Chapter 2 Literature Review
2.5 Previous Studies with Loanword Corpus
and a purely grammatical modal. This intermediate view of loanword adjustments is adopted in this thesis.
2.5. Previous Studies with Loanword Corpus
Much research has been analyzed loanword adjustments based on loanword corpus. Researchers built a corpus, with an attempt to find out the dominant substitute tendency. With the objective numerical basis obtained from corpus, researchers can distinguish the major tendencies from minor ones, and forming generalizations of loanword substitutions.
Guo (1999) examined the modification of the consonant clusters of English loanwords in Mandarin. He found that onset clusters are all parsed in Mandarin with vowel epentheses to fix the problematic CCV structure. In contrast, about three quarters of coda clusters are parsed faithfully with vowel insertions or segmental substitutions, but about a quarter of coda clusters are fixed by segment deletions.
Lü (2005) also examined English loanwords in Mandarin, but he focused on only coda consonants. He found that different categories of coda consonants show different adjustment strategies. While stop, fricative, affricate, and nasal segments that in the coda position are more likely to be preserved, retroflex codas tend to be deleted. The tendency of the preservation or deletion of a coda consonant is consistent whether it stands alone or is part of a consonant cluster.
Miao (2005) examined loanwords form three languages (English, German, and Italian) in Mandarin Chinese. Her findings about the tendencies of preservation or deletion of coda segments are similar with Lü (2005). Besides, Miao also discussed the phenomena of the consonant substitutions. She pointed out that for obstruents and nasals, the faithful outputs constitute the majority of the observed outputs, and these
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
outputs usually agree with their sources in manner features. The deviant outputs make up the minor proportion of the observed outputs, and the deviant features are usually voicing/aspiration and/or place features. As for laterals, retroflex, and glides, the faithful outputs are still the majority, but certain manner features, such as
approximancy and sonorancy, are likely to be changed.
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
23
Chapter 3
Corpus and Generalization of Loanword Substitutions
This chapter introduces a corpus of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. Segmental substitutions between the two languages are presented. Based on the corpus data, the numbers and percentages of each segmental substitution are calculated. The dominant substitutes of the segments can be pointed out in terms of the evidence from these statistics.
3.1. The Corpus
The Japanese loanwords are gathered from a dictionary edited by Chang (2005).
About 1003 loanwords are collected, which contains only phonologically oriented loanwords. The data includes all of the listed Taiwanese variations of a single Japanese word. ‘Microsoft Excel’ is the software used for the corpus, as it is inexpensive and is widely used. It is also easy for researchers to use in computing, sorting, and filtering data.
All loanwords in the corpus are serially numbered. The serial number of the data is composed of the syllabary (K for katakana and H for hiragana4), syllable count, and ordinal number. Take (1) for example, the capital “H” means hiragana, a native Japanese or Sino-Japanese vocabulary item; the number “3” indicates three syllables;
4 In Japanese, Katakana is used in transcribing foreign (mainly Western language) borrowings, while Hiragana is used in transcribing native (Yamato) or Sino-Japanese (Chinese borrowings) vocabulary items.
‧
the number “004” indicates the fourth three-syllable loanword in the corpus.
(1) Serial# H-3-004
Each loanword datum in the corpus contains three parts: the original Japanese vocabulary, the Taiwanese correspondent, and the English translation. For the original Japanese word, the syllabary, kanji, and its romanization5 are provided in the corpus.
For the Taiwanese loanword, the romanization and its meaning are provided. Example (2) shows detailed information on the parts coded.
The key information of each loanword is the phonetic transcription. The phonetic pronunciation of each segment of a word is coded in separated columns. This
enhances the clarity of vision when making a comparison between Japanese and Taiwanese. The division of words into segments is based on the syllable structures of the two languages. Japanese allows maximally a CVC structure, while Taiwanese allows maximally a CGVX structure.
