CHAPTER III. NARRATIVE CASE
3.2 Motivations to release Re-innovation Policy (1975-1990)
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millions of Buddhist supporters walked on the street. They disturbed the government on operating either a defeat or requesting for other's forced from provinces nearby.
The large crowd symbolically gathered around the statue in central Saigon, erected to commemorate the sacrifice of South Vietnamese soldiers in the war against the Communist. Sai Gon was officially assigned with the new name: Ho Chi Minh City.
Only one day before the strike of Viet Cong, the United States started the largest helicopters evacuation in the history. There are 6000 Vietnamese, 1000 Americans and third-country nationals evacuated. Most of the servicemen who serve the U.S military in Saigon were afraid that the North arm forces would execute them. Murfin, Rambo, and Le conducted a survey on refugee movement during Spring 1975, commented on the correlation between religion and refugee motivation, they found the difference between Catholics and none- Catholics actually expressing a slightly higher anti-Communist feeling than Catholics.25
3.2 Motivations to release Re-innovation Policy (1975-1990)
Living in the joys of victory, the new reunification Vietnam government seemed lack of experience in state management. The country survived largely on a donation from the Soviet Union and other communist countries. Millions of people made homeless by the war. One-eighth of the population injured in the war. Many children were not able to attend schools. The country again, after 20 years suffered from civil war, was under devastated circumstance: poverty, lack of education, men power reduced dramatically. Also, the border attacks exploded in 1978, led the new government
25 Tran Q, Le & A Terry, Rambo and Garry D, Murfin. 1976. Why they Fled: Refugee Movement during the Spring 1975Communist Offensive in South Vietnam. University of California Press.
Asian Survey, Vo. 16, No.9, pp 855-863
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became weaker. Policy makers chose to put the religions under the control of the regime’s control to manage any further risk. Subsequently, the hierarchy strategy applied on religious policy in this period, conceived more than ten years state-religion in the discord.
The state welfare obligations could not allow the state deliver more support to the civilians' religious life. The monks and nuns were not enough to cover the empty temples and churches across the countries. In order to survive, some of the local government allowed farmers to grow rice, agriculture products in the temple's land.
After 1975, the North and the South Buddhism were divided. Most monks who supported the SaiGon government fled to France and the USA. One of the famous people was master Thich Nhat Hanh, who in the further years created the Plum Village in France. In 2005, he was welcome by the government and Buddhist Association in Vietnam to return and deliver Buddha teaching to the Vietnamese. The initial separatism in Buddhism challenged the new government. However, the regime did not force and dismiss religious activities. Hoa-hao and Cao Dai-ism returned to South Vietnam. The government also did not violate their existence.
Monks and nuns were encouraged to attain further education in Buddhism University (Van Hanh University). Bruce (1992)26 stated that there were instructed in the history and philosophy of Buddhism, the Pali, Chinese and English languages and something called ‘civic education'. Many graduates go on to head important temples, other work
26 Bruce Mathews. 1992. The Place of Religion in Vietnam Today. Buddhist-Christian studies, Vol.12, pp65-74
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as teachers in schools and universities. Marlaney (2003)27 noted the government did attempt to implement reforms in the south, but it did so in a gentler fashion and many southerners retained an active religious and ritual life. In 1981, when the monastic education was improved, the government suggested Buddhism leaders in the South, North and Middle cities to reunite. It was a historical pace in the history of Vietnam Buddhism. Also, domestic solitary was especially important to prevent the foreign attack.
3.2.1 Cambodia and Sino-Vietnamese Wars in the Borders
The Vietnamese government had a friendship Treaty and cooperation with the Soviet Union, signed on November 3, 1978. It was indicated that Vietnam, backed by the Soviet Union, and Cambodia, backed by China would go to war. Around 200.000 Vietnamese soldiers attacked into Cambodia from Vietnam and Laos.
After Deng Xiao Ping came back from the visit to the U.S, he signed a command to launch an invasion of Vietnam from the Northern Border. Vietnamese soldiers from South West border with Cambodia had to pull out to protect their territory. About 600,000 Chinese soldiers were sent from Guangxi, Kunming, and Yunnan. The number of soldiers even more than a total number of the U.S and the allies soldiers sent to Vietnam in 1965.
