台灣華語語調詞組與三聲變調 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所碩士論文. National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Master Thesis. 指導教授：蕭宇超 Advisor：Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學台灣華語語調詞組與三聲變調. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Mandarin Third Tone Sandhi and Intonational Phrase. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生：陳怡臻撰 Student：Yi Jen Chen 中華民國 106 年 6 月. v.

(2) MANDARIN THIRD TONE SANDHI AND INTONATIONAL PHRASE. BY. 立. 政Yi Jen治Chen 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Institute of Linguistics in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. Ch. engchi. June 2017. i n U. v.

(3) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(4) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. Copyright © 2017 Yi Jen Chen All Rights Reserved iii. v.

(5) To mom and a-má. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(6) Acknowledgement I would like to thank Professor Yuchau E. Hsiao for his guidance and supervision during these years. In the first year of my master program, I attended his Phonology course, and he encouraged and helped me to submit my term paper to the 48th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. I was greatly encouraged by the experience and decided to dedicate myself into more linguistic research ever since. Despite the difficulties and frustrations that came along the way, he is always there to provide timely guidance and insightful advice. Without his help. 治政 I also hold sincere gratitude towards Professor大 Hui-shan Lin and Chinwei Wu, 立. and support, I would not have achieved and grown so much.. the committee members of my thesis, for their valuable comments and suggestions.. ‧ 國. 學. Throughout the years in the linguistic program, I have learned a lot from. ‧. Professor One Soon Her, Professor Chiung-chih Huang, Professor Kawai Hsu,. sit. y. Nat. Siaw-Fong Chung, De Busser Rik and Huei-ling Lai. Their ways of teaching and. io. er. thought-provoking lectures have shaped the professional researcher and the inspiring. al. educator I aim to become in the future.. n. v i n Cgohto Hui Ling Zeng,Uour teaching assistant, who always My heartfelt thanks also engchi. reminds me of everything! I also feel thankful for the company of my classmates and fellow graduate students. We have been through a lot together since the first few years, and no one else understands the hardships better than we do. Meeting them is one of the perks of being here. I wish them all the best. At last, I want to thank my mother for supporting and understanding me, and my grandmother for always believing in me. I am forever indebted to them. This thesis is dedicated to these two indispensable figures of my life.. v.

(7) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgements. ……………………………………………………….. v. Chinese Abstract. ……………………………………………………….. vii. English Abstract. ……………………………………………………….. ix. Chapter ……………………………………………………………. 1. Introduction. 政治大. 2. Literature Review. 1. 2.1 Studies on Mandarin Tone Sandhi Domain. 立. 2.1.1 Speech Rate and Tone Sandhi Domain. ………………………. 4. ‧ 國. 2.2 Derivation of Tone Sandhi Patterns. 學. 2.1.2 Domain of Tone Sandhi ……………………………………….. 6 ……………………………... ‧. 3. The Corpus Data. ……………………………………….. 24. Nat. ……………………………………….. 24. sit. 3.2 Introduction to the Corpus. y. 3.1 Data Collection. io. er. 4. Findings and Analysis 4.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy. n. al. 9. 4.1.1 Phonological Word. Ch. i n U. v. …………………………………………. 41. e……………………………………………… ngchi. 44. ……………………………………... 48. …………………. 50. ……………... 56. 4.1.3.3 Verb Heads with Both Sides. …………………………... 62. 4.1.4 Intonational Phrase and the Foot. …………………………. 73. 4.1.2 Clitic Group. 4.1.3 Phonological Phrase. 4.1.3.1 Verb Heads with the Recursive Side. 4.1.3.2 Verb Heads with the Nonrecursive Side. 4.2 Cyclic and Simultaneous Application. …………………………. 81. ……………………………………………………………... 85. Appendix. ……………………………………………………………………. 87. References. ……………………………………………………………………. 99. 5. Conclusion. vi.

(8) 國立政治大學研究所碩士論文題要研究所別：語言學研究所論文名稱：台灣華語語調詞組與三聲變調指導教授：蕭宇超研究生：陳怡臻論文提要內容：(共一冊，兩萬零七百七十五字，分五章). 政治大華語三聲變調的運作範疇(domain)一直以來皆是漢立. ‧ 國. 學. 語音韻學家激烈探討的主題，不同研究對於運作範疇的定義皆不同，而過去研究也留下了一些尚待解決的問. ‧. 題，例如分類詞(Classifier)以及介係詞(Preposition). y. Nat. io. sit. 如何與其他音節形成三聲變調的運作範疇。本篇論文藉. er. 由觀察語料庫中 324 句最短為 6 音節，最長為 24 音節且. al. n. v i n Ch 由數個三聲音節所組成的中文句子，來檢視台灣華語三 engchi U 聲變調若以 Nespor & Vogel (1986)所提出之韻律階層. (Prosodic hierarchy)為範疇來運作是否能得出自然且多樣的聲調組合。以下分析主要根據韻律階層的順序分成以下四部分：音韻詞(Phonological word)、附著詞組(Clitic group)、音韻詞組(Phonological phrase)、語調詞組 (Intonational phrase)。而作者假設三聲變調有兩種運作方式，一種為循環(Cyclic)，一種為同時(Simultaneous)。循 vii.

