fricatives .......................................................................................... 37 ‧ 國. 學. 3.2.3.4 Affricates .......................................................................................... 41. ‧. 3.2.3.5 Flap .................................................................................................. 43. sit. y. Nat. 3.2.3.6 Nasals ............................................................................................... 44. io. er. 3.2.3.7 Aspiration of Non-continuant Obstruents ........................................ 45 3.2.4 Coda Consonants .......................................................................................... 46. al. n. iv n C 3.2.4.1 Obstruents ........................................................................................ 46 hengchi U. 3.2.4.2 Nasals ............................................................................................... 49 3.3 Glottal Insertion ..................................................................................................... 54 3.4 Syllable Combination............................................................................................. 57 3.5 Summary ................................................................................................................ 58. Chapter 4 Optimality Theory Analysis .................................................................... 61 4.1 Substitution of Vowels ........................................................................................... 61 4.2 Substitution of Onset Consonants .......................................................................... 67 4.2.1 Illicit Consonants .......................................................................................... 67 vi.

(7) 4.2.2 Substitution of nasals [m] and [n] ................................................................. 75 4.2.3 Reconfiguration............................................................................................. 79 4.3 Substitution of Coda Consonants ........................................................................... 81 4.3.1 Fricatives ....................................................................................................... 81 4.3.2 Nasals ............................................................................................................ 84 4.4 Syllable Combination............................................................................................. 92 4.5 Summary ................................................................................................................ 95. Chapter 5 Conclusion .............................................................................................. 101. 治政 5.1 Thesis Summary................................................................................................... 101 大立 5.2 Further Issues ....................................................................................................... 103 ‧ 國. 學. Bibliography ............................................................................................................. 105. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vii. i Un. v.

(8) 國. 立. 政. 治. 大. 學. 研. 究. 所. 碩. 士. 論. 文. 提. 要. 研究所別：語言學研究所論文名稱：從語料庫及優選理論分析台語中的日語借字指導教授：蕭宇超研究生：粘復真. 政治大. 論文提要內容：(共一冊，23,806 字，分五章十九節). 立. ‧ 國. 學. 本篇論文從語料庫及優選理論，分析台語中的日語借字，探討兩個語言之間的音韻調整現象。. ‧. 本研究建立一個日語借字語料庫，以數據資料佐證音段替代的趨向，釐清音段. sit. y. Nat. 替代的主要性和次要性。統計發現，單一日語音段，雖然可能被不同的台語音段取. n. al. er. io. 代，但由於比例差距的懸殊，日語和台語音段的對應情形，大多可視為一對一的關. i Un. v. 係。至於一對二的對應情形，則可歸因於台語音韻限制，或是對於借字和來源字之間音徵保留的要求。. Ch. engchi. 基於語料庫的數據，本篇從優選理論分析日語和台語間的音韻調整現象。音段替代方面，主要歸因於 IDENT [feature]，MAX，以及結構性制約(markedness constraint) 之間的排序部署。另外，文中提出四個並存音韻，藉由調整 MAX 和 IDENT[MR]之間，以及 SHARE[back]和 IDENT[anterior]之間的排序，解釋日語借字中的自由變異(free variation)現象。最後，受到 IDENT[μ] 和 *[μμμ] 的控制，相鄰兩個音節不會合併為一個，如果合併後發生音拍(mora)數量刪減或增加，或是產生一個含有二個音拍以上的音節。. viii.

(9) Abstract This thesis investigates the phonological adjustment of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. A corpus is established, and the statistics are provided to observe the substitute tendency of each of the Japanese sources. The use of the statistics properly explains whether a corresponding Taiwanese segment is either a regular substitute or merely an exception. Most of the Japanese segments are in one-to-one mapping when they are. 政治大. borrowed into Taiwanese. Some Japanese segments are in one-to-two mapping, due to. 立. either Taiwanese phonotatics or feature preservation between the sources and the loans,. ‧ 國. 學. such as the phenomenon of reconfiguration. Besides, two adjacent syllables will combine. ‧. to one, if the vowels are syllabified as a VG sequence after combination; in that event, the second syllable does not end with a nasal coda. Moreover, a glottal stop will insert to a. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. non-sonorant consonant.. sit. word-final position if the penultimate syllable in a loanword ends with a vowel or a. Ch. i Un. v. This analysis, based on the corpus, is conducted under the framework of Optimality. engchi. Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). For segmental substitutions, a set of IDENT[feature] is adopted to require the identity of certain features. The markedness constraints, regarding the segmental and place markedness and the Taiwanese phonotatics, are employed. High ranking of markedness constraints are responsible for adjustment of segments. Besides, re-rankings of SHARE[back] and IDENT[anterior] and MAX and IDENT[MR], are suggested. They are responsible for the substitutes that are in free variation. As for the contraction of syllables, it allows the loans and the sources to have the same numbers of moras. However, contraction is suspended, to prevent a syllable to have three or more moras. ix.

(10) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1. Research Issue This thesis investigates Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. A corpus is established, and the statistics are provided to account for the substitute tendency of each of the. 治政 Japanese sources. The analysis, based on the corpus, 大is conducted under the 立 framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). ‧ 國. 學. Kenstowicz (2003) indicated the difference between adaptations and loanwords.. ‧. The former are forms that used in a communication in which more than one language. sit. y. Nat. is used by speakers. The latter are considered as lexical items, and speakers in the. io. er. borrowing language recognize and can use them without trouble. Following this definition, the focus of this thesis is the Japanese loanwords that have been. n. al. ni C hlexicon. incorporated into the Taiwanese U engchi. v. Regarding the issue of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese, previous studies. often focused on the semantic aspect (e.g., Yao 1992, Cai 1995, Chen 2002a, Chen 2002b, Li 2003, Li 2008). Chen (2002a) gave a discussion on the substitutions of some segments in her paper. However, since her study is mainly in regard to the semantic aspect, only limited Japanese segments that are illicit in Taiwanese are discussed in the paper. In addition, she did not provide explanations of the motive of those phonological changes. Other than focusing on the semantic aspect, there have been some studies that discussed the superasegmental aspect of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. For 1.

(11) 2. example, Wang (2005) analyzed the correspondence between the tone of loanwords and their syllable structures in the source language. In addition, Tsao (2000) presented the assignment of tones to loanwords in terms of derivational processes. The present study focuses mainly on segmental substitutions. Since there are no languages that have exactly the same sound inventories, segmental substitutions are to occur. In addition, this thesis also provides a short discussion on the insertion of glottal stops to the word-final position and the modification of syllables. For loanword adjustments, there are often not one-to-one mappings. For example, the Japanese consonant [z] can be substituted by [z] or [s] in Taiwanese. In order to. 治政 find out the dominant substitute among all variations of a source 大 segment, a corpus is 立 built to provide the statistics of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. Such statistics are ‧ 國. 學. useful in leading to a clearer understanding of the complex nature of adjustments in. ‧. loanwords. As in (1), the Japanese consonant [z] mostly remains intact, accounting for. sit. y. Nat. 90.12% of all occurrences. As for the substitute [s], it is treated as an exception due to. io. al. n. (1). er. the low percentage of its occurrence. Statistics of [z] substitution. Japanese Taiwanese source loans z. Number. z. 21. s. 2. Ch. i Un. v. e n gPercentage chi. Total 23. 91.30% 8.70%. The rest of this thesis is organized as follows. Chapter 2 is a review of the literature, including a) Optimality Theory; b) the phonological bases of Japanese and Taiwanese; c) studies that relate to the correspondence between the loaned language and the borrowed language, either in Taiwanese or in other languages; and d) loanword studies that have been conduct with a corpus. Chapter 3 presents a corpus of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. Statistics are provided to account for the tendency.