There is one additional column ‘E’ (stands for entering tone) in Taiwanese. The glottal stop [ʔ] is used to represent a syllable with an entering tone (or check tone)
5 The Romanization system used in transcribing Japanese sources is the Hepburn system, while the one in transcribing Taiwanese loans is the system made by National Languages Committee (2007).
6 Abbreviations: ROM = Romanization, C = Consonant, V = Vowel (the small numeral indicates the ordinal of the syllable in question), G = Glide, X = Glide or Consonant, E = Entering tone, S = Syllable, TRS = Translation.
‧
when the syllable does not end with a consonant. This segment has to be placed in another column in order to correctly transcribe the vowels (especially the diphthongs) that precede it, as shown in (2). However, if the segment in ‘X’ is a consonant, there will never be a glottal stop [ʔ] in ‘E’.
Suprasegmental information, the pitch accent of each Japanese word and the tone of each Taiwanese syllable, are also included in the corpus.7 For example, the
Japanese word tsuyu ‘sauce’ has two moras. The numeral ‘1’ in Peak indicates that the first mora carries a high pitch, and the pitch pattern is thus HL. For the Taiwanese loanword, a five level scheme is used to represent the tone.
3.2. Segmental Substitutions
In this section, we present the substitution of each segment with loanword data.
Statistics are provided to allow for identification of the major tendencies.
3.2.1. Vowels
There are five vowels [a], [i], [e], [o], and [ɯ] in the Japanese vowel system, and they show the diversity in substitution. Generally, a Japanese vowel will remain intact, be substituted for by other vowels, or be omitted, when it is borrowed in Taiwanese.
First, consider the substitution of the Japanese short vowel [a] and the
lengthened one [a:], as given in (3). The short vowel [a] is chosen as the substitute for both segments. No exceptions are found in the present corpus, as in (4).
(3) Vowel [a] / [a:] substitution
a. kaabu [ka:bɯ] → khabu [k*abu] ‘curve’
b. arei [aɾe:] → ale [ale] ‘dumb-bell’
7 The pitch accents of Japanese words are based on the NHK Dictionary of Japanese Accent, and the tone information of Taiwanese loanwords is included in the source dictionary.
‧
(4) Statistics of [a] substitution Japanese
In Japanese, a short vowel contrasts with a long one (Iwasaki 2002, Vance 2008).
Vowel length is phonemic. However, the difference between a short vowel and its lengthened counterpart is viewed as a phonetic variation in Taiwanese. They are treated as the same segment. Thus, vowel length has no effect on the word meaning.
In addition, since short and lengthened vowels do not contrast in Taiwanese, the numbers and percentages of the two types of the same vowel are combined together when providing statistics.
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [i].
(5) Dominant substitute of the vowel [i]
a. nori [nõɾi] → noolih [nõliʔ] ‘dried laver’
b. kimono [miso] → khimoonooh [k*imonoʔ] ‘kimono’
As in (5), most of the vowel [i] will remain intact. The statistics in (7) show that this substitution accounts for 99.21% of all occurrences.
The vowel [i] can also be substituted by the vowels [a], [u], or [e], as in (6).
(6) Minor substitutes of the vowel [i]
a. ribidoo [ɾibido:] → libalooh [libaloʔ] ‘libido’
b. rakkii [ɾakki:] → lakkhuh [lakk*uʔ] ‘lucky’
c. pisutoɴ [pisɯtõɴ] → phesutong [p*esutoŋ] ‘piston’
However, the amount of the three substitutes only makes up about 1% of all occurrences, as shown in (7). Since there is no clear phonological effect, the
substitution of the vowels [a], [u], and [e] for the Japanese vowel [i] may be a result
‧
of the borrower’s mis-production. Such instances are considered as exceptions.
(7) Statistics of [i] substitution Japanese
sources Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
i / i: i 504 508 99.21%
a 2 0.39%
u 1 0.20%
e 1 0.20%
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [ɯ]. This vowel is illicit in the Taiwanese sound inventory, and will be substituted by the most similar vowel [u], as in (8). The two sounds differ only in roundness. The vowel [ɯ] is unrounded, but the vowel [u] is a rounded one. The vowel [u] is the dominant substitute of the Japanese vowel [ɯ], accounts for 97.62% of all occurrences.
