Research Results
1. The analysis on demographic variable and other variables 1 The total amount of samplings and percentage of the region
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Research Results
1. The analysis on demographic variable and other variables 1.1 The total amount of samplings and percentage of the region stratum.
Table 6: The total amount of samplings and percentage of the region stratum
Region stratum Amount Percentage
Central 510 34.0
North 300 20.0
South 180 12.0
East 510 34.0
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 6, the population density of the sampling in central area, including Bangkok, has the biggest sampling amount among other region strata.
On the other hand, the stratum of Southern region has the smallest sampling amount as it excluded three provinces in the deep South, which are Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat. The survey questionnaire excluded these three provinces because of the ongoing violence in the area.
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1.2 The total amount of selected provinces and percentage
Table 7: The total amount of selected provinces and percentage
Region Number
Stratum Provinces Amount Percentage
1 Greater
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Region Number
Stratum Provinces Amount Percentage
5 North-East Khon Kaen 85 5.7
5 North-East Sakon Nakhon 85 5.7
5 North-East Buri Ram 85 5.7
5 North-East Surin 85 5.7
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 7, it is important to separate Bangkok and central provinces because it can give a greater picture and more accurate sampling spreading.
Even though Bangkok and central provinces could be categorized into central region stratum, but when we finished the survey, we found a different opinion between Bangkok people and central provinces people.
3. Gender
Table 8: The total amount of male and female respondents
Gender Amount Percentage
Male 601 41.6
Female 845 58.4
Total 1446 100.0
Undisclosed 54
Total 1500
According to Table 8, 58.4 percent of respondents were female, 41.6 percent of respondents were male, and only 54 were undisclosed respondents. This means that when we conducted random survey in every region stratum, we found that most female respondents more likely to respond to the interview and were willing to answer survey questions rather than male respondents. The reason behind that was because the female participants felt familiar with the discussed topic rather than male participants. It can be noticed that most male respondent did not cooperate to answer
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survey questions because they thought that they were sensitive issues and felt reluctant for stranger to collect their answers.
Along with the result from the Asia Foundation’s study, a survey of anti-government PDRC demonstrators in Bangkok January 2014, it was found that female demonstrators (53 percent) slightly outnumbered their male counterparts (47 percent). Therefore, female responded greater than male.
4. Age
Table 9: Age of respondents
Age groups Amount Percentage
Under 20 539 35.9
21-30 625 41.7
31-40 194 12.9
41-50 81 5.4
51-60 48 3.2
Over 60 4 0.3
Total 1491 99.4
Undisclosed 9 0.6
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 9, the majority of respondents were aged 21-30 years old. As we randomly conducted survey questionnaire in public area such as government buildings, mall and downtown in each region spectrum, we found that most young adults were willing to answers. When we approached them to ask for their opinions, most young adult were willing to answer rather than adults or older people. Moreover, this research focuses on social media which are involved a technology and politics; therefore, the younger generation are more familiar with these topics rather than the older generation.
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5. Education Level
Table 10: Respondents’ education level
Education Level Amount Percentage
High school or lower 242 16.1
Undergraduate 954 63.6
Graduate 70 4.7
Undisclosed 234 15.6
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 35, 63.6 percent of respondents held bachelor’s degree. This means that in Thailand, education level required for working in public and private sector is bachelor’s degree. Not only young adults but also private sector employees held bachelor’s degree. However, the education level in high school or lower came the second place in this table. This means that Thai people still have low education level which represents the whole nation’s educational background.
Along with the result from the Asia Foundation’s study on profile of the protestors, the result showed that the significant difference in education levels was observed between the two respondent groups, with 68 percent of the PDRC respondents holding bachelor’s or advanced degree, while the comparable figure for the red shirts’ respondents was just 27%. Thus, education is one of the most crucial problems in Thailand which affects the political movement.
As it was mentioned in literature regarding political movement in Thailand, Phongpaichit (2002) explains that a large number of movements of great variety have arisen within a very short space of time among “little people” or marginal people, who have traditionally been excluded from a political voice. These include hill people, fishermen, marginal peasants, slum dwellers and working women.