(12) 3. in the substitutions. Chapter 4 contains an OT analysis that focuses mainly on substitutes that are dominant or systematic. Chapter 5 concludes this thesis.. 1.2. The Principles of the Transcription The phonetic transcription system adopted in this corpus in transcribing Japanese sources is based on Tsujimura (2007), as in (2) and (4), and that in transcribing Taiwanese loans is based on Hung (2005), as in (3) and (5). There are five vowels in Japanese, and the symbol [ɯ] represents an unrounded. 政治大 appear in some phonological 立 environments in real pronunciation.. 學. (2). ‧ 國. high back vowel. Nasalized vowels are not phonemes in Japanese. However, they will. Japanese vowels i. ɯ. ‧. e. .o. sit. y. Nat. a. n. al. er. io. Taiwanese has six vowels, as illustrated in (3a)1. Nasalized vowels are phonemes. i Un. v. in Taiwanese. Each vowel except for [ə] has its nasalized counterpart, as in (3b). The. Ch. engchi. diacritic [˜] is placed on the top of a vowel to show its nasality. (3). (a). Taiwanese oral vowels i ... e. .. ə .a. .u o. (b). Taiwanese nasal vowels ĩ .ũ …. ẽ .. .. õ ã. Normally, nasalized vowels contrast with the oral ones. However, Chung (1996) viewed [nasal] as a floating feature in Taiwanese. He suggested that segments will link to the [nasal] node through phonological rule interactions. Under his analysis, 1. The vowel system of Taiwanese varies from dialect to dialect. The system adopted here is basically a combination of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou accents, with omission and modification of some segments..

(13) 4. only the oral vowels are considered as phonemes in Taiwanese, but the nasalized would be as allophones of their oral counterparts. The table of the Japanese consonant system is shown in (4). Tsujimura (2007) used a symbol [y] to represent the palatal glide. However, the symbol [j] instead of [y] is adopted in the present study. (4). Japanese consonants Bilabial Alveolar. Stop. Alveo-palatal. p. t. k. +vd. b. d. ɡ. m. n. 立. s. +vd. ‧ 國. z. +vd +vd. Glide. ʃ. ʦ. ʧ. ǳ. ʤ. h. ç. j. ‧. ɸ. ɴ. 學. -vd. Uvular Glottal. 政治大ŋ. ɾ. Flap. Affricate. Velar. -vd. Nasal Fricative. Palatal. w. sit. y. Nat. al. n. Japanese; hence segmental substitution is bound to happen. (5). Taiwanese consonants. Stop. Bilabial. Alveolar. -vd. p. +asp. pʰ. +vd. b m. Nasal Fricative Affricate Glide Lateral. Ch. engchi. Palatal. er. io. Taiwanese consonants are given in (5). Taiwanese has fewer consonants than. i Un. Velar. Glottal. t. k. ʔ. tʰ. kʰ ɡ. n. -vd. s. +vd. z. -vd. ʦ. +asp. ʦʰ. w. ŋ h. j l. v.

(14) 5. Hung (2005) included both [d] and [l] to represent the same sound. He claimed that [l] occurs before low vowels, and [d] occurs in the remaining situations. However, he also pointed out that [d] and [l] do not contrast in Taiwanese, and that the degree of airstream utilized in the blocking of [d] in Taiwanese is not as heavy as the one in English. Since scholars generally agree on the absence of [d] in Taiwanese, we exclude the sound in table (5) as well.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v.

(15) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v.

(16) Chapter 2 Literature Review. 2.1. Optimality Theory This section gives a brief introduction of Optimality Theory as well as Cophonology, a version of OT.. 2.1.1. Basic Concept. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Optimality Theory (henceforth “OT”) was first introduced by Prince and. ‧. Smolensky around 1990. As an alternative model in generative phonology, OT. sit. y. Nat. assumes that there is a Universal Grammar among languages of the world. The. io. er. universal grammar contains a set of violable constraints that exists in all languages, and the systematic differences between languages are accounted for by the different. n. al. C h constraints. U n i rankings of such a set of universal engchi. v. OT assumes that constraints are violable (Violability), and that the candidate that. has the minimal violations of constraints will be the optimal output. Based on this assumption of constraints, if the constraint A is ranked higher than the constraint B, a candidate that violates the constraint A but satisfies the constraint B will not be chosen as the optimal output. On the contrary, a candidate may be chosen as the optimal output if it violates the constraint B but satisfies the constraint A. In OT, the evaluation of the input and output mapping is done with the parallel application of constraints (Parallelism) rather than with the step-by-step application of rewrite rules. All possible outputs are generated by GEN at the same time and are 7.

(17) 8. evaluated by the constraints simultaneously. There are no intermediate levels. There are two major constraint types in OT: markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. The former require an output to conform to the phonological restrictions in the language, and the latter confine the identity between an input and its correspondent output. The two kinds of constraints will interact and compete, forming a ranked constraint set to choose the optimal output of an input. The operation of OT is presented schematically in (1).. (1). Input. 立. 學. ‧ 國. GENERATOR. 政治大. Candidate A, Candidate B, Candidate C …. ‧. n. Optimal Candidate. Ch. sit er. io. al. y. Nat. EVALUATION {Constraint 1 >> Constraint 2 >> Constraint 3 …}. engchi. i Un. v. In OT, the outputs are not derived by applying phonological rules step by step. Rather, all possible outputs (named as candidates in OT) for an input are produced by GEN (Generator). All candidates will be evaluated by EVAL (Evaluator). EVAL contains a set of universal constraints, and the constraints are ranked with one another. The evaluation of candidates is done in a parallel way, and the one with the minimal numbers of violations will be chosen as the optimal output. In OT, the interaction of constraints and the violations that are incurred by candidates are displayed in tableaux, as shown in (2)..

(18) 9. (2). OT tableau Cons1. Cons2. Cons3. a. Cand1. Cons4. *!. ☞ b. Cand2. *. c. Cand3. *!. d. Cand4. *!. *. In the tableau, constraints are placed on the top of the row, candidates are put in the right side of the tableau, and the symbol ☞ next to the candidate indicates that it is the winner, that is, the optimal output in this tableau with such constraint ranking. The. 政治大 ranking hierarchy. The four 立 listed constraints are ranked as follow: Cons1 >> Cons 2, dotted line means that constraint 2 and constraint 3 are mutually unranked in the. ‧ 國. 學. Cons 3 >> Cons 4. Violations are presented with an asterisk mark ‘*’, and a crucial violation is indicated by ‘!’. In addition, shading appears in the column under a. ‧. constraint if it is not crucial in determining the optimal output. As shown in tableau. sit. y. Nat. (2), candidates (a), (c), and (d) violate Cons3, Cons2, and Cons1, respectively. Since. n. al. er. io. these constraints are ranked higher than Cons4, these candidates are ruled out.. i Un. v. Candidate (b) is chosen as the optimal output, although it violates Cons4. This. Ch. engchi. conforms to the premise of OT that constraints are violable.. 2.1.2. Feature Assimilation Constraint Assimilation is often discussed under theories of autosegmental phonology. McCarthy (2008b), on the other hand, developed an OT analysis, and proposed a constraint named as SHARE(F). (3). SHARE(F): Assign one violation mark for every pair of adjacent segments that are not linked to the same token of [F]. Regarding the locution of ‘not linked to the same token of [F]’ in (3), McCarthy.

(19) 10. generalized the situations where violations occur, which are summarized below. Here ‘S’ stands for some arbitrary segments. (4). SHARE(F) is violated in condition if [F] is equipollent (a). (b). [αF1] [-αF1] S. if [F] is privative (c). [αF1] [αF2]. S. S. (d). (e). [F]. S. S. [F1] [F2] S. S S. S. S. 政治大. Any candidate that, depending on whether [F] is equipollent or privative,. 立. conforming to one of the situations above will violate SHARE(F). For features that are. ‧ 國. 學. equipollent, take the [ATR] feature as an example. The adjacent segments violates SHARE(F) if one is a [+ATR] segment and the other is [-ATR] one, as in (4a), or if one. ‧. is a [+ATR] segment and the other is a [+round] segment, as in (4b).. y. Nat. sit. As for features that are privative, take the [nasal] feature as an example. The. n. al. er. io. adjacent segments violates SHARE(F) if one is linked to a [nasal] autosegment but the. i Un. v. other is not, as in (4c), or if none of the two adjacent segments is linked to any [nasal]. Ch. engchi. autosegment, as in (4d), or if one is linked to a [nasal] autosegment and the other is linked to a [voice] autosegment, as in (4e). This constraint is employed to account for the substitution of coda nasals in this thesis, and the shared feature is [back]. According to McCarthy, the [back] feature is one of ‘the best cases against privativity’. However, he also assumed that features involved in the harmony phenomenon are privative. We will follow this assumption and viewed the [back] feature as privative when evaluating candidates..