(8) Dominant substitute of the vowel [ɯ]
a. maiku [mãikɯ] → maikhu [mãj̃k*u] ‘microphone’
b. kuro [kɯɾo] → khuloohʔ [k*uloʔ] ‘black’
In addition, the vowel [ɯ] may be deleted when it appears in the word-final position with an onset labial [m] in the same syllable, as in (9a). After deleting, the labial [m] will further combine with the penultimate syllable and become a coda. As shown in (11), there are seven cases of the [ɯ] deletion, and this kind of deletion occurs in four cases.
(9) Deletion of the vowel [ɯ]
a. araamu [aɾa:mɯ̃] → alam [a.lam]8 ‘alarm’
b. bokushingu [bo.kɯ.ʃĩŋ.ɡɯ] → boksingu [bok.sin.ɡu] ‘boxing’
As shown in (9b), the [ɯ] deletion will also take place when following a
8 The dot between two segments stands for the syllable boundary.
‧
voiceless velar [k] and preceding a voiceless consonant. As shown in (11), there are seven cases of the [ɯ] deletion, and three of them are in this environment. In fact, about nineteen loanwords in the present corpus meet the requirement, but only three of them are deleted. Therefore, this [ɯ] deletion is better treated as the result of perception, other than the effect of Taiwanese phonotactic constraints. In Japanese, a short high vowel such as [i] and [ɯ] will be devocalized when it occurs between two voiceless consonants. Such vowels typically, though not consistently, may not be perceived by Taiwanese speakers since they are not sounded in pronunciation.
Other than being substituted by the vowel [u] and being deleted, the vowel [ɯ] can also change to the vowels [i], [o], and [e], as in (10).
(10) Minor substitutes of the vowel [ɯ]
a. kezuri [kezɯɾi] → khejilih [k*eziliʔ] ‘zelkova’
b. kurabu [kɯɾabɯ] → khulabooh [k*ulaboʔ] ‘club’
c. marutoosu [mãɾɯto:sɯ] → malutooje [mãlutoze] ‘maltose’
However, each of these accounts for less than 1% of all occurrences, as in (11), and they will be viewed as exceptions.
(11) Statistics of [ɯ] substitution Japanese
sources Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
ɯ / ɯ: u 616 631 97.62%
ψ9 7 1.11%
i 5 0.79%
o 2 0.32%
e 1 0.16%
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [e]. It will remain intact or become [ja] in Taiwanese. The two substitutes are in complementary distribution.
9 The symbol stands for segments that have been deleted.
‧
(12) Vowel [e] substitution
a. kakeru [kakeɾɯ] → khakheluh [k*ak*eluʔ] ‘bet’
b. tare [taɾe] → thaleh [t*aleʔ] ‘sauce’
c. enjiɴ [ẽnʤĩɴ] → ianjin [janzin] ‘engine’
d. setto [setto] → siattooh [sjattoʔ] ‘to set’
As shown in (12a) and (12b), the Japanese vowel [e] will not go through any adjustment when it is in an open syllable or when it is followed by a glottal [ʔ] in Taiwanese. However, this vowel will change to a diphthong [ja] when it is followed by a nasal [n] or a stop [t] in the coda position, as in (12c) and (12d)10, respectively.
Kenstowicz (2003) named such segment splitting phenomenon as “Reconfiguration”.
As provided in (13), about 28.38% of the occurrences of the Japanese vowel [e]
change to [ja], but most of them still remain unchanged in Taiwanese, making up 71.62% of all occurrences. Since CV syllables comprise the majority in Japanese, it is normal that the percentage of the [e] to [ja] substitution is comparatively low.
(13) Statistics of [e] substitution Japanese
Finally, consider the substitution of the Japanese vowel [o]. The majority of the occurrences of this vowel will remain intact in Taiwanese, as in (14). As provided in (16), this accounts for 92.65% of all occurrences.