It was the ‘lesson' that China intended to teach Vietnam. During the trip to Singapore, chairman Deng impressed upon his foreign hosts that China would use force against Vietnamese aggression if Vietnam attacked Cambodia. The motives from Beijing
27 Shaun Kingsley, Malarney. 2003. “Return to the Pass? The Dynamics of Contemporary Religious and Ritual Transformation” in in Hy V Luong eds.,Post War in Vietnam. Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield.
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also to check Vietnamese ambition and aggression in South-East Asia and their threat to Chinese national security, as well as to expose Soviet weakness. Zhang (1975)28 stated the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese war was deadly and atrocious on the ground. After a month fighting in the mountain border areas, the Chinese army appeared to make no attempt to hide and overlook its own deficiencies and problems at the time; it nevertheless failed to take into account its own erroneous military thinking and traditions. In March 1979, Chinese soldiers withdrew from the Vietnamese territory under the international pressure. The attacking from China only ended until 1988 by the naval battle in Gac-ma Island. China claimed the victory, 64 Vietnamese navy shot dead in the Sea. From 1979 to 1989, Vietnamese maintained 140,000 to 200,000 soldiers from Cambodia. Having recognized the ‘Communist' threat, the West supported a number of anti-communism groups along Thai-Cambodian border.
Vietnam was isolated in the international affair.
3.2.2 The Transformative Dialogue- Buddhism Association & Communism State (1986-1990)
Lebow (1996) stated that when a clashing of preferences among parties, the bargain is a search for advantage through accommodation. In other discussion, Fisher&Ury (1981) outlined strategies by each party to the negotiation may generate ‘options for mutual gain’. David Bohm (1985) claims that if its necessary to share meaning and share truth, then we have to do something different’. The different that the modern policy makers are doing relates to a revolution in rituals and practices in Vietnam.
The socialist state in return, has had to accommodate the values and interests that individuals and localities bring into rituals. The state entered into ‘transformative dialogue’ with its antecedents, thereby leading to new rituals that reflect the interests
28 XiaoMing Zhang. 2005. China’s 1979 War with Vietnam: A Reassessment. The China Quarterly, Vol. 1984, pp 851-874
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of picture of negotiated change in the ritual real builds on Hy Van Luong’s insights into the ‘dialogic restructuring of rituals’, which shows changes in the ritual sphere to have been shaped in an ongoing dialogue between state and social interests (Luong, 1994)29.
Domestically, the South office personnel who evacuated by the U.S. in 1976 took advantage of Vietnam weakness period. By 1987, there were a number of organizations established with the aim of overthrowing Communism government.
They propagated the public, launched an arms struggle to pressure the government. In many countries such as France, Australia, Canada, Vietnamese shops and restaurants flew South Vietnamese flag to attract the media attention. The cost to maintain soldiers in Cambodia exaggerated socialist economy. The pressure on middle and lower class tended to increase as, farmers (80% of the population) demands to reform the cooperative system grew and, on the other side, the center’s procurement requirement also rose. Luong (2003)30 convinced Southern provincial politicians in particular, fear-ing the loss of their peasant support base became vocal spokespersons for change within the party and government apparatus. They found allies among the generation who had earlier thought that collectivization in the north had gone too far.
The political instability, cripple economy, and failure in foreign affair led the government to practice a macro renovation (Doi Moi). Vietnam was set to change into
29Hy V Luong. 2003. “Wealth, Power, and Inequality: Global Market, the State, and Local Sociocultural Dynamics”. in Hy V Luong eds., Post War in Vietnam. Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield.
30 Hy V Luong. 2003. “Wealth, Power, and Inequality: Global Market, the State, and Local Sociocultural Dynamics”. in Hy V Luong eds., Post War in Vietnam. Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield.
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a market economy. The fundamental turn was similar to the perestroika in Russia.