(20) 11. 2.1.3. Cophonology As a version of OT, Cophonology was proposed by scholars to account for the nature of the diversity, such as registers, dialects, and free variations, within a language. Orgun (1996), Anttila (1997), and Inkelas and Zoll (2007), etc. claimed that there are different phonological systems that co-exist in a language, and the difference lies in the different rankings of a single set of constraints. The innovation of cophonology is better represented by a grammar lattice, as in (5). In the grammar lattice, the core grammar of a language L is placed in the superordinate node, that is, ‘Master Ranking’. Constraints in the core grammar are. 治政 partially ranked. That is, Cons1 dominates Cons2 and 大Cons3, but the ranking of 立 Cons2 and Cons3 are not specified. Such specification is determined in the two ‧ 國. 學. subgrammars in language L, they are, Corphonlogy A and Corphonology B. In. ‧. Corphonlogy A, Cons2 dominates Cons3, while in Corphonology B, Cons3 dominates. y. sit. n. al. er. A grammar lattice of language L (based on Inkelas and Zoll 2007). io. (5). Nat. Cons2. Variations in language L are accounted for by these different rankings.. Master Ranking. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Cons1 >> {Cons2, Cons3}. Cophonology A. Cophonology B. Cons1 >> Cons2 >> Cons3. Cons1 >> Cons3 >> Cons2. The concept of cophonology is employed in analyzing Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese in this thesis. Variations are found in some of the segmental substitutions. For example, [as.sa.ɾi] ‘frankly’ can become [a.sa.liʔ] as well as [at.sa.liʔ] in Taiwanese. The two substitutes are in free variation, and they are properly accounted for by two different rankings of a single constraint set..

(21) 12. 2.2. Bases of Taiwanese and Japanese Phonology This section introduces some phonological bases in Taiwanese and Japanese that relate to the present study.. 2.2.1. Taiwanese In Taiwanese, a word-medial nasal will become phonetically similar with its following consonant in the place of articulation, as in (6). (6). Coda nasal assimilation (Lu 2003, Lin 2001) a. king-tsio → b. sin-khu → c. sin-pu →. kin-tsio sing khu sim-pu. 立. 政治大. ‘banana’ ‘body’ ‘daughter-in-law’. ‧ 國. 學. The velar nasal [ŋ] changes to the alveolar [n] when it is followed by an alveolar [ʦ],. ‧. as in (6a). The alveolar nasal [n] changes to the velar [ŋ] when it is followed by a. sit. y. Nat. velar [k], as in (6b). The alveolar nasal [n] changes to the labial [m] when it is. n. al. er. io. followed by a labial [p], as in (6c).. i Un. v. Likewise, the place of articulation of a word-medial coda stop usually becomes similar to its following consonant. (7). Ch. engchi. Coda stop assimilation (Lin 2001) a. /pak-to/ b. /sat-bu/. → →. [pat-to] [sap-bu]. ‘belly’ ‘flea’. As shown in (7), the velar stop [k] changes to the alveolar [t] when it is followed by an alveolar [t]. Besides, the alveolar stop [t] changes to the labial [p] when it is followed by a labial [b]. There are certain restrictions that are imposed on a syllable in Taiwanese. First, if a voiced consonant is followed by a nasalized vowel in a CV syllable, it.

(22) 13. has to become a nasal consonant in the surface. Hung (2005) named this as ‘CV nasal harmony’. For example, /bã/ shall be realized as [mã]. Moreover, this restriction does not apply to voiceless obstruents. For example, *[sã] does not exist in Taiwanese. Second, the onset and the coda or the nucleus and the coda of the same syllable cannot both be [+nasal] (Chung 1996). Therefore, the form *[mãn], although conforming to CV nasal harmony, does not exist in Taiwanese. This co-occurrence restriction is shown schematically in (8). (8). Co-occurrence restriction of nasals (Chung 1996) *[. C. .V. C. ]σ. 立. [nasal]. C. ]σ. [nasal] [nasal]. 學. ‧ 國. [nasal]. *[ C V 政治大 or. The problematic NVN structure is fixed by changing the onset consonant to a. ‧. non-nasal consonant, and the problematic CṽN structure is fixed by deleting the nasal. sit. y. Nat. feature of the vowel.. n. al. [+high] (Chung 1996), which is presented in (9). (9). Ch. engchi. er. io. Finally, the nuclear vowel and its following coda consonant cannot both be. i Un. v. Rime restriction (Chung 1996) * Rime V. C. [+high]. [+high]. This restriction accounts for the lack of forms like *[uŋ] and *[iŋ]. However, Chung also pointed out that this restriction ‘is now on a wane’, for some speakers of different Taiwanese dialects use [iŋ] instead of [eŋ] in real pronunciation..

(23) 14. 2.2.2. Japanese Japanese vowels, especially high vowels, are devoiced in a particular environment (Toda and Huang 2005, Tsujimura 2007). A high vowel will become voiceless when it appears between voiceless consonants, or when it is in the word-final position and is preceded by a voiceless consonant, as in (10). (10) Devoicing of high vowels2 (Tsujimura 2007) V → [+high]. V /. C ___ [-voice]. C [-voice] #. 政治大. There are two kinds of codas in Japanese, nasal codas and obstruent codas. A. 立. coda nasal is placeless underlyingly in Japanese, which is represented by a capital ‘N’.. ‧ 國. 學. A word-medial coda nasal will acquire its place feature from the following onset consonant. A nasal sound is pronounced as the labial nasal [m] when it is followed by. ‧. the labial consonants [p], [b], and [m]. It is pronounced as the alveolar nasal [n] when. y. Nat. sit. preceding the alveolar sounds [t], [d], [ʦ], [ǳ], [ʧ], [ʤ], [ɾ], and [n]. It is pronounced. n. al. er. io. as the velar [ŋ] when it is followed by the velar sounds [k], [g], and [ŋ]. This. Ch. assimilation phenomenon is generalized in (11). 3. engchi. i Un. v. (11) Nasal assimilation (Tsujimura 2007) N → nasal / [α place]. ___. C [α place]. As for a coda nasal that is in the word-final position, it will be realized as a uvular [ɴ]. In addition, a vowel that precedes the uvular [ɴ] is nasalized (Vance 2008). A coda obstruent occurs only in the word-medial position in Japanese. Such kind of coda obstruent is the initial part of an extra-long obstruent (or a geminate. 2 3. The circle under the capital V indicates that it is devoiced. Tsujimura uses ‘n’ to represent the nasal underlyingly..

(24) 15. obstruent). According to Vance (2008), a geminate obstruent is treated as “a syllable-final obstruent followed by a syllable-initial obstruent” in syllabification. Segments including [ʧ], [ʤ], [ʃ], and [ç] are classified as palatal sounds in Japanese (e.g., Akamatsu 1997, Ito and Mester 2003, Tsujimura 2007, Yamaguchi 2007). A palatal sound is considered as [+high]. Discussion of the [+high] property of these segments is found in Yoshida (1996, 2001), who conducted the analyses under the framework of element theory. Generally, the [+high] property of [ʧ], [ʤ], [ʃ], and [ç] results from feature spreading. Since [ʧ], [ʤ], [ʃ], and [ç] normally occur before the vowel [i], Yoshida suggested that “the spreading property of [i] must be [+high]”.. 治政 Moreover, Yoshida (2001) presented the liner 大 representations of Japanese 立 consonants in terms of elements. Certain of them that are related to the present study. ç. ʧ. (ʔ._); (h.I._). ʤ. ʃ. (h.I._). io. al. (h.I) (L.ʔ._); (L.h.I._). er. (h.U). Nat. ɸ. sit. (12) Linear representation (Yoshida 2001). y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. are listed in (12).. n. iv n C U and A, which are independently Vowels are constructed from h ethenelements g c h iI, U, manifested as /i/, /u/, and /a/ in the nucleus, respectively. As shown in (12), [ɸ] contains a U element in its representation and the other four segments all contain a I element in their representation. Based on the discussion, [ɸ] shall be [+labial] (the vowel [u] is a labial sound), and [ʧ], [ʃ], [ç], and [ʤ] are all [+high] in Japanese.. 2.3. Previous Studies on Japanese Loanwords in Taiwanese There is some research concerning segmental substitution of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese..

