Overviews of the Frame

According to the above, Mandarin caused-motion verbs can be categorized into different groups based on the distinct sets of frame elements and the defining patterns.

This section gives an overview and summary of the above discussions of Mandarin caused motion frame.

Frame Frame Elements Representative Lemmas Defining Patterns

a. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP]

[周俊三/Mover]投[球/Moved_Entity][進/Direction+Endpoint][籃/Locative]

b. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Manner<{Path}+Locative [NP]< Deictic [VP]

[我/Mover]帶[學生/Moved_Entity][跑/Manner][到/Endpoint][校外/Locative][去 /Deictic]

c. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Locative [NP]

[他/Mover]拉[我/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][他家/Locative]

d. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] <Deictic [VP]

[媽媽/Mover]推[俊和/Moved_Entity][到/Endpoint][學校/Locative][去/Deictic]

a. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] < (Deictic [VP])

[他/Mover]帶[她/Moved_Entity][到/Endpoint][學校/Locative]([去/Deictic])

b. Mover [NP]< *<Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Locative [NP]

Directional NP,

Locative NP, Deictic

[他/Mover]帶[我/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][他家/Locative]

c. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Target Act [VP]

[張春玉/Mover]便領著[姑娘們/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][查房/Target_Act]。

d. Mover [NP]< *<Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] <Target Act [VP]

[我/Mover]領著[阿眉/Moved_Entity][回/Route+Direction+Endpoint][家/Locative][大吃一

b. Leader [NP]<*<Leadee [NP]< Deictic [VP]< Target_Act [VP]

[老師/Leader]帶[小朋友/Leadee][去/Deictic][寫生/Target_Act]

Table 12. Overview of the Caused Motion Frame

5.6 Summary

Given the analysis of the Mandarin polysemic verb dài 帶 ‘bring’, this section summarizes the discussions mentioned in the previous subsections. First of all, this study has suggested that dài 帶 ‘bring’ as a caused-motion verb denoting an event of

‘bringing to’ is defined as the prototypical use and serves as the semantic base for the extensions of other meanings. It is postulated that through semantic profiling of different elements in the prototypical event of dài 帶 ‘bring’, the subtypical uses of dài 帶 ‘bring’ will be carried out as semantically interrelated facets of the base event.

With the defined core senses, the semantic relations among other non-central meanings manifested by dài 帶 ‘bring’ can also be accounted for through the extensions of the semantic attributes via the metaphorical transfer. Having proposed a frame-based and constructional account of the semantic interrelationships among the various meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’, the last part of this study further elaborates on the possible frame hierarchy of verb classes to categorize Mandarin caused-motion verbs into the multi-layered frames with frame-specific semantic components and representative syntactic patterns, following the framed-based taxonomy proposed by Liu and Chiang (2008)

Chapter 6 Conclusion

6.1 Conclusion

This thesis probes into the issue of the polysemy verb dài 帶 ‘bring’ in Mandarin.

By a close investigation of the corpus data, this study firstly aims to solve the issue as to how we can distinguish and thus categorize different senses underlying multi-faceted meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’ based on their corpus distributions. Through a thorough inspection on how different lexical meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’ manifested in different syntactic realizations, this study aims at identifying and clarifying the semantic correlations underlining the various uses of dài 帶 ‘bring’. The observations on the distributional frequency, collocational patterns, and semantic attributes manifested in different uses of dài 帶 ‘bring’ help to account for the following concern: what are the semantic criteria underlying each semantic class according to the syntactic behaviors?

Adopting Frame Semantics (Fillmore and Atkins 1992) and Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995), this study suggests that different senses of dài 帶 ‘bring’ are associated with different sets of frame elements and through the integration of constructional patterns, the meaning distinctions of dài 帶 ‘bring’ can be established.

With the defined semantic extensions of dài 帶 ‘bring’ supported with corpus evidence, this study finally aims to disclose the semantic-to-syntactic correlations among the various meanings profiled by dài 帶 ‘bring’. Based on its grammatical distributions in relation to the various sense distinctions, it has shown that dài 帶

‘bring’ manifests a prototypical verb in the semantic category that falls into the caused-motion domain. On the basis of the semantic profile proposed by Langacker (1987), it is argued that two predominant meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’, lead and bring with, can be taken as a conceptual transfer from co-motion to co-action, pertaining to

the semantic configuration realized in the caused-motion conceptual domain. The resulatative state of co-motion can also be highlighted to derive the sense of co-existence. Based on the prototypical cases, it is postulated that other non-central meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’ can be accounted as semantically associating with co-motion through the extension of the semantic roles, evidenced with the colloconstructional variations.

