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Historical Conflicts between Christian and Vodou in Haiti

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND OF RE IN HAITI

2.1.3 Historical Conflicts between Christian and Vodou in Haiti

Conflict riddled the historical evolution of Christianity and Vodou in Haiti mainly because of their diametrically opposed world views, beliefs and practices, as well as the fact that Christianity, at its core, supported the inhumane institution of slavery and servitude in Haiti, whereas Vodou supported radicalized liberation. In other words, Christianity, the religion of the oppressor wanted to maintain the status quo and ensured slaves were tranquil in their sufferings whereas Vodou, native to the slaves’ spirituality, although a clever fusion of numerous elements of African traditional religions native to different parts of the black continent, desired a new social balance, one particularly receptive to the idea of equal humanity. This antagonistic relationship pervades

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the doctrinal postures of both religions and trickles down to the behavioral expressions of their devotees. With the evolutionary development of Haiti came the intensification of this, subtler, sublime and sometimes overt, confrontations between Vodou and Christianity which have been expressed in physical, ideological and political dimensions (Hebblethwaite, 2014). In briefly touching these confrontations from the afore listed dimensions, it will be important to state that in the early Haitian state, it was difficult to draw a clear demarcation between the state and the church since the state declared Christianity generally, and Catholicism, particularly as its official religion and since the catholic church used the state as its instrument of domination over all other forms of religious expression (Hebblethwaite, 2014). it is therefore safe to say that the conflict between Vodou and Christianity was as well conflict between the state and Vodou. The foregoing statement would be seen clearly in the conflicts between the both religions. It can be inferred that Vodou had always had a peaceful and calm disposition. Its expression of radicality had always been to injustices, maltreatment and repressions of rights, we will attempt to validate this with a wealth of data in later paragraphs. This means that Christianity had always been in the offensive position which Vodouists have always occupied the defensive positions in these confrontations. Ample research and historical accounts bear testimony to this fact. The first phase of these confrontations was ideological. Here, the slave owners in Haiti, knowing that the traditional religion of the slaves had a uniting strength which could rally the slaves together to revolt, prohibited all gatherings and deemed it compulsory for all slaves to be baptized and Christianized. The aim of this was to create a conflict of spirituality between their emerging personality and their other self, an internal self-conflict which could manifest in a collective estrangement (Alexandre, 2015). “A colonial administration composed of bureaucrats, soldiers and police maintained the status quo for the plantation owners, business owner’s and shareholders in France” (Hebblethwaite, 2014, p.7).

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Castaldo (2006, p.38) further confirms my argument when he stated that “the roman catholic religion was the only legal religion”. Following article 3 of the 1985 Black Code, he added that article 2, in the same Black Code stated that “all slaves who will be in our islands will be baptized and instructed in the catholic, apostolic and Roman religion, (Hebblethwaite, 2014). More so, the North American entertainment industry backed by their governments demonized Vodou religion and practices. Thus, damaging its reputation among many. In fact, a particular website featured over 40 films that relate to Vodou and all were in the horror genre” (Castaldo 2006, p.38). This began the suppression of African traditional religions. This immediately led the slaves to incorporate elements of Catholicism in their practices in order to masquerade their traditional worship and practices as Christianity, as well as to keep in touch with their African identity through their spirituality. This ideological conflict quickly took a political dimension, manifested clearly in various decrees aimed at eliminating Vodou worship completely in Haiti. According to (Hebblethwaite, 2014), government, over centuries in Dominican Republic and Haiti, have dealt blows to Vodou practice and culture in seemingly endless cycles”. Ramsey (2011) adds that the hostility against Vodou practice created the impression that Vodou threatened the power and hegemony of the state and the state religion, Christianity. In other words, Vodou was treated as the usurper. Haitian presidents, according to (Ramsey, 2011), including Boyer (1818-1843), Geffrard (1859-1867) and Pierrot (1885-1886) enacted laws that criminalized Vodou practices. As if this was not devastating enough, Vodou was banned by government laws from contributing to the public domain (Deren, 1953; Dubois, 2013; Ramsey, 2011). US invasion of Haiti intensified these political suppressions more than the leaders of Haiti did. According to Dubois (2013),

“worshippers captured during Vodou ceremony by the US marines led by Faustin Wikkus were sentenced to 6 months’ hard labor in the project to construct a new police headquarters”. There

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was also a systematic exclusion of Vodou worshippers from state positions and functions all in a bid to discourage practice. All the above attempts forced Vodou devotees into clandestine meetings and gatherings but never stopped Vodou practice. The persistence of Vodou practice despite its ideological and political adversities resulted in a more physical confrontation, “in 1941 the anti-superstitious attacks on Vodou were carried out by authorities of the state and the roman catholic church” (Ramsey, 2011, p.9). During this period, members of the catholic church, including the state security machineries, destroyed the properties of Vodouists which included temples, sacred objects drums, alters and fell sacred trees. In fact, an oath of renunciation was imposed (Hebblethwaite, 2014). Again, after the Duvalier period in 1986, Vodou priests who supported or were presumed to be in support of Duvalier were attacked (Beauvoir & Dominique, 2003).

According to Hebblethwaite et al. (2012, p.9), “in a more recent attack, 40 Vodou priests and devotees were killed in 2010 at the beginning of the cholera outbreak. They were blamed for the disease and killed by an angry mob”. The evolution of Haiti is thus, replete with religious conflict between Christianity and Vodou showing a clear antagonism of the church in connivance with the state against a more defensive and calmer Vodou.