(25) 16. 2.3.1. Chang’s (1993) Analysis Chang (1993) in his paper examined segmental substitution of Japanese loanwords. However, he did not analyze the substitution of every Japanese segment. For example, there are five oral vowels in Japanese, but only the vowel [o] was analyzed. Moreover, a descriptive approach was utilized in his paper. For example, when discussing the substitution of the Japanese coda [s], he merely gave the statement that “a Japanese syllabic non-nasal may not be realized in Taiwanese.” The motivation of such segment deletion was not provided in the study. Certain of Chang’s analyses of loanword adjustments are based on step by step. 治政 rule applications. He suggested that like Japanese, a coda consonant 大 will assimilate 立 with its following onset in the place of articulation in Taiwanese. After assimilation ‧ 國. 學. rule, the phonotatic rules (which were not explained in the paper) will be applied to. ‧. the forms that meet the requirements, as in (13). Here we consider only the. y. sit. a lassimilation rule iv n Ch i U e h n c g phonotatic rule. n /bok.siŋ.ɡu/. er. /bok.sĩŋ.ɡu/. io. (13) Input:. Nat. substitution of the nasal coda.. Output: /bok.sin.ɡu/. In the present corpus, the [kãm.p,o:] to [k*an.pjə] ‘dried gourd’ change is observed, which contradicts Chang’s analysis. Based on the rule application in (13), the assimilation rule applies to [kãm.p,o:], resulting in the wrong output [k*am.pjə]. The phonotatic rule is inactive since [am] is a legitimate rime in Taiwanese. As will be discussed in chapter 4, the change of [am] to [an] can be properly accounted for by adopting other universal constraints..

(26) 17. 2.3.2. Tsao’s (2000) Analysis Tsao (2000) proposed a rule for glottal insertion when discussing the assignment of tones to Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. He classified syllables into short and long ones. Syllables with structures such as VC, V:, and VV are considered as heavy syllables. The first part of these structures is assigned a letter N, and the second part is assigned a letter A. Accordingly, a long syllable can be represented as having an NA structure, while a short syllable can be represented as N. Regarding glottal insertion, it will not occur when the penultimate syllable has an NA structure. Compare two loanwords in (14). (14) Glottal insertion. N. M. H. bok. sin. N. NA. NA. Lh. M. HH. ‧ 國. N. na ‘spanner’. (b). ku. ‘boxing’. N. ‧. pa. 學. (a) su. 立. 政治大. Nat. sit. y. LL. io. er. As shown in (14), the glottal h is added to the loanword supana ‘spanner’ when both the final and the penultimate syllables are open syllables. In contrast, glottal insertion. al. n. iv n C will not take place when the penultimate contains an NA structure, even h e n gsyllable chi U though the final syllable is an open one.. This generalization of the role of glottal insertion may be too rigid in that counter-examples are likely to be found. For example, loanwords like tsiok.kih ‘scissors’ and ji.sia.khuh ‘magnet’ are observed in the present corpus. Therefore, when examining the phenomenon of glide insertion, we have to distinguish the VC syllable from the V: syllable and the VV syllable, rather than grouping them together..

(27) 18. 2.3.3. Hung’s (2002) Analysis Hung (2002) gave a short discussion of the modification of the onset nasal in an NVN syllable in Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese when examining the phenomenon of the nasal spreading. His analysis was conducted under the framework of Optimality Theory. Constraints that relate to the modification of such nasal are presented below. (15) *-ṽC: No nasalized nucleus in a close syllable. (16) SURVIVENAS: The underlying nasal has to be presented in surface.. 政治大 rankings of the same constraint set, as in tableaux (17) and (18). 立 *-ṽC. a. mãŋ31ga11. *!. SURVIVENAS. ☞ b. baŋ31ga11. *. ☞ b. mãŋ31ga11. sit. al. C*!h. *-ṽC. e n g c*h i. er. SURVIVENAS. n. a. baŋ31ga11. io. man-ga. y. Nat. (18). ‧. man-ga. 學. (17). ‧ 國. Variations in the modification of a NVN syllable can be explained by different. i Un. v. The word baŋ31ga11 is obtained by ranking *-ṽC above SURVIVENAS, while the word mãŋ31ga11 is obtained with the opposite ranking hierarchy. The different results of the output choice are accounted for by the deployment of constraints and ranking. The grammar in (17) obeys the phonological restrictions that are imposed by Taiwanese. However, the grammar in (18) takes the similarity between sources and loans as the primary concern. Moreover, Hung suggested that generations who do not receive education under Japanese rule will adopt the ranking in (17). On the contrary, those who received education under Japanese rule will adopt the ranking in (18)..

(28) 19. However, he also pointed out that Taiwanese speakers who can not speak Japanese may also adopt the ranking in (18) when pronouncing Japanese loanwords. There are some problems in Hung’s analysis. First, other than the adjustment of the nasal feature, place assimilation also occurs in substituting the Japanese word man-ga ‘cartoon’. The coda consonant will assimilate with its following onset in both Japanese and Taiwanese. The candidates in (17) and (18) show the phenomenon of such assimilation, but it was not discussed at all. Second, only the -VN syllable is allowed in Taiwanese in terms of the constraint *-ṽC given in (15). It prohibits the possibility of *[sãp] (-ṽC) and *[sĩãŋ] (-ṽN). 治政 correctly. However, the constraint *-ṽC will wrongly 大excludes the possibility of forms 立 like [mãʔ]. Therefore, the constraint is better defined as *-ṽN. The lack of the nasality ‧ 國. 學. of a vowel mainly results from the existence of the following nasal coda, but not the. ‧. obstruent coda.. sit. y. Nat. As for the absence of forms like *[sãp], it can be excluded by the constraint. io. n. al. er. C-V N.H, which was also provided in Hung’s paper, and is represented in (19).. i Un. v. (19) C-V N.H.: Assign one violation mark for every output that its onset and nucleus. Ch. do not agree in [nasal].. engchi. This constraint concerns the nasality of an onset consonant and its following nucleus. However, it wrongly excludes the forms like [tã] ‘carry things (on shoulder)’ in Taiwanese. As can be observed, the onset segment in [tã] is a voiceless obstruent [t]. Hung also noticed this situation, and he proposed a constraint *c̃-, saying that the [nasal] feature will not spread to a voiceless onset obstruent. By ranking *c̃- higher than C-V N.H, forms like [tã] can be correctly predicted. Finally, the constraint SURVIVENAS can be replaced by IDENT[nasal], since they both require the input and the output to be the same in nasality..

(29) 20. 2.4. Researches on Loanwords Studies of loanwords from a phonological aspect in other languages have been made by several researchers. Cheng (2001) in his thesis examined English loans in Japanese under the framework of Optimality Theory. His analysis was based on a comparison of the similarity of the features of a segment in the donor language and the recipient one. The constraint IDENT[F] is adopted to account for the process of segmental substitutions. He concluded that segmental substitutions can be seen as a result of the interaction between markedness constraints concerning segmental substitutions and. 治政 faithfulness constraints. These constraints are part of Universal 大 Grammar, and they 立 form a specific ranking that belongs to Japanese. ‧ 國. 學. Kenstowicz (2003) used the term ‘Reconfiguration’ to describe the phenomenon. ‧. of segmental substitution when reviewing Flavien Gbéto’s study of the loanword. sit. y. Nat. phonology of Fon. The process of reconfiguration refers to the argument is that. io. er. segments will be split off when they enter other languages. For example, the French /R/ is realized as [ʁl] in Fon. Since [ʁ] is an obstruent but /R/ is [+sonorant], [l] is. al. n. iv n C added to fulfill the feature identity of [+sonorant]. loanwords also reveal h e n g cJapanese hi U similar phenomenon of reconfiguration when they are borrowed into Taiwanese, which will be discussed in the following chapters. Some scholars suggested that both perception and grammar play roles in the word-loaning process (Steriade 2001, Yip 2006, Kim 2008). People first perceive non-native segments from speakers of the donor language. They then find similar segments that correspond to the one that they heard within their native sound inventory. After excluding or modifying the patterns that do not comply with phonological constraints in the recipient language, the adapted loanwords appear (Kenstowicz 2005). Such intermediate view stands between a purely perceptual modal.