(14) Dominant substitution of vowel [o]
a. furo [ɸɯɾo] → hulooh [huloʔ] ‘bath tub’
b. koshi [koʃi] → khoosih [k*osiʔ] ‘dado’
10 Here is [jan] is in fact pronounced as [en] in Taiwanese. However, [jan] instead of [en] is adopted to represent the sound, in order to show variations of substitutions of the Japanese [e].
‧
The vowel [o] can also be substituted by [ə]. As shown in (15a), this vowel is a monophthong in Japanese, but it becomes part of a diphthong in Taiwanese loans. The [o] to [ə] substitution takes place since the diphthong io is typically pronounced as [jə]
instead of [jo] in Taiwanese. Although the [o] to [ə] change only accounts for 5.73%
of all occurrences, all of the cases show phonological consistency. Thus, this kind of substitution is treated as a systematic adjustment.
(15) Minor substitutes of vowel [o]
a. chousei [ʧ
o:se:] → tsiose [
ʦjəse] ‘adjustment’b. to [to:] → too [to] ‘grade’
c. kopii [kopi:] → khappih [k*appiʔ] ‘copy’
The vowels [u] and [a] can also be the substitutes of the Japanese vowel [o], as in (15b) and (15c). However, they will be disregarded here due to the low percentage of their occurrences. They each accounts for less than 1% of all, as provided in (16). In fact, there are four out of five cases of the [o] to [u] change, and two out of four cases of the [o] to [a] change show variations in the substitution. In these seven cases, the Japanese vowel [o] can also remain unchanged.
(16) Statistics of [o] substitution Japanese
sources Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
o / o: o 517 558 92.65%
ə 32 5.73%
u 5 0.90%
a 4 0.72%
In summary, the Japanese vowels [a], [i], [e], and [o] are mostly unchanged in Taiwanese. However, the [e] to [ia] change and that of the [o] to [ə] are also observed with phonological accounts for each of them. The Japanese vowel [ɯ] is mostly
‧
substituted by the vowel [u], but it is deleted in some situations. Finally, there is a contrast between a short vowel and a long one in Japanese, but such contrast is not considered as phonemic in Taiwanese.
3.2.2. Glides
There are two glides, [j] and [w], in Japanese. The glide [j] will remain intact in Taiwanese, as shown in (17a), or become a vowel [i], as in (17b). The realization of the Japanese glide [j] in Taiwanese depends on its position in a diphthong. That is, it will realize as [j] in /ia/, /io/, /ai/, and /ui/, but realize as [i] only in /iu/. Likewise, the Japanese glide [w] will realize as [w] in /ua/, /ue/, and /iu/, but we only find [wa] and [we] in Taiwanese loans, as in (17c).
(17) Dominant substitutes of glides [j] and [w]
a. yami [jami] → iamih [jamiʔ] ‘black market’
b. yuri [jɯɾi] → iulih [iwliʔ] ‘lily’
c. warutsu [waɾɯʦɯ] → ualutsuh [waluʦuʔ] ‘waltz’
Since the two substitutes, [j] and [i], of the Japanese [j] result from different realizations in a diphthong, we combine the numbers and percentages of the two substitutes, as in (19). Statistics show that most occurrences of the Japanese glide [j]
remain unchanged, making up 84.85% of all. As for the Japanese glide [w], it
corresponds to the same segment, and no exceptions are found in the present corpus.
(18) Minor substitutes of glide [j]
a. kashimiya [kaʃimĩja] → khasimiah [k*asimĩaʔ] ‘cashmere’
b. pureeyaa [pɯɾe:ja:] → phulela [p*ulela] ‘player’
The glide [j] may be deleted if it follows a CV syllable and the vowel in the CV syllable is [i], as in (18a). Moreover, the glide [j] may change to a lateral [l] when the
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
onset in the preceding syllable is also a lateral [l], as in (18b). However, as shown in (19), these two substitute situations are not common, only making up 9.09% and 6.06% of all occurrences, respectively.