Based on both semantic and syntactic observations on Mandarin verb dài 帶

‘bring’, this study has proved that the multi-faceted nature of dài 帶 ‘bring’ is the consequence of semantic profile and semantic extensions from the most central meaning of dài 帶 ‘bring’ as a caused-motion verb. It is shown that the interrelationships among the various uses are distinguished and correlated via the syntactic and semantic connections with the central domain and sub-domains of dài 帶 ‘bring’. With the support of frame-based and constructional-based accounts, the present study postulates a principled and systematic way to account for the multi-faceted meanings of dài 帶 ‘bring’ underlying the domain of caused-motion.

Finally, with the bottom-up analysis of the caused-motion verb dài 帶 ‘bring’ in Mandarin, this thesis further incorporates the hierarchical taxonomy proposed by Liu and Chiang (2008) in an attempt to propose a top-down frame-based categorization of Mandarin caused motion verbs. Based on the prototypical Conceptual Schema of caused-motion event, Mandarin caused motion verbs are analyzed and categorized into different layers of frames, in which dài 帶 ‘bring’ belongs to the Co-movement Primary frame with the highlighted frame elements. Two other basic frames Bringing to and Bringing with are formed with the unique patterns foregrounding certain frame-specific elements.

This study has shed light on the widely discussed issue of verbal semantics with the focus on the polysemous verb dài 帶 ‘bring’ in Mandarin. It provides a new

perspective in the investigation of verbal semantics by adopting the frame-based lexical constructional approach in delimiting semantically salient features pertaining to different lexical frames of dài 帶 ‘bring’. Moreover, this study also incorporates a constructional account that captures the form-meaning mapping correlations. Within such a framework, the analysis proposed in this study is well-substantiated with a detailed corpus analysis of colloconstructional variations. Therefore, we may conclude that this study indeed provides a clear case study that demonstrates the close interaction between semantics and syntax, lexicon and construction and also, cognition and language.

6.2 Future Research

Based on the result of the investigation on Mandarin verb dài 帶 ‘bring’, there are still some potential issues that are worth for future explorations. First of all, due to that the scope of the study on Mandarin dài 帶 ‘bring’ is only limited to a single lexeme, the possible combination of other lexeme with dài 帶 ‘bring’, such as those V-V compounds as dàiyǒu 帶有, dàiling 帶領, xīdài 攜帶, pèidài 佩帶 or V-R compounds, as dàiqǐ 帶起, dàidòng 帶動, dàihǎo 帶好, are also worth discussing in terms of their semantic frames with respect to their syntactic and semantic behaviors and their comparison with the single lexical verb dài 帶 ‘bring’ in terms of syntax and semantics. Second, since dài 帶 ‘bring’ manifests multi-faceted meanings in nature, it will be interesting to make a synonym study on dài 帶 ‘bring’ with its corresponded synonym forms, such as dài 帶 vs. ling 領 vs. shuài ‘to lead’, dài 帶 vs. xī 攜 vs. xiá 挾

‘to bring with’, or dài 帶 vs. hányǒu 帶有 ‘to be with.’ Last but not the least, the contrast study on the Mandarin bringing verb dài 帶 ‘bring’ with other languages is also an interesting issue to be tackled with for the future study.

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Website Resources

Academic Sinica Balanced Corpus of Modern Chinese.

http://db1x.sinica.edu.tw/kiwi/mkiwi/

Chinese Word Sketch

http://wordsketch.ling.sinica.edu.tw/

FrameNet

http://www.icsi.berkeley.edu/~framenet/

Mandarin Verbnet

http://verbnet.nctu.edu.tw/verbnet/website/

Sinica BOW:

http://bow.sinica.edu.tw/ont/

Chinese WordNet:

http://lope.linguistics.ntu.edu.tw/cwn/