(30) 21. and a purely grammatical modal. This intermediate view of loanword adjustments is adopted in this thesis.. 2.5. Previous Studies with Loanword Corpus Much research has been analyzed loanword adjustments based on loanword corpus. Researchers built a corpus, with an attempt to find out the dominant substitute tendency. With the objective numerical basis obtained from corpus, researchers can distinguish the major tendencies from minor ones, and forming generalizations of. 政治大 Guo (1999) examined the modification of the consonant clusters of English 立. loanword substitutions.. ‧ 國. 學. loanwords in Mandarin. He found that onset clusters are all parsed in Mandarin with vowel epentheses to fix the problematic CCV structure. In contrast, about three. ‧. quarters of coda clusters are parsed faithfully with vowel insertions or segmental. sit. y. Nat. substitutions, but about a quarter of coda clusters are fixed by segment deletions.. al. er. io. Lü (2005) also examined English loanwords in Mandarin, but he focused on only. v. n. coda consonants. He found that different categories of coda consonants show different. Ch. engchi. i Un. adjustment strategies. While stop, fricative, affricate, and nasal segments that in the coda position are more likely to be preserved, retroflex codas tend to be deleted. The tendency of the preservation or deletion of a coda consonant is consistent whether it stands alone or is part of a consonant cluster. Miao (2005) examined loanwords form three languages (English, German, and Italian) in Mandarin Chinese. Her findings about the tendencies of preservation or deletion of coda segments are similar with Lü (2005). Besides, Miao also discussed the phenomena of the consonant substitutions. She pointed out that for obstruents and nasals, the faithful outputs constitute the majority of the observed outputs, and these.

(31) 22. outputs usually agree with their sources in manner features. The deviant outputs make up the minor proportion of the observed outputs, and the deviant features are usually voicing/aspiration and/or place features. As for laterals, retroflex, and glides, the faithful outputs are still the majority, but certain manner features, such as approximancy and sonorancy, are likely to be changed.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v.

(32) Chapter 3 Corpus and Generalization of Loanword Substitutions. This chapter introduces a corpus of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. Segmental substitutions between the two languages are presented. Based on the corpus data, the numbers and percentages of each segmental substitution are calculated. The dominant. 治政 substitutes of the segments can be pointed out in terms 大 of the evidence from these 立 statistics. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 3.1. The Corpus. Nat. sit. y. The Japanese loanwords are gathered from a dictionary edited by Chang (2005).. n. al. er. io. About 1003 loanwords are collected, which contains only phonologically oriented. i Un. v. loanwords. The data includes all of the listed Taiwanese variations of a single. Ch. engchi. Japanese word. ‘Microsoft Excel’ is the software used for the corpus, as it is inexpensive and is widely used. It is also easy for researchers to use in computing, sorting, and filtering data. All loanwords in the corpus are serially numbered. The serial number of the data is composed of the syllabary (K for katakana and H for hiragana4), syllable count, and ordinal number. Take (1) for example, the capital “H” means hiragana, a native Japanese or Sino-Japanese vocabulary item; the number “3” indicates three syllables;. 4. In Japanese, Katakana is used in transcribing foreign (mainly Western language) borrowings, while Hiragana is used in transcribing native (Yamato) or Sino-Japanese (Chinese borrowings) vocabulary items. 23.

(33) 24. the number “004” indicates the fourth three-syllable loanword in the corpus. (1). Serial#. H-3-004. Each loanword datum in the corpus contains three parts: the original Japanese vocabulary, the Taiwanese correspondent, and the English translation. For the original Japanese word, the syllabary, kanji, and its romanization5 are provided in the corpus. For the Taiwanese loanword, the romanization and its meaning are provided. Example (2) shows detailed information on the parts coded. Coding of the data6 Syllabary Kanji. ʦ. V1 u. ɯ. C. V2. j. ɯ. X. C. G. C. Mora. Peak. 2. 1. English. V2. X. E. S1. S2. Meaning. TRS. i. u. ʔ. 51. 3. 日式調味汁. sauce. io. sit. tsuiuh. G. ʦ. C. ‧. C. V1. Taiwanese. Nat. ROM. tsuyu. 汁. C. y. つゆ. 立ROM. 學. H-2-130. 政治 Japanese大. n. al. er. Serial #. ‧ 國. (2). v. The key information of each loanword is the phonetic transcription. The phonetic. Ch. engchi. i Un. pronunciation of each segment of a word is coded in separated columns. This enhances the clarity of vision when making a comparison between Japanese and Taiwanese. The division of words into segments is based on the syllable structures of the two languages. Japanese allows maximally a CVC structure, while Taiwanese allows maximally a CGVX structure. There is one additional column ‘E’ (stands for entering tone) in Taiwanese. The glottal stop [ʔ] is used to represent a syllable with an entering tone (or check tone) 5. The Romanization system used in transcribing Japanese sources is the Hepburn system, while the one in transcribing Taiwanese loans is the system made by National Languages Committee (2007). 6 Abbreviations: ROM = Romanization, C = Consonant, V = Vowel (the small numeral indicates the ordinal of the syllable in question), G = Glide, X = Glide or Consonant, E = Entering tone, S = Syllable, TRS = Translation..

(34) 25. when the syllable does not end with a consonant. This segment has to be placed in another column in order to correctly transcribe the vowels (especially the diphthongs) that precede it, as shown in (2). However, if the segment in ‘X’ is a consonant, there will never be a glottal stop [ʔ] in ‘E’. Suprasegmental information, the pitch accent of each Japanese word and the tone of each Taiwanese syllable, are also included in the corpus.7 For example, the Japanese word tsuyu ‘sauce’ has two moras. The numeral ‘1’ in Peak indicates that the first mora carries a high pitch, and the pitch pattern is thus HL. For the Taiwanese loanword, a five level scheme is used to represent the tone.. 政治大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 3.2. Segmental Substitutions. In this section, we present the substitution of each segment with loanword data.. ‧. Statistics are provided to allow for identification of the major tendencies.. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 3.2.1. Vowels. i Un. v. There are five vowels [a], [i], [e], [o], and [ɯ] in the Japanese vowel system, and. Ch. engchi. they show the diversity in substitution. Generally, a Japanese vowel will remain intact, be substituted for by other vowels, or be omitted, when it is borrowed in Taiwanese. First, consider the substitution of the Japanese short vowel [a] and the lengthened one [a:], as given in (3). The short vowel [a] is chosen as the substitute for both segments. No exceptions are found in the present corpus, as in (4). (3). Vowel [a] / [a:] substitution. a. kaabu [ka:bɯ] → khabu [k*abu] ‘curve’ → ale b. arei [aɾe:] ‘dumb-bell’ [ale] 7. The pitch accents of Japanese words are based on the NHK Dictionary of Japanese Accent, and the tone information of Taiwanese loanwords is included in the source dictionary..

(35) 26. (4). Statistics of [a] substitution. Japanese Taiwanese sources loans a / a:. Number. a. 809. Total 809. Percentage 100%. In Japanese, a short vowel contrasts with a long one (Iwasaki 2002, Vance 2008). Vowel length is phonemic. However, the difference between a short vowel and its lengthened counterpart is viewed as a phonetic variation in Taiwanese. They are treated as the same segment. Thus, vowel length has no effect on the word meaning. In addition, since short and lengthened vowels do not contrast in Taiwanese, the. 政治大. numbers and percentages of the two types of the same vowel are combined together. 立. 學. ‧ 國. when providing statistics.. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [i]. Dominant substitute of the vowel [i]. → noolih ‘dried laver’ [nõliʔ] → khimoonooh [k*imonoʔ] ‘kimono’. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. a. nori [nõɾi] b. kimono [miso]. ‧. (5). n. As in (5), most of the vowel [i] will remain intact. The statistics in (7) show that this. ni substitution accounts for 99.21% of C allh occurrences. U engchi. v. The vowel [i] can also be substituted by the vowels [a], [u], or [e], as in (6). (6). Minor substitutes of the vowel [i]. a. ribidoo [ɾibido:] → libalooh ‘libido’ [libaloʔ] b. rakkii [ɾakki:] → lakkhuh [lakk*uʔ] ‘lucky’ c. pisutoɴ [pisɯtõɴ] → phesutong [p*esutoŋ] ‘piston’ However, the amount of the three substitutes only makes up about 1% of all occurrences, as shown in (7). Since there is no clear phonological effect, the substitution of the vowels [a], [u], and [e] for the Japanese vowel [i] may be a result.