(19) Statistics of glide substitutions Japanese
sources Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
j j 28 33 84.85%
ψ 3 9.09%
l 2 6.06%
w w 27 27 100%
3.2.3. Onset Consonants
Some Japanese consonants show different substitutions in the syllable onset position and in the syllable coda position. This section discusses the substitutions of consonants in the syllable onset position. The substitutions of those in the syllable coda position will be examined in section 3.2.4.
3.2.3.1. Voiced Stops
First, consider the voiced stop [b]. Most of this consonant will remain intact, as in (20). This accounts for 96.51% of all occurrences.
(20) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [b]
a. buri [bɯɾi] → bulih [buliʔ] ‘yellow-tail’
b. ebi [ebi] → ebih [ebiʔ] ‘lobster’
Other than remaining intact, the Japanese voiced stop [b] can also be substituted by other consonants, as in (21).
‧
(21) Minor substitutes of voiced stop [b]
a. tabi [tabi] → thaphi [t*ap*i] ‘Japanese shoes’
b. chambara [ʧãmbaɾa] → tshiangpalah [ʦ*jaŋpalaʔ] ‘sword fight’
c. kuchibeni [kɯʧibenĩ] → khutsimelih [k*uʦimẽliʔ] ‘lipstick’
d. karaburi [kaɾabɯɾi] → khalahulih [k*alahuliʔ] ‘to miss’
In (21a), the voiced stop [b] becomes an aspirated voiceless stop [p*]. But it can also remain unchanged, that is, as [t*abiʔ]. In (21b) to (21d), the voiced stop [b] is
substituted by its voiceless counterpart [p], changes to a nasal [m], or becomes a fricative [h]. Generally, the [b] to [p*], [p], [m], and [h] substitution will be viewed as exceptions since the percentages of these substitutes are quite low. Each of them makes up less than 2% of all occurrences, as illustrated in (22).
(22) Statistics of [b] substitution Japanese
source Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
b b 166 172 96.51%
p* 2 1.16%
p 2 1.16%
m 1 0.58%
h 1 0.58%
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese voiced stop [d]. This consonant does not exist in the Taiwanese sound system. It will become a lateral [l], as in (23).
(23) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [d]
a. udoɴ [ɯ
dõɴ] → ulong [uloŋ] ‘wheat noodles’
b. odeɴ [odẽɴ] → oolian [olen] ‘Japanese homemade noodles’
The lateral [l] is the dominant substitute of [d], making up 90.12% of all occurrences, as in (25). In Taiwanese, the lateral [l] is considered as the sound that is close to the voiced stop [d]. It is found together with the voiced stop [b] and [ɡ] as a natural class
‧
in Taiwanese (Chung 1996). In addition, Luo (1993) pointed out that some Taiwanese speakers often have difficult in distinguishing ‘lie’ and ‘die’.
There are other consonants that can substitute for the Japanese voiced stop [d], as given in (24).
(24) Minor substitutes of voiced stop [d]
a. handoru [hãndoɾɯ] → hantooluh [hantoluʔ] ‘handle’
b. dooberuman [do:beɾɯmãɴ] → noobelubang [nõbelubaŋ] ‘Dobermann’
In (24a), [d] changes to its voiceless counterpart [t]. Such substitute situation is not common, only making up 8.64% of all occurrences. In addition, among seven cases of the [d] to [t] substitutions, three of them can also be substituted by [l]. The voiced stop [d] can also be substituted by an alveolar nasal [n], as in (24b). But it is considered as an exception since there is only one case of such substitute situation, as shown in (25).
(25) Statistics of [d] substitution Japanese
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese voiced stop [ɡ]. Most of the occurrences of the voiced stop [ɡ] surface without adjustment, as in (26), which making up 90.28% of all occurrences.