They have become more assertive than before about their rights and roles in society.
Therefore, “little people” who have lowest income and lowest education engage in political movement because of the inequality of rights.
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6. Occupation
Table 11: Respondents’ Occupation
Occupation Amount Percentage
Undergraduate student 521 34.7
Agriculture 8 0.5
Employees in public sectors 175 11.7
Employees in private sectors 384 25.6
Total 1492 99.5
Undisclosed 412 27.4
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 11, 34.7 percent of respondents were undergraduate students. This means that the most respondents were studying in university similar to the respondents’ age in Table 9. Many respondents who were randomly interviewed were younger generation. They were familiar with social media. This generation was growing up using this technology rather than older generation. They used social media to communicate updated news and go to online society. On the other hand, employees in private sectors were the second place in this table.
The interviewees explained the reason why they have social media accounts. The reason was social media were new communication platforms, and they can access the program for free. Everyone can have them if they have smartphones or tablets. Also the companies have the policy to allow them to use those platforms for business purposes. Therefore, it can be assumed that as the private companies need technological skill, employees in private sectors need to have social media platforms not only for private reasons but also for their job as well.
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7. Marital Status
Table 12: The marital status of respondents
Marital status Amount Percentage
Undisclosed 525 35.0
Married 204 13.6
Single 759 50.6
Widow 7 0.5
Divorce 5 0.4
Total 1500 100.0
According to Table 12, 50.6 percent of respondents were single. This means that many people join political movement and share the same political opinion.
Social media are a connector; they put people who share the same political ideology and suffer from political issues together. Social media allow users to gather individuals to organize collective movements. Thus, this table show that people who are single likely to engage political movement rather than married people who have a family.
8. Salary
Table 13: Respondents’ salary (Thai Baht)
Salary (Thai Bath) Amount Percentage
Under5,000 1027 68.5
5,001- 10,000 117 7.8
10,001-15,000 156 10.4
15,001-20,000 87 5.8
20,001-30,000 66 4.4
30,001-4,0000 28 1.9
Over40,000 18 1.2
Total 1499 99.9
Undisclosed 1 0.1
Total 1500 100.0
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According to Table 3, 68.5 percent of respondents had salary under 5,000 Baht. This means that, once again, people who have lower income are always engaged in political movements. However, it is a surprise that not only people who have the lowest income from society engaging with political movement but also people who have higher income engaging in political movements as well.
According to the result from the Asia Foundation’s study (2013), it was shown thatdisparity in income among respondent groups is striking. Nearly one-third (32 percent) of the PDRC respondents earned monthly incomes exceeding 60,000 baht ($1,900), while just 4 percent of red-shirt respondents had similar earnings. Fifty-six percent of red-shirt respondents earned less than 30,000 baht ($1,000) per month, with 42 percent earning less than 20,000 baht ($650) versus 10 percent of the PDRC respondents.
Therefore, political movement in this era is different from class movements occurred in the old times. As a connector, social media attract people who have the same idea and share the same political ideology. This tool eliminates class and society but divide people by their perceptions rather than income unlike in classic social movement theory.
9. Social Stratification
Table 14: Social stratification of respondents
Social stratification Amount Percentage
Working class 85 6.8
Lower middle class 182 14.5
Middle class 925 73.5
Upper middle class 44 3.5
Upper class 23 1.8
Total 1259 100.0
Undisclosed 241
Total 1500
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According to Table 14, 73.5 percent of respondents were middle-class people. This means that middle class people always engage in political movements as well as lower income people or working class (labor class). As well as income, education level and occupation are empirical data shown that demographics significantly affects political movements in this era.
Moreover, many scholars have tried to define Thai political confliction as a class war (Hewison 2007; Ungpakorn 2010; Mccargo 2005; Bello 2014 and Shinichi 2010). However, this research result argues that there is no Thai politics is class conflict, instead, it is rather a democracy perception conflict.
2. The Analysis of respondent habit on social media