(36) 27. of the borrower’s mis-production. Such instances are considered as exceptions. (7). Statistics of [i] substitution. Japanese Taiwanese sources loans i / i:. Number. Total. Percentage. 508. 99.21%. i. 504. a. 2. 0.39%. u. 1. 0.20%. e. 1. 0.20%. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [ɯ]. This vowel is illicit in the Taiwanese sound inventory, and will be substituted by the most similar vowel [u],. 政治大 as in (8). The two sounds differ only in roundness. The vowel [ɯ] is unrounded, but 立. ‧ 國. 學. the vowel [u] is a rounded one. The vowel [u] is the dominant substitute of the Japanese vowel [ɯ], accounts for 97.62% of all occurrences.. ‧. Dominant substitute of the vowel [ɯ]. io. n. al. [mãj̃k*u] ‘microphone’ [k*uloʔ] ‘black’. y. → maikhu → khuloohʔ. sit. Nat. a. maiku [mãikɯ] b. kuro [kɯɾo]. er. (8). i Un. v. In addition, the vowel [ɯ] may be deleted when it appears in the word-final. Ch. engchi. position with an onset labial [m] in the same syllable, as in (9a). After deleting, the labial [m] will further combine with the penultimate syllable and become a coda. As shown in (11), there are seven cases of the [ɯ] deletion, and this kind of deletion occurs in four cases. (9). Deletion of the vowel [ɯ]. a. araamu b. bokushingu. → alam [aɾa:mɯ̃] [bo.kɯ.ʃĩŋ.ɡɯ] → boksingu. [a.lam]8 [bok.sin.ɡu]. ‘alarm’ ‘boxing’. As shown in (9b), the [ɯ] deletion will also take place when following a 8. The dot between two segments stands for the syllable boundary..

(37) 28. voiceless velar [k] and preceding a voiceless consonant. As shown in (11), there are seven cases of the [ɯ] deletion, and three of them are in this environment. In fact, about nineteen loanwords in the present corpus meet the requirement, but only three of them are deleted. Therefore, this [ɯ] deletion is better treated as the result of perception, other than the effect of Taiwanese phonotactic constraints. In Japanese, a short high vowel such as [i] and [ɯ] will be devocalized when it occurs between two voiceless consonants. Such vowels typically, though not consistently, may not be perceived by Taiwanese speakers since they are not sounded in pronunciation. Other than being substituted by the vowel [u] and being deleted, the vowel [ɯ]. 治政 can also change to the vowels [i], [o], and [e], as in (10). 大立 ‧ 國. → khejilih [kezɯɾi] → khulabooh [kɯɾabɯ] [mãɾɯto:sɯ] → malutooje. ‘zelkova’ [k*eziliʔ] [k*ulaboʔ] ‘club’ [mãlutoze] ‘maltose’. ‧. a. kezuri b. kurabu c. marutoosu. 學. (10) Minor substitutes of the vowel [ɯ]. sit. y. Nat. io. al. er. However, each of these accounts for less than 1% of all occurrences, as in (11), and. n. they will be viewed as exceptions. (11) Statistics of [ɯ] substitution Japanese Taiwanese sources loans ɯ / ɯ:. u ψ9. Number 616. Ch. engchi. i Un. Total. Percentage. 631. 97.62%. 7. 1.11%. i. 5. 0.79%. o. 2. 0.32%. e. 1. 0.16%. v. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [e]. It will remain intact or become [ja] in Taiwanese. The two substitutes are in complementary distribution. 9. The symbol stands for segments that have been deleted..

(38) 29. (12) Vowel [e] substitution a. kakeru b. tare c. enjiɴ d. setto. [kakeɾɯ] → khakheluh [k*ak*eluʔ] → thaleh [taɾe] [t*aleʔ] [ẽnʤĩɴ] → ianjin [janzin] → siattooh [setto] [sjattoʔ]. ‘bet’ ‘sauce’ ‘engine’ ‘to set’. As shown in (12a) and (12b), the Japanese vowel [e] will not go through any adjustment when it is in an open syllable or when it is followed by a glottal [ʔ] in Taiwanese. However, this vowel will change to a diphthong [ja] when it is followed by a nasal [n] or a stop [t] in the coda position, as in (12c) and (12d)10, respectively.. 政治大 As provided in (13), about 28.38% of the occurrences of the Japanese vowel [e] 立. Kenstowicz (2003) named such segment splitting phenomenon as “Reconfiguration”.. ‧ 國. 學. change to [ja], but most of them still remain unchanged in Taiwanese, making up 71.62% of all occurrences. Since CV syllables comprise the majority in Japanese, it is. ‧. normal that the percentage of the [e] to [ja] substitution is comparatively low.. y. Nat. Number. Total. Percentage. C217h. 303. 71.62%. n. al. e / e:. e ja. 86. engchi. er. io. Japanese Taiwanese sources loans. sit. (13) Statistics of [e] substitution. i Un. v. 28.38%. Finally, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [o]. The majority of the occurrences of this vowel will remain intact in Taiwanese, as in (14). As provided in (16), this accounts for 92.65% of all occurrences. (14) Dominant substitution of vowel [o] a. furo [ɸɯɾo] → hulooh [huloʔ] ‘bath tub’ b. koshi [koʃi] → khoosih [k*osiʔ] ‘dado’ 10. Here is [jan] is in fact pronounced as [en] in Taiwanese. However, [jan] instead of [en] is adopted to represent the sound, in order to show variations of substitutions of the Japanese [e]..

(39) 30. The vowel [o] can also be substituted by [ə]. As shown in (15a), this vowel is a monophthong in Japanese, but it becomes part of a diphthong in Taiwanese loans. The [o] to [ə] substitution takes place since the diphthong io is typically pronounced as [jə] instead of [jo] in Taiwanese. Although the [o] to [ə] change only accounts for 5.73% of all occurrences, all of the cases show phonological consistency. Thus, this kind of substitution is treated as a systematic adjustment. (15) Minor substitutes of vowel [o] [ʦjəse] a. chousei [ʧo:se:] → tsiose ‘adjustment’ → too b. to ‘grade’ [to:] [to] c. kopii [kopi:] → khappih [k*appiʔ] ‘copy’. 立. 政治大. The vowels [u] and [a] can also be the substitutes of the Japanese vowel [o], as in. ‧ 國. 學. (15b) and (15c). However, they will be disregarded here due to the low percentage of. ‧. their occurrences. They each accounts for less than 1% of all, as provided in (16). In. sit. y. Nat. fact, there are four out of five cases of the [o] to [u] change, and two out of four cases. io. al. er. of the [o] to [a] change show variations in the substitution. In these seven cases, the. n. Japanese vowel [o] can also remain unchanged. (16) Statistics of [o] substitution Japanese Taiwanese sources loans o / o:. Number. Ch. engchi. i Un. Total. Percentage. 558. 92.65%. o. 517. ə. 32. 5.73%. u. 5. 0.90%. a. 4. 0.72%. v. In summary, the Japanese vowels [a], [i], [e], and [o] are mostly unchanged in Taiwanese. However, the [e] to [ia] change and that of the [o] to [ə] are also observed with phonological accounts for each of them. The Japanese vowel [ɯ] is mostly.

(40) 31. substituted by the vowel [u], but it is deleted in some situations. Finally, there is a contrast between a short vowel and a long one in Japanese, but such contrast is not considered as phonemic in Taiwanese.. 3.2.2. Glides There are two glides, [j] and [w], in Japanese. The glide [j] will remain intact in Taiwanese, as shown in (17a), or become a vowel [i], as in (17b). The realization of the Japanese glide [j] in Taiwanese depends on its position in a diphthong. That is, it. 政治大 Japanese glide [w] will realize as [w] in /ua/, /ue/, and /iu/, but we only find [wa] and 立 will realize as [j] in /ia/, /io/, /ai/, and /ui/, but realize as [i] only in /iu/. Likewise, the. ‧ 國. 學. [we] in Taiwanese loans, as in (17c).. ‧. (17) Dominant substitutes of glides [j] and [w]. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. → iamih ‘black market’ [jamiʔ] [jami] → iulih [jɯɾi] ‘lily’ [iwliʔ] c. warutsu [waɾɯʦɯ] → ualutsuh [waluʦuʔ] ‘waltz’ a. yami b. yuri. v. n. Since the two substitutes, [j] and [i], of the Japanese [j] result from different. Ch. engchi. i Un. realizations in a diphthong, we combine the numbers and percentages of the two substitutes, as in (19). Statistics show that most occurrences of the Japanese glide [j] remain unchanged, making up 84.85% of all. As for the Japanese glide [w], it corresponds to the same segment, and no exceptions are found in the present corpus. (18) Minor substitutes of glide [j] a. kashimiya [kaʃimĩja] → khasimiah b. pureeyaa [pɯɾe:ja:] → phulela. [k*asimĩaʔ] ‘cashmere’ ‘player’ [p*ulela]. The glide [j] may be deleted if it follows a CV syllable and the vowel in the CV syllable is [i], as in (18a). Moreover, the glide [j] may change to a lateral [l] when the.