Policy makers in needed to collect men power from diverse social cadres. Religion was used to gather the public spheres .Vietnamese government in the late 1980s was highly committed with Buddhism association to gain trust from the public. A large amount of government fund sent for reconstructing and maintenance several temples and pagodas across the country. Churches and the Roman Catholic citizens life were also innovated. Those outstanding religious leaders allowed to join the government system, contribute their opinion on Culture and Society issue.
Another moral reason for the insurgence in the 1980’s was according to million of soldiers (heroes) that the country lost in the war. Many of whose bodies were lost and buried at the front and never brought home. Those fortunate enough to find the remains (and many do not), carried home to have final funeral rites. In case the body found by the state, they will be placed in the public site to wait for their family.
Marlaney (2003) commented that it should be well noted that official support for commemoration of war dead is confined. The government took responsibility to arrange funeral or family’s choice to install the spirit to the Buddhism temples.
As a result, the government dedicated the War Veteran day on July 27th to encourage martyr’s family members to go for worshipping. In further, several religious ceremonies were conducted (most in Buddhism and Roman Catholic) to pray for those passed away under the water (river and sea). The state also devised special policies to assist their family. This has been a traditional morality attitude that carried after the August Revolution succeeded (1945). The demand for religion in Vietnam was grown and seized from this morality action. In the development period, the state
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spends more expenses to search for the missing martyr’s body. Taylor (1983)31 defined a common theme that runs throughout Vietnamese religious history is the worship of historical heroes, particularly those who played significant role in protecting Vietnam from foreign invaders.
31 Keith Weller Taylor. 1983. The Birth of Vietnam. Berkerly: University of California Press.
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Appendix 2. The Transformative Dialogue Structure in 1990
Transformative Dialogue Establishment of Mutual
Target, caused by Historical Circumstances
National Security Free Hands for
Economic
Authentic Culture
Traditional Cults
Family Values Non-Orthodox Buddhism
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3.2.3 The Existence of new Debate Channels
In 1992, Vietnam changed the legitimate government to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, the government lead by civilians, for civilians. The amendments to the religious constitution dedicated the freedom on beliefs, faiths is the right of citizens.
All religions are equilibrium. Most of the studies about Vietnam focus on how the government compromises the revolution of religion rather than studying on the role of religious institutions to operate a ‘transformative dialogue’ with the state. In Vietnam, as in many other modern states in East and South East Asia, the suppression of all but a select few ritual practices was regarded as essential for the modernization and nation-building project. Olga (2007)32 commented on the post socialist era as ‘ The political agenda has shifted drastically from the ‘creation of a new socialist person’ to
‘pursuing national traditions’’. Joining the globalization progress means the folk culture seems easily to fade away. Thus, the leaders promoted popular religions, cultures and literatures to detain the influence of Western culture. In the strategy to earn trust from animism Vietnamese, Buddhism acted as social Mediator not only between the political elites and the social elites, ordinary people but also in domestic and international affair.
The result of economic revolution covers the cost to reconstruct religion- state relationship. The negotiation is a way to give the government a free-hand to work on the economic. The highly engagement on religious practice demonstrated on many reconstruction of temples and pagodas. The monks and nuns have chances to go
32Dror Olga. 2007. Cult, Culture and Authority: Princess Lieu Hanh in Vietnamese History.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
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abroad for education as an individual wish. Venerable Thich Dao TInh (Interview, May-2016)33 said that the globalization encourages the religious clergies to study on languages and the world wisdom rather than staying in the temples. The government cooperates with the Buddhism Association to build many curricular schools for the Buddhists. Hence, even though young and poor clergies can have formal education until high school. The state needs a new generation of well education with language skills to promote the country’s identity to the world.
The internationalization on state entrepreneurs is also a motivation for the dialogue to be flourished. The pressure from media and the ‘third sector’ lead the government to figure the new path on negotiation with the social elites. The achievement began from economic to society and culture. As diplomatic affairs also requires economic, politic and culture. How did the government deliver the change? In the earlier part, we mentioned about the way that the government get involve to ancestor worship. The way the state call back people that flees to other countries during and after the world.
Participating in international organizations, Vietnam received sustainable funds from development countries as Japan, Sweden to construct the roads, bridge, public places.