(26) Dominant substitute of voiced stop [ɡ]
a. gasu [ɡasɯ] → gasuh [ɡasuʔ] ‘gas’
b. gasorin [ɡasorĩɴ] → gasoolin [ɡasolin] ‘gasoline’
‧
As in (27), the stop [ɡ] is substituted by its voiceless counterpart [k], becomes a velar nasal [ŋ], or changes to a labial [b]. Although the [ɡ] to [k] change mostly occurs before the vowel [o], as in (27a), there are still many of the voiced [ɡ] which remain unchanged before the vowel [o]. As shown in (28), the percentages of the occurrences of the substitutes [k], [ŋ], and [b] are quite low, and they will be ignored here.
(28) Statistics of [ɡ] substitution Japanese
source Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
ɡ ɡ 65 72 90.28%
k 5 6.94%
ŋ 1 1.39%
b 1 1.39%
3.2.3.2. Voiceless Stops
This subsection discusses the Japanese voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] that appear in the onset position, as in (29).
(29) Aspiration of voiceless stops
a. kampaɴ [kãmpãɴ] → khanpang [k*anpaŋ] ‘billboard’
‧
As shown in (29), the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] can either remain unchanged or become aspirated in Taiwanese. Aspiration is phonetic in Japanese but is phonemic in Taiwanese. For example, the Japanese word /okasaɴ/ ‘mother’ can be pronounced as either [okasãɴ] or [ok
*asãɴ]. However, /k*i/ ‘tooth’ contrasts with /ki/ ‘self’ in
Taiwanese. Statistics in (31) show that such substitute phenomenon is found in the majority of cases for each Japanese voiceless stop.Chang (1993) indicated that Japanese onset voiceless stops will be either aspirated or unaspirated according to the difference in their positions within a word.
Data shown in (29) seem to correspond to Chang’s point of view. For example, the unaspirated [p], [k], and [t] all occur in the word-medial position, as in (29b), (29d), and (29f). At the same time, the aspirated [pʰ], [kʰ], and [tʰ] all occur in the
word-initial position, as in (29a), (29c), and (29e).The correlation between the
aspiration of the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k] and the position where they exist will be further discussed in section 3.2.3.7, together with the Japanese voiceless affricate [ʦ] and [ʧ].
Other than the aspirated or unaspirated substitutes, Japanese voiceless stops can be substituted by other segments as well.
(30) Minor substitutes of voiceless stops
a. waipa: [waipa:] → uaiba [wajba] ‘wiper’
b. banto [bãnto] → banloo [banlo] ‘bunt’
c. andantiino [ãndãnti:nã] → anlantsinoo [anlanʦinõ] ‘andantino’
d. kurakushoɴ [kɯ.ɾa.kɯ.ʃõɴ] → khulatsiong [k*u.lat.sjoŋ] ‘klaxon’
The labial [p] may become its voiced counterpart [b], as in (30a). The alveolar [t] may change to [l] or [ʦ], as in (30b) and (30c). The velar [k] may change its position from onset to coda, and become [t], as in (30d). However, these substitutes are considered as exceptions, since each of them accounts for a very low percentage of occurrences,
‧
(31) Statistics of voiceless stop substitutions Japanese
source Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
p p* 126 177 71.19%
First, consider the fricatives [h], [ç], and [ɸ]. They are allophones of /h/ in Japanese. The phoneme /h/ will realize as [ç] before the vowel /i/, and realize as [ɸ]
before the vowel /ɯ/. As shown in (32a) to (32c), the Japanese [h], [ç], and [ɸ] will change to the same segment [h]. All occurrences of [h] and [ç], and most of those of [ɸ], about 95.35% of all occurrences, are substituted by [h] in Taiwanese, as in (34).