(41) 32. onset in the preceding syllable is also a lateral [l], as in (18b). However, as shown in (19), these two substitute situations are not common, only making up 9.09% and 6.06% of all occurrences, respectively. (19) Statistics of glide substitutions Japanese Taiwanese sources loans j. w. Number. Total. Percentage. 33. 84.85%. j ψ. 28 3. 9.09%. l. 2. 6.06%. w. 27. 27. 政治大. 立. 3.2.3. Onset Consonants. 100%. ‧ 國. 學. Some Japanese consonants show different substitutions in the syllable onset. ‧. position and in the syllable coda position. This section discusses the substitutions of consonants in the syllable onset position. The substitutions of those in the syllable. y. Nat. n. er. io. al. 3.2.3.1. Voiced Stops. sit. coda position will be examined in section 3.2.4.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. First, consider the voiced stop [b]. Most of this consonant will remain intact, as in (20). This accounts for 96.51% of all occurrences. (20) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [b] a. buri [bɯɾi] → bulih [buliʔ] → ebih [ebiʔ] b. ebi [ebi]. ‘yellow-tail’ ‘lobster’. Other than remaining intact, the Japanese voiced stop [b] can also be substituted by other consonants, as in (21)..

(42) 33. (21) Minor substitutes of voiced stop [b] a. tabi b. chambara c. kuchibeni d. karaburi. → thaphi → tshiangpalah [kɯʧibenĩ] → khutsimelih [kaɾabɯɾi] → khalahulih [tabi] [ʧãmbaɾa]. [t*ap*i]. ‘Japanese shoes’. [ʦ*jaŋpalaʔ]. ‘sword fight’ ‘lipstick’ ‘to miss’. [k*uʦimẽliʔ] [k*alahuliʔ]. In (21a), the voiced stop [b] becomes an aspirated voiceless stop [p*]. But it can also remain unchanged, that is, as [t*abiʔ]. In (21b) to (21d), the voiced stop [b] is substituted by its voiceless counterpart [p], changes to a nasal [m], or becomes a fricative [h]. Generally, the [b] to [p*], [p], [m], and [h] substitution will be viewed as. 政治大 makes up less than 2% of all occurrences, as illustrated in (22). 立. 學. (22) Statistics of [b] substitution. 166. Percentage. 172. 96.51%. Nat. 2. 1.16%. p. 2. 1.16%. 1. 0.58%. io. p*. h. al. n. m. C h1. y. b. Total. er. b. Number. sit. Japanese Taiwanese source loans. ‧. ‧ 國. exceptions since the percentages of these substitutes are quite low. Each of them. engchi. i Un. v. 0.58%. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese voiced stop [d]. This consonant does not exist in the Taiwanese sound system. It will become a lateral [l], as in (23). (23) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [d] a. udoɴ [ɯdõɴ] → ulong [uloŋ] b. odeɴ [odẽɴ] → oolian [olen]. ‘wheat noodles’ ‘Japanese homemade noodles’. The lateral [l] is the dominant substitute of [d], making up 90.12% of all occurrences, as in (25). In Taiwanese, the lateral [l] is considered as the sound that is close to the voiced stop [d]. It is found together with the voiced stop [b] and [ɡ] as a natural class.

(43) 34. in Taiwanese (Chung 1996). In addition, Luo (1993) pointed out that some Taiwanese speakers often have difficult in distinguishing ‘lie’ and ‘die’. There are other consonants that can substitute for the Japanese voiced stop [d], as given in (24). (24) Minor substitutes of voiced stop [d] → hantooluh a. handoru [hãndoɾɯ] ‘handle’ [hantoluʔ] b. dooberuman [do:beɾɯmãɴ] → noobelubang [nõbelubaŋ] ‘Dobermann’ In (24a), [d] changes to its voiceless counterpart [t]. Such substitute situation is not. 政治大 the [d] to [t] substitutions, three立 of them can also be substituted by [l]. The voiced stop common, only making up 8.64% of all occurrences. In addition, among seven cases of. ‧ 國. 學. [d] can also be substituted by an alveolar nasal [n], as in (24b). But it is considered as an exception since there is only one case of such substitute situation, as shown in (25).. ‧ Percentage. 73. 81. 90.12%. 7. Ch. 8.64%. n. 1. n. t. al. e n g c1.23% hi. sit. Total. er. l. Number. io. d. Nat. Japanese Taiwanese source loans. y. (25) Statistics of [d] substitution. i Un. v. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese voiced stop [ɡ]. Most of the occurrences of the voiced stop [ɡ] surface without adjustment, as in (26), which making up 90.28% of all occurrences. (26) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [ɡ] a. gasu [ɡasɯ] b. gasorin [ɡasorĩɴ]. → gasuh → gasoolin. [ɡasuʔ] ‘gas’ [ɡasolin] ‘gasoline’.

(44) 35. The stop [ɡ] can be substituted by other segments, as in (27). (27) Minor substitutes of voiced stop [ɡ] a. doragoɴ [doɾaɡõɴ] → loolagong → ngoobian b. gomeɴ [ɡomẽɴ] c. gurokkii [ɡɯɾokki:] → bulokkhih. ‘dragon’ ‘pardon’ ‘groggy’. [lolakoŋ] [ŋõben] [bulokk*iʔ]. As in (27), the stop [ɡ] is substituted by its voiceless counterpart [k], becomes a velar nasal [ŋ], or changes to a labial [b]. Although the [ɡ] to [k] change mostly occurs before the vowel [o], as in (27a), there are still many of the voiced [ɡ] which remain unchanged before the vowel [o]. As shown in (28), the percentages of the occurrences. 政治大 of the substitutes [k], [ŋ], and [b] are quite low, and they will be ignored here. 立. ‧ 國. Total. Percentage. 72. 90.28%. 65. k. 5. 6.94%. y. ŋ. 1. 1.39%. 1. 1.39%. sit. Nat. ɡ. io. b. n. al. er. ɡ. Number. ‧. Japanese Taiwanese source loans. 學. (28) Statistics of [ɡ] substitution. Ch. 3.2.3.2. Voiceless Stops. engchi. i Un. v. This subsection discusses the Japanese voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] that appear in the onset position, as in (29). (29) Aspiration of voiceless stops a. kampaɴ b. c. d. e. f.. [kãmpãɴ] [pianõ]. → → piano → tanka [tãŋka] → buta [bɯta] → kaasaɴ [ka:ʧãɴ] sukuutaa [sɯkɯ:ta:] →. khanpang phianooh thangka buttah khasang sukuta. [k*anpaŋ] [p*ianõʔ] [t*aŋka] [butta] [k*aʦjaŋ] [sukuta]. ‘billboard’ ‘piano’ ‘litter’ ‘pig’ ‘mother’ ‘scooter’.