The convenient of transportation contribute to religious life of not only domestic citizens but also international visitors. Advanced transportation, attract several vehicles companies to build factories in Vietnam such as Honda, Yamaha Motor in around 1997. There were more motorbikes on the streets, with few imported cars. By owning further private vehicles, people gained access to worship monastery in the remote era, where local government is more relaxed on religious practices. In fact,
33Thich Dao Tinh. Interview 2016. Taiwan: Dharma Mountain Sangha University.
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practicing rituals accommodated with the elites in the 1990s by the norm of ‘one makes a living because of the graves’. People believe in the national heroes, their ancestors and family blessings. The culture on one hand does not harm political ideology; on the other hand creates more venues for the government to propagate domestic religious spending.
3.2.4 The Conflation of National Commemoration and Religious Practice
In the local province, the government invests on the place where local people are able to worship the local heroes. By building a typical ‘museum-shrine’, the suggested reason is to maintain the norm of moral behavior in the local community, to preserve belief in the tutelary deities, and to sustain the communal solidarity. Olga (2007) comments on the frame of national heroes that Vietnamese leaders understood that they were not efficient enough to subdue religious cults completely. In-stead, they choose to use the cultic ‘form’ by filling it with their own content, creating a new pantheon of deities consisting of their heroes, who not only serve their propaganda needs but at the same time enter the country’s religious terrain, secularizing and making politically correct the ‘content’ of popular religion. The scholars have not concern to the background of Vietnamese leaders back to that time. Almost of the leaders served the War so they pay much attention on worshipping the Heroes and Martyrs in wither local or national memorizing ceremonies.
In the manifest of ‘Return to the source’ manner, there are several other Festivals during the Lunar New Year. The government takes advantage of popular sentence in Vietnamese as ‘ January is a month for festival, eat and play’. According to the
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number of festival increased, the number of tourists also soared. More temples and pagodas have been constructed. The government seems more generous on giving the land to support on religious purpose projects. For examples, Pham Quynh Phuong described on her work in 200934 as Tran Hung Dao is being rediscovered and invested with meanings by the state, which formulates policies on religion. The Saint Tran festival can be considered as one of the most important festivals for the Vietnamese, especially government officers.
3.2.5 The Era of Religious Humanitarian Work
In 2011, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, at the 11th National Congress, released an official statement about Vietnam’s foreign policy, in a section of the statement wrote: Vietnam is a friend and a reliable partner of all countries in international community, actively taking part in international and regional cooperation process. Since Vietnam started to modify the foreign affairs strategy, donors, governmental aid agencies, as well as INGOs, rushed to assist Vietnam by applying their own models of development. These models incorporated the view that supporting counterpart NGOs was the best way of carving out space for civil society activity in authoritarian political systems. These typologies have in many respects been overtaken by the rapid growth of non-government voluntary (or non-profit) associations at grassroots level, referred by foreign scholars as “community-based organizations” (CBOs).
34 Pham Quynh Phuong. 2009. Hero and Deity. Chiang Mai: Mekong Press
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3.2.5.1 The Ambivalence between Sanction and Non-sanctioned Organization Civil society in this context refers to the creation of public space where Vietnam’s one-party state can be challenged by the non-violent political mobilization of ordinary citizens. Both China and Vietnam now have societies that are far more diverse than a corporatist or ‘partial civil society’ model would predict.
Many non-profit organizations, religious groups, and informal local associations have found alternate means to operate beyond the corporatist structures set by the state, either registering as for-profit businesses, as a subsidiary of other legal organizations such as universities and the media, or by simply not registering at all. Most Chinese and Vietnamese writing is based on foreign sources from the liberal individualist side of civil society theory, influenced by economic management and public policy discourses, as well as some discussion of social capital (Gao and Yuan 2008, Nguyen M 2009). Analysts have taken a generally positive view of the greater acceptance of civil society terminology as ‘evidence of a developing and widening civic space’ and a move beyond corporatism (Kerkvliet et al, 2008 & Wischerman, 2010).
In contrast to the membership organizations, which are closed and only for members,
In contrast to the membership organizations, which are closed and only for members,