(32) Dominant substitute of fricatives [h], [ç], and [ɸ]
a. hoteru [hoteɾɯ] → hooteluh [hoteluʔ] ‘hotel’
b. hinoki [çinõki] → hinookhih [hinõk*iʔ] ‘cypress’
c. fu [ɸɯ] → huh [huʔ] ‘bran’
d. hyuuzu [çɯ:zɯ] → hiuju [hiwzu] ‘fuse’
e. firaria [ɸi.ɾa.ɾi.a] → huilaliah [huj.la.li.aʔ] ‘filaria’
f. sofaa [soɸa:] → soohuah [sohwaʔ] ‘sofa’
In fact, the Japanese [ç] and [ɸ] will be split to [hj] and [hu] and [hw], as in (32d)
‧
to (32f). This may result from the preservation of the [+high] feature of [ç] and the [+labial] feature of [ɸ]. In fact, there is a glide [j] that is added to the loanword in (32b) and a glide [w] that is added to the one in (32c). However, the two glides that result from reconfiguration are deleted in latter processes.
Two consonants may also be the substitutes of the fricative [ɸ], as in (33).
(33) Minor substitutes of the fricative [ɸ]
a. kaɴfuru [kãɴɸɯɾɯ] → khangluluh [k*aŋluluʔ] ‘camphor’
b. seehu [se:ɸɯ] → sebu [sebu] ‘safe’
In (33), the lateral [l] and stop [b] substitute for the labial [ɸ]. However, the two substitutes will be treated as exceptions since they are so rare (only one for each, as provided in (34)).
(34) Statistics of [h], [ç], and [ɸ] substitutions Japanese
sources Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
h h 30 30 100%
Next, consider the substitution of the Japanese fricatives [s] and [ʃ], as in (35).
(35) Major substitution of fricatives [s] and [ʃ]
a. asa [asa] → asah [asaʔ] ‘hemp cloth’
b. nashi [nãʃi] → nasih [nãsiʔ] ‘nothing’
c. shubiɴ [ʃɯbĩɴ] → siubin [siwbin] ‘chamber pot’
Most of the fricative [s] will not go through any adjustment, as in (35a), which
‧
accounts for 99.04% of all. As for [ʃ], it is the allophone of /s/ that is realize before the vowel [i] in Japanese. This sound does not exist in the Taiwanese sound system, and is substituted by [s] in all cases, as in (35b). In fact, [ʃ] is split to the fricative [s] and the glide [j] if it precedes vowels other than [i], as in (35c). Like the Japanese [ç] and [ɸ], the glide [j] is inserted into all of the [ʃ] to [s] substitutions, but it is then deleted when preceding a vowel [i].
Other than remaining unchanged, the Japanese fricative [s] may change to affricate [ʦ] and fricative [z], as in (36).
(36) Minor substitution of fricatives [s] and [ʃ]
a. sapojira [sapoʤiɾa] → tsabootsi [ʦaboʦi] ‘sapodilla’
b. marutoosu [mãɾɯto:sɯ] → malutooje [mãlutoze] ‘maltose’
These two substitutes are considered as exceptions since their percentages are very low, making up less than 1% of all occurrences, as illustrated in (37).
(37) Statistics of [s] and [ʃ] substitutions Japanese
source Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
s s 206 208 99.04%
ʦ 1 0.48%
z 1 0.48%
ʃ s 44 79 55.70%
sj / Ûj11 35 44.30%
Finally, consider the voiced fricative [z]. This sound does not contrast with the affricate [dz] in Japanese (Ito and Mester 2003, Tsujimura 2007, Vance 2008).
However, there is still a consistent occurrence of one sound or the other. Vance
11 [s] and [Û] are allophones before vowel [i] (or glide [j]). Taiwanese speakers who are affected by the pronunciation of Mandarin may pronounce [si] as [Ûi]. Such alternation often occurs in the younger generation.
‧
generalized that “[z] occurs in the middle of a word immediately following a vowel”, while “[dz] typically, though not consistently, occurs at the beginning of a word or in the middle of a word immediately following a syllable-final consonant.”
When these two segments are borrowed in Taiwanese, they are both substituted by the same segment, that is, the fricative [z], as shown in (38).
