The Hierarchical Structure of the Frame

Following the assumption that meanings of verbs are anchored in semantic frames with profiled lexical elements (Fillmore and Atkins 1992, Goldberg 2005), a frame-based hierarchical taxonomy established by Liu and Chiang (2008) is adopted to analyze and categorize Mandarin caused-motion verbs. A classificational scheme is proposed with a multi-layered structured classification of semantic frames, which will be introduced layer by layer and one by one following the hierarchical semantic scope:

Archiframe > Primary frame > Basic frame > Micro frame. Frames in the higher level denote a broader scope of certain semantic domain with background information.

Frames in the lower level inherit from upper frames and provide frame-specific description. The following sections will successively illustrate the Archiframe of Caused Motion, the Primary frame with the focus on the Co-movement primary frame, and the two Basic frames under the Co-movement Primary frame, Bringing to and Bringing with Basic frame by demonstrating the conceptual schema, definitions, participant roles, defining patterns, and representative lemmas. A Figure of the hierarchical structures of the Caused Motion Frame is provided below:

Figure 11. The Hierarchical Structure of Caused Motion Frames

Based on the analysis given in this study, it is obvious that dài 帶 ‘bring’ is a

caused-motion verb that only highlights on the co-movement of the Mover and Moved entity and which is much different from other Mandarin caused-motion verbs, such as the path-encoded caused-motion verbs bān 搬, yùn 運, yí 移 ‘move,’ and etc, directed caused-motion verbs tuī 推 ‘push,’ lā 拉 ‘pull,’ and qiān 牽 ‘hold,’ and ballistic caused-motion verbs tóu 投, zhí 擲, diū 丟, rēng 扔 ‘throw.’ Therefore, we propose that dài 帶 ‘bring’ on its own belongs to Co-movement Primary Frame, which will be introduced in detail in the following sections. Since the Path-encoded Movement, Directed Movement, and Ballistic Movement Primary frames¹⁰ are not the main concerns in this study, they will not be discussed for the time being.

5.5.2.1 Layer 1: Archiframe (Caused-motion Frame)

According to Liu and Chiang (2008), the Archiframe (AF) is the highest frame in the hierarchical framing system. It points out a unique and independent semantic domain of an event, in this case, the Caused Motion. The archiframe defines an overarching conceptual schema as a semantic prerequisite for illustrating subframes that inherit. The information regarding the Archiframe of Caused Motion is described below:

Definition: An Agent (Mover) causes a Theme (Moved Entity) to undergo a certain course of motional path, sometimes with the specification of a particular way of movement (Manner), passing through an intermediate landmark (Route NP) toward a spatial orientation (Directional NP) to arrive at a final destination (Locative NP) with an optional marking of speaker-oriented center (Deictic).

10 Please refer to Hung (2014) for detailed discussions on Directed Movement Primary frame and Li (2014) for Ballistic Movement Primary frame.

Frame Elements: Mover, Moved Entity, Manner, Route NP, Directional NP,

a. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP]

[周俊三/Mover]投[球/Moved_Entity][進/Direction+Endpoint][籃/Locative]

zhōu jùn sān tóuqiú jìn lán

Zhou, Jun-san throw ball enter basket

‘Zhou, Jun-san threw the ball into the basket.’

Deictic

b. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Manner<{Path}+Locative [NP]<

Deictic [VP]

[ 我 /Mover] 帶 [ 學 生 /Moved_Entity][ 跑 /Manner][ 到 /Endpoint][ 校 外 /Locative][去 /Deictic]

wǒ dài xuéshēng pǎo dào xiào.wài qù

I bring students run arrive campus.outside go

‘I brought the students to run to the outside of the campus.’

c. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Locative [NP]

[他/Mover]拉[我/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][他家/Locative]

tā lā wǒ qù tā jiā He pull me go his home

‘He pulls me to go to his home.’

d. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] <Deictic [VP]

[媽媽/Mover]推[俊和/Moved_Entity][到/Endpoint][學校/Locative][去/Deictic]

mā mā tuī jùn-hàn dào xuéxiào qù Mother push Jun-han arrive school go

‘Mother pushes Jun-han to the school.’

5.5.2.2 Layer 2: Primary Frame (Co-movement Frame)

As described by Liu and Chiang (2008), Primary frames (PFs) are subframes under the Archiframe with a given portion profiled or highlighted. Different primary frames are distinguished from one another by a set of unique core frame elements and syntactic representation. According to the corpus observation, caused-motion verbs can be categorized into several semantic domains: Path-encoded Movement, Directed Movement, Ballistic Movement, and Co-movement based on the highlighted verb-internal semantic portions or verb-external specified motion contour. The

Path-encoded Movement frame specifies the saliency of the Path of motion contour in the movement. The Directed Movement frame describes the directional force in causing the spatial oriented movement. The Ballistic Movement frame depicts the ballistic motion contour of the moving entity towards the endpoint. The last one is the Co-movement frame, where dài 帶 ‘bring’ belongs, depicting the co-motion of the Mover and the Moved entity completely during the motion. The four primary frames under the Archiframe of Caused Motion can be summarized as follows.

Figure 12. Primary Frames under Caused Motion Archiframe

On the basis of the finding and analysis of the present study, the information of the Co-movement Primary frame can be illustrated as below:

Definition: This frame describes a co-motion event of the Agent (Mover) and Theme (Moved Entity), in which the Agent (Mover) brings along with the Theme (Moved Entity) completely during the motion event and they finally move towards a spatial destination.

