Slovakia’s EU membership (1993-2003)

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regarding the leadership‟s ideological orientation thus seem to be proving relevant in case of the Slovak-Taiwanese relations. It is obvious that the fundamental basis for rapprochement between Taiwan and Slovakia were laid during the administration of Dzurinda, i.e. the leadership the helped Slovakia to comply with the Western international standards and achieve its membership in important international institutions, such as the EU and NATO.

3.3.2 Slovakia’s EU membership (1993-2003)

Slovakia‟s EU membership could have played an important role in accelerating the rapprochement between Taiwan and Slovakia before the opening of the representative offices. In particular, it is believed that Slovakia‟s complying with the EU standards for economic performance and democratic governance could have eventually led to mutual interests between Taiwan and Slovakia. However, as it was suggested above, although the EU membership was commonly pursued by all the post-communist central European countries, Slovakia‟s post-independent development did not always suggest so.

From the signature of the Europe Agreement in March 1992, it is obvious that the Czechoslovak Government, which was formed in 1990, committed itself to the European integration. As a new country, Slovakia sought legitimacy, security and trade relations to ensure its survival. In order to avoid international isolation, similarly with Taiwan Slovakia needed support of the international community. An ideal solution for Slovakia was to join the EU and NATO. Slovakia formulated its policy towards the European Union in its program of January 1995. The document stated that the membership of Slovakia in the EU was among its foreign policy priorities; and emphasized its commitment to implement fully the Europe Agreement, to conform its legislation and standards to those of the EU, to prepare for entry into Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and to proceed with full trade liberalization (Agenda 2000, 1997).

The Memorandum accompanying Slovakia‟s application to the EU stated:

“The strategic objective of the Slovak Republic is to become a full-fledged member in the EU within the time horizon around the year 2000. The Slovak Republic wishes to

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join the EU as an equal member actively contributing to the advantageous multifaceted cooperation.” (Agenda 2000 - Commission Opinion on Slovakia‟s Application for Membership of the European Union, 1997). According to the resolution on accession of Central and Eastern European countries to the EU issued by the European Council in Copenhagen in June 1993, a country‟s accession was going to be approved once the country was able to assume the obligations of membership by satisfying the economic and political conditions. The conditions were as follows:

 “that the candidate country has achieved stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities;

 the existence of a functioning market economy, as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union;

 the ability to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the aims of political, economic and monetary union” (Agenda 2000, p. 125, 1997).

However, the 1994 elections that brought Mečiar back to power predetermined a difficult path for Slovakia towards the membership. The impact of Mečiar‟s style of politics gradually led to political regression and to Slovakia‟s departure from the promising Central European style of transition that was characteristic for its three neighboring countries: the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland (Szomolányi, 2003).

Mečiar‟s increasingly populist, nationalist and authoritarian style jeopardized Slovakia‟s democracy and rule of law. His actions suggested an obvious priority given to reinforcing his position by non-democratic means instead of his stated aim for Western integration (Agenda 2000, 1997). Mečiar‟s government often infringed constitutional principles, disregarded decisions by the constitutional court, and severely undermined the functioning of the constitutional court, as well as the office of the president (Bertelsmann Transformation Index, 2003). Substantial were also the issues between the government and civic institutions, as well as the government‟s approach and policies towards national minorities. Public institutions were abused by politicians for their own personal purposes, and freedoms of opinion and the press were restricted by repressive measures (Bertelsmann Transformation Index, 2003).

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When it comes to market economy, the institutional basis for free-market competition was weak due to the manipulation of the privatization program to benefit government sympathizers. Similarly, the banking system lacked independence from political influences as loans were often granted based on personal relationships or political influence.

It is therefore evident, that Slovakia under Mečiar‟s rule failed to meet the preconditions for the first wave of EU and NATO integration as a result of personal interests of the leaders over the national interests (Szomolányi, 2003). As a result, Slovakia‟s application to the EU was rejected in 1997, when the EU parliament issued a statement affirming that,

“Slovakia does not fulfill in a satisfying manner the political conditions set out by the European Council in Copenhagen, because of the instability of Slovakia‟s institutions, their lack of rootedness in political life and the shortcomings in the functioning of its democracy” (Agenda 2000, 1997).

However, following the 1998 Slovak elections, the European Parliament adopted a resolution that congratulated Slovakia on the results of the national elections calling it „a significant political change‟. The resolution called on the incoming Slovak government “to give absolute priority to the establishment of a political system that fully respects human rights and the rights of minorities, democracy and the rule of law” (European Parliament, 2000). It further appealed on the Council and the Commission to monitor the new political situation in Slovakia and to reassess its fulfillment of the political criteria for membership of the European Union (European Parliament, 2000).

Subsequently, in the Regular Reports to the Council submitted on further progress achieved towards accession by each candidate country the Commission concluded that, thanks to the changes introduced since September 1998, Slovakia fulfilled the Copenhagen political criteria (European Parliament, 2000). In 2001, the Slovak government issued its Report on the preparedness of the Slovak Republic for the EU membership that stated that government‟s objective is to catch up with the other neighboring Visegrad group countries in order be able to join the EU at about the same time (Government Office of the Slovak Republic, 2001).

Dzurinda‟s government proved its willingness to abide by the requirements of the EU, which showed on the progress in social and economic restructuring. This in turn further advanced Slovakia‟s attempts to enter alliances it had been trying to join

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since independence. As Meseţnikov (2001) points out, “the entry of the Slovak Republic to the OECD in December 2000, and its invitation (extended in December 1999) to begin negotiations on full EU membership, were tangible fruit of these endeavors.” Eventually, Slovakia was invited to participate in the first wave of accession in 2004 and gained acceptance of the international community.

In relevance to the Slovak-Taiwanese relations, it appears obvious that Mečiar‟s dubious attitude towards the EU membership failed to create economic and political conditions that would have facilitated negotiations between Taiwan and Slovakia. These were set only after the change of government in 1998, which brought as well the first substantial interactions between Taiwan and Slovakia. It is thus possible to assume, that the endeavors to obtain the EU membership activated the necessary conditions favoring as well the Slovak-Taiwanese relations.