(45) 36. As shown in (29), the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] can either remain unchanged or become aspirated in Taiwanese. Aspiration is phonetic in Japanese but is phonemic in Taiwanese. For example, the Japanese word /okasaɴ/ ‘mother’ can be pronounced as either [okasãɴ] or [ok*asãɴ]. However, /k*i/ ‘tooth’ contrasts with /ki/ ‘self’ in Taiwanese. Statistics in (31) show that such substitute phenomenon is found in the majority of cases for each Japanese voiceless stop. Chang (1993) indicated that Japanese onset voiceless stops will be either aspirated or unaspirated according to the difference in their positions within a word. Data shown in (29) seem to correspond to Chang’s point of view. For example, the. 治政 unaspirated [p], [k], and [t] all occur in the word-medial position, 大 as in (29b), (29d), 立 and (29f). At the same time, the aspirated [pʰ], [kʰ], and [tʰ] all occur in the ‧ 國. 學. word-initial position, as in (29a), (29c), and (29e).The correlation between the. ‧. aspiration of the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] and the position where they exist will. y. sit. io. er. [ʦ] and [ʧ].. Nat. be further discussed in section 3.2.3.7, together with the Japanese voiceless affricate. Other than the aspirated or unaspirated substitutes, Japanese voiceless stops can. n. al. be substituted by other segments as C well. h. engchi. i Un. v. (30) Minor substitutes of voiceless stops a. b. c. d.. waipa: banto andantiino kurakushoɴ. → uaiba → banloo [bãnto] → anlantsinoo [ãndãnti:nã] [kɯ.ɾa.kɯ.ʃõɴ] → khulatsiong [waipa:]. ‘wiper’ ‘bunt’ ‘andantino’ [k*u.lat.sjoŋ] ‘klaxon’. [wajba] [banlo] [anlanʦinõ]. The labial [p] may become its voiced counterpart [b], as in (30a). The alveolar [t] may change to [l] or [ʦ], as in (30b) and (30c). The velar [k] may change its position from onset to coda, and become [t], as in (30d). However, these substitutes are considered as exceptions, since each of them accounts for a very low percentage of occurrences,.

(46) 37. as in (31). (31) Statistics of voiceless stop substitutions Japanese Taiwanese source loans p. t. k. Number. Total. Percentage. 177. 71.19%. p*. 126. p. 44. 24.86%. b. 7. 3.95%. t. 170. t*. 115. 39.93%. l. 2. 0.69%. ts. 1. 0.35%. 288. 59.03%. 411治 90.02% 政大 40 9.73%. 370. k* k. 立. t. 1. 0.24%. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 3.2.3.3. Fricatives. sit. y. Nat. First, consider the fricatives [h], [ç], and [ɸ]. They are allophones of /h/ in. io. er. Japanese. The phoneme /h/ will realize as [ç] before the vowel /i/, and realize as [ɸ] before the vowel /ɯ/. As shown in (32a) to (32c), the Japanese [h], [ç], and [ɸ] will. al. n. iv n C change to the same segment [h].hAll occurrences of e n g c h i U[h] and [ç], and most of those of. [ɸ], about 95.35% of all occurrences, are substituted by [h] in Taiwanese, as in (34). (32) Dominant substitute of fricatives [h], [ç], and [ɸ] a. b. c. d. e. f.. hoteru hinoki fu hyuuzu firaria sofaa. [hoteɾɯ] [çinõki] [ɸɯ] [çɯ:zɯ] [ɸi.ɾa.ɾi.a] [soɸa:]. → → → → → →. hooteluh hinookhih huh hiuju huilaliah soohuah. [hoteluʔ] [hinõk*iʔ] [huʔ] [hiwzu] [huj.la.li.aʔ] [sohwaʔ]. ‘hotel’ ‘cypress’ ‘bran’ ‘fuse’ ‘filaria’ ‘sofa’. In fact, the Japanese [ç] and [ɸ] will be split to [hj] and [hu] and [hw], as in (32d).

(47) 38. to (32f). This may result from the preservation of the [+high] feature of [ç] and the [+labial] feature of [ɸ]. In fact, there is a glide [j] that is added to the loanword in (32b) and a glide [w] that is added to the one in (32c). However, the two glides that result from reconfiguration are deleted in latter processes. Two consonants may also be the substitutes of the fricative [ɸ], as in (33). (33) Minor substitutes of the fricative [ɸ] a. kaɴfuru [kãɴɸɯɾɯ] → khangluluh [k*aŋluluʔ] → sebu b. seehu [se:ɸɯ] [sebu]. ‘camphor’ ‘safe’. 政治大 substitutes will be treated as exceptions 立 since they are so rare (only one for each, as In (33), the lateral [l] and stop [b] substitute for the labial [ɸ]. However, the two. ‧ 國. 學. provided in (34)).. h. y 30. 30. 100%. 2. 3. 66.67%. a1 l. hj. n. ɸ. Percentage. h. 34. hu / hw. 7. l. 1. 2.33%. b. 1. 2.33%. sit. ç. Total. er. h. io. h. Number. Nat. Japanese Taiwanese sources loans. ‧. (34) Statistics of [h], [ç], and [ɸ] substitutions. ni C h43 79.07% U engchi 33.33%. v. 16.28%. Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese fricatives [s] and [ʃ], as in (35). (35) Major substitution of fricatives [s] and [ʃ] a. asa b. nashi c. shubiɴ. → asah ‘hemp cloth’ [asa] [asaʔ] → nasih [nãsiʔ] [nãʃi] ‘nothing’ [ʃɯbĩɴ] → siubin [siwbin] ‘chamber pot’. Most of the fricative [s] will not go through any adjustment, as in (35a), which.

(48) 39. accounts for 99.04% of all. As for [ʃ], it is the allophone of /s/ that is realize before the vowel [i] in Japanese. This sound does not exist in the Taiwanese sound system, and is substituted by [s] in all cases, as in (35b). In fact, [ʃ] is split to the fricative [s] and the glide [j] if it precedes vowels other than [i], as in (35c). Like the Japanese [ç] and [ɸ], the glide [j] is inserted into all of the [ʃ] to [s] substitutions, but it is then deleted when preceding a vowel [i]. Other than remaining unchanged, the Japanese fricative [s] may change to affricate [ʦ] and fricative [z], as in (36).. 政治大 → tsabootsi [ʦaboʦi]. (36) Minor substitution of fricatives [s] and [ʃ]. 立 [mãɾɯto:sɯ]. [sapoʤiɾa]. a. sapojira. 學. ‧ 國. b. marutoosu. ‘sapodilla’ → malutooje [mãlutoze] ‘maltose’. These two substitutes are considered as exceptions since their percentages are very. ‧. Taiwanese loans. s. s. n. ʦ. z ʃ. al. s. Number. sj / Ûj. Percentage. iv n C206 99.04% h e n g208 chi U 1. 0.48%. 1. 0.48%. 44 11. Total. sit. io. Japanese source. er. Nat. (37) Statistics of [s] and [ʃ] substitutions. y. low, making up less than 1% of all occurrences, as illustrated in (37).. 35. 79. 55.70% 44.30%. Finally, consider the voiced fricative [z]. This sound does not contrast with the affricate [ǳ] in Japanese (Ito and Mester 2003, Tsujimura 2007, Vance 2008). However, there is still a consistent occurrence of one sound or the other. Vance. 11. [s] and [Û] are allophones before vowel [i] (or glide [j]). Taiwanese speakers who are affected by the pronunciation of Mandarin may pronounce [si] as [Ûi]. Such alternation often occurs in the younger generation..

(49) 40. generalized that “[z] occurs in the middle of a word immediately following a vowel”, while “[ǳ] typically, though not consistently, occurs at the beginning of a word or in the middle of a word immediately following a syllable-final consonant.” When these two segments are borrowed in Taiwanese, they are both substituted by the same segment, that is, the fricative [z], as shown in (38). (38) Dominant substitute of voiced [z] and [ǳ] → khijuh [k*izuʔ] ‘wound’ → anju ‘apricot’ [anzu] c. zuboɴ [ǳɯbõɴ] → jubong [zuboŋ] ‘trousers’. a. kizu b. anzu. [kizɯ] [ãnǳɯ]. 政治大. The fricative [z] is the dominant substitute of both the Japanese [z] (about 92.31%). 立. and the Japanese [ǳ] (about 92.31%), as provided in (40). Based on this, the. ‧ 國. 學. substitutions of the two Japanese sources are treated as the same phenomenon.. corpus, as in (39).. ‧. Other substitutes, [s] for [z] and [l] for [ǳ], are also observed in the present. sit. y. Nat. io. a. saizu [saizɯ] → saisu [sajsu] ‘size’ b. zoori [ǳo:ɾi] → looli [loli] ‘sandals’. n. al. Ch. engchi. er. (39) Minor substitute of voiced [z] and [ǳ]. i Un. v. However, as given in (40), the occurrences of the two substitutions are so limited that they are considered as exceptions. (40) Voiced [z] and [ǳ] substitutions Japanese Taiwanese source loans z ǳ. Number. z. 21. s. 2. z. 12. l. 1. Total. Percentage. 23. 91.30% 8.70%. 13. 92.31% 7.69%.