(38) Dominant substitute of voiced [z] and [dz]
a. kizu [kizɯ] → khijuh [k*izuʔ] ‘wound’
b. anzu [ãndzɯ] → anju [anzu] ‘apricot’
c. zuboɴ [dzɯbõɴ] → jubong [zuboŋ] ‘trousers’
The fricative [z] is the dominant substitute of both the Japanese [z] (about 92.31%) and the Japanese [dz] (about 92.31%), as provided in (40). Based on this, the substitutions of the two Japanese sources are treated as the same phenomenon.
Other substitutes, [s] for [z] and [l] for [dz], are also observed in the present corpus, as in (39).
(39) Minor substitute of voiced [z] and [dz] a. saizu [saizɯ] → saisu [sajsu] ‘size’
b. zoori [dzo:ɾi] → looli [loli] ‘sandals’
However, as given in (40), the occurrences of the two substitutions are so limited that they are considered as exceptions.
(40) Voiced [z] and [dz] substitutions
‧
become [ʦ], as in (41a) and (41b), respectively. Since Taiwanese has no voiced alveo-palatal [dz], the fricative [z] in turn is the sound most similar to with the voiced [ʤ]. In addition, the affricates [ʤ] and [ʧ] will be split to a consonant and a glide [j], as in (41c) to (41e), in order to retain the [+high] feature. Statistics in (43) show that [z] and [ʦ], regardless of the phenomenon of reconfiguration, are the dominant substitutes for [ʤ] and [ʧ], making up 94.11% and 89.61% of all occurrences. aspiration of this segment in section 3.3.3.7, together with that of another Japanese voiceless affricate [ʦ] and the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k].There are other consonants that can be the substitutes of affricates [ʤ] and [ʧ].
(42) Minor substitutes of affricates [ʤ] and [ʧ]
a. rajio [ɾaʤio] → lajiooh [laʦioʔ] ‘radio’
b. toranjitto [toɾãnʤitto] → thoolangsittooh [t*olaŋsittoʔ] ‘transit’
c. romanchikku [ɾomãnʧikkɯ] → loomantikkhuh [lomantikk*uʔ] ‘romantic’
In (42), the voiceless affricate [ʦ] and the fricative [s] can substitute for the Japanese [ʤ]. In addition, an alveolar [t] can also substitute for the Japanese [ʧ], as in (42c).
However, these substitutes are not so common (they only occur one or twice, as given
‧
in (43)), and may be considered as exceptions.
(43) Statistics of [ʤ] and [ʧ] substitutions Japanese
source Taiwanese
loans Number Total Percentage
ʤ z 30 51 58.82% been discussed in section 3.2.3.3. Here we only look at the Japanese [ʦ]. Most of the occurrences of this sound, about 97.50% of all occurrences, will remain unchanged in Taiwanese, as in (44).
(44) Dominant substitute of affricate [ʦ]
a. tsuru [ʦɯɾɯ] → tsuluh [ʦuluʔ] ‘crane’
b. tsubaki [ʦɯbaki] → tsubakhih [ʦubak*iʔ] ‘camellia’
The voiceless aspirated stop [t*] may be the substitute for [ʦ], as shown in (45).
The occurrence of this substitute is so limited that it is considered as an exception.
(45) tsuiɴ [ʦɯĩɴ] → thuin [t
*uin] ‘twin’
As is also the case with the voiceless stops [p], [t], and [k], the alveolar affricate [ʦ] can be either aspirated or unaspirated in Taiwanese. However, no instance of [ʦ]
12 [z] and [ʒ] (also [ʦ] and [tÛ]) are allophones before vowel [i] (or glide [j]). Speakers who are affected by the pronunciation of Mandarin may pronounce tend to pronounce [ʒi] (or [tÛi]). Such
12 [z] and [ʒ] (also [ʦ] and [tÛ]) are allophones before vowel [i] (or glide [j]). Speakers who are affected by the pronunciation of Mandarin may pronounce tend to pronounce [ʒi] (or [tÛi]). Such