Representative Lemmas:

dài 帶 ‘bring’, xī 攜 ‘carry’, dàiling 帶領 ‘lead’, shuàiling 率領 ‘lead’, lingdăo 領導

‘lead’, xīdài 攜帶 ‘carry’, jiádài 挾帶 ‘carry’

Caused Motion

Path-encoded Movement

Directed Movement

Ballistic

Movement Co-Movement

Conceptual Schema:

Defining Patterns:

a. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] < (Deictic [VP]) [他/Mover]帶[她/Moved_Entity][到/Endpoint][學校/Locative]([去/Deictic])

wǒ dài tā dào xuéxiào (qù) he bring her arrive school go

‘He brought her to the school.’

b. Mover [NP]< *<Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Locative [NP]

[他/Mover]帶[我/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][他家/Locative]

tā dài wǒ qù tā jiā he bring me go his.home

‘He brought me to his home.’

c. Mover [NP]< * <Moved_Entity[NP]<Deictic [VP]< Target Act [VP]

[張春玉/Mover]便領著[姑娘們/Moved_Entity][去/Deictic][查房/Target_Act]。

zhāng chūn yù biàn lǐng zhe gūniang.men qù cháfang

‘Zhang, Chun-yu leads the girls to check the rooms.’

d. Mover [NP]< *<Moved_Entity[NP]<{Path}+Locative [NP] <Target Act [VP]

[我/Mover]領著[阿眉/Moved_Entity][回/Route+Direction+Endpoint][家/Locati

ve][大吃一頓/Target_Act]。

wǒ ling zhe ā méi huí jiā dà.chī yí.dùn I lead ASP A-mei recede home big.eat one CL

‘I led A-mei to go back to home to have big meal.’

5.5.2.3 Layer 3: Basic Frame

Basic frames are sets of semantically restricted frames under primary frame, denoting a narrower scope of meaning. According to Liu and Chiang (2008), basic frames are “semantically more informative, distributionally more frequent and common, and are associated with foregrounded or backgrounded frame elements within the set of primary-selected elements.” (Liu and Chiang 2008:10). To be specific, basic frames are defined by a set of highlighted frame elements inheriting from primary frames as well as distinctive syntactic behaviors. They inherit the defining patterns from the primary frame but develop some unique syntactic patterns of their own, which separate them from one another. In the following section, the two basic frames under the Co-movement Primary frame, namely, Bringing to frame and Bringing with frame will be introduced.

5.5.2.3.1 Bringing to Frame

The information of the Bringing to frame under the Co-movement primary frame can be described as below:

Definition: Bringing to frame describes the co-movement of the Mover and Moved Entity, in which the co-action of them in a motion event is highlighted. With the highlighted co-action bringing event, the Mover becomes to be a Leader and Moved Entity becomes a Leadee in which the former performs a leading act on the latter in

doing a certain activity (Target Act), usually with an unspecified motion contour.

Conceptual Schema:

Lemmas: dài 帶 ‘bring’, ling 領 ‘lead’, dàiling 帶領 ‘lead’, shuàiling 率領 ‘lead’, lingdăo 領導 ‘lead’

Core Frame Elements: Leader (Mover), Leadee (Moved Entity), Deictic, Target_Act

Defining Patterns:

a. Leader [NP]<*<Leadee [NP]<Target_Act [VP]

[他/Agent_Leader]每天帶著[成千的工人/Theme_Leadee][鑿山洞，造橋 樑/Target_Act]。

tā měitiān dài zhe chéng.qiān de gongrén záo shāndòng zào qiáoliáng

he everyday lead ASP form.thousand DE worker dig mountain hole build bridge

‘He leads thousands of workers to dig the mountain holes and build the bridge every day.’

b. Leader [NP]<*<Leadee [NP]< Deictic [VP]< Target_Act [VP]

[老師/Leader]帶[小朋友/Leadee][去/Deictic][寫生/Target_Act]

lǎoshī dài xiǎopéngyǒu qù xiěsheng teacher bring children go sketch

‘The teacher brings/leads the children to do the sketch,’

c. Leader [NP]<帶< Leadee[NP]

Target_Act Leader > Leadee

[他/Agent_Leader]在帶[班/Theme_Leadee]

tā zài dài bān he in lead class

‘He is leading the class.’

5.5.2.3.2 Bringing with Frame

The information of the Bringing with basic frame under the Co-movement primary frame can be illustrated as below:

Definition: Bringing with frame describes the co-motion event of the Mover and the Moved Entity in which the co-existence relationship between them is highlighted. In such a frame, the Mover becomes the Agent Carrier and the Moved Entity becomes the Theme entity and the motional contour in such a frame is usually unspecified.

Conceptual Schema:

Lemmas: dài 帶 ‘bring’, xī 攜 ‘carry’, xī dài 攜帶 ‘carry’, jiá dài 挾帶 ‘carry’

Core Frame Elements: Agent_Carrier (Mover), Theme_Entity (Moved_Entity)

Defining Pattern:

a. Agent_Carrier [NP]<*<Theme_Entity [NP]

[我/Agent_Carrier]帶了[袋子/Theme_Entity]

Agent_Carrier > Theme_Entity

wǒ dài le dài zi I carry ASP bag

‘I carried the bag.’