(9) 環運作時，三聲變調可先以音韻詞邊界為範疇，再以附著詞組邊界為範疇，再以音韻詞組邊界為範疇，最後再以語調詞組邊界為範疇。同時運作時，三聲變調則只以語調詞組邊界為範疇。語料庫分析結果顯示，中心語(Head) 之非遞歸邊(Nonrecursive side)的分支性(Branchingness) 需被納入音韻詞組的定義中以得出正確的聲調組合。再者，語調詞組的定義也需將語意(Semantic)以及韻律. 政治大經過修正，韻律階層理論不僅能成功描述分類詞以及介立. (Metric)的因素納入考量，以限制語調詞組邊界的形成。. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 係詞之三聲變調現象更可預測華語三聲變調的多樣性。. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. viii. i n U. v.

(10) Abstract Mandarin tone sandhi has been argued by different scholars to apply to different phonological domains such as the foot, the phonological phrase etc. This thesis tackles three main issues left by Shih (1986) and Hsiao (1991): the classifier, the preposition and the under-generation problem. In revising the framework of Nespor & Vogel (1986)’s Prosodic Hierarchy, this thesis proposes a possible explanation of the problems.. 政治大 This thesis constructed a corpus of 324 sentence tokens consisting of 6 to 24 立. ‧ 國. 學. third tone syllables. The tokens were recorded from four Taiwan Mandarin native. ‧. speakers at a speech rate of at least 200 beats per minute. Through the observation of. sit. y. Nat. the tone patterns collected, it is found that the original definitions of the phonological. n. al. er. io. phrase and the intonational phrase given by Nespor & Vogel (1986) are not able to. Ch. i n U. v. describe the Taiwan Mandarin data. This thesis provides a revision of the prosodic. engchi. hierarchy by taking into account the branchingness of the nonrecursive side on the phonological phrase level and by incorporating Selkirk (1984)’s Sense Unit Condition on the intonational phrase level. Finally, a foot formation condition is also proposed in order to restrict the minimal length of a phonological phrase or an intonational phrase.. ix.

(11) Chapter 1 Introduction As a tone language, Mandarin contains four distinctive lexical tones: high level (the first tone), rising (the second tone), low (the third tone) and falling (the fourth tone) (Shih, 1986). In general terms, tone sandhi (TS) refers to the phonological rule that changes non-final third tone syllable(s) into second tone syllable(s) wherever adjacent third tone syllables occur. However, it is observed that a sentence with. 政治大. multiple third tones can be mapped to more than one TS pattern. The various patterns. 立. are determined by the domain of TS application (D), which can be influenced by. ‧ 國. 學. factors such as speech rate, semantic prominence and so on (Cheng, 1987; Hsiao,. ‧. 1991; Lin, 2002 etc.).. Nat. io. sit. y. Studies of TS have proposed a number of approaches to represent D and its. er. process of derivation. The approaches to the formation of D can be divided into the. al. n. v i n C hreference model ofUrepresentation. In short, the direct direct reference and the indirect engchi. reference model contends that D is determined by the syntactic structure, while the indirect reference model holds that D is a prosodic structure which is derived from, rather than determined by, the syntactic structure. Thus, the D may or may not be isomorphic to the boundaries of syntactic constituents in the latter model. Due to the fact that a single syntactic structure can derive multiple TS patterns, this thesis assumes an indirect model of representation to represent the formation of D and 1.

(12) 2. illustrate the variations of TS patterns. In addition, previous research on the derivation of Mandarin TS have pointed out that the faster the speech rate, the wider the initial D becomes; and that the maximal D is the intonational phrase (IP) (Shih, 1986; Hsiao, 1991; Cheng, 1987 etc.). Therefore, this thesis examines the formation of D under the prestissimo speech rate, which was controlled by the musical tempo of 200 beats per minute. At such a fast speech rate, TS is believed to apply up to the maximal D,. 政治大. namely, the IP. Hence, through observing the collected TS patterns at the prestimisso. 立. speech rate, this thesis aims to provide a complete account of how the IP is formed,. ‧ 國. 學. which has not been investigated and defined as thoroughly as the other prosodic. ‧. categories, because “the distribution of IP boundaries is determined by multiple levels. Nat. phonology (Tooley, Konopka & Watson, 2014, p.350).. al. er. io. sit. y. of linguistic structure, including pragmatics, discourse, syntax, semantics, and. n. v i n C hto represent the formation Furthermore, with an aim e n g c h i U of TS domain and the. derivation of TS patterns, this thesis constructed a corpus of 324 recorded sentence tokens comprising sequences of third tones. All the data were recorded from four native Taiwan Mandarin speakers at the age of 25 to 27. As it turns out , the derivation of the tone patterns in the corpus and the formation of relevant phonological domains can be well-accounted for under a combined framework of Nespor & Vogel (1986)’s Prosodic Hierarchy and Selkirk (1984)’s Sense Unit Condition, with some.

(13) 3. adjustments. The prosodic hierarchy proposed in the thesis consists of the phonological word, the clitic group, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase level. The rest of the thesis is divided into four sections. Chapter two discusses previous studies on Mandarin TS, its relation to the IP and the residual problems in the literature. Chapter three explains the collection of the data and the organization of. 政治大. the corpus. Chapter four presents the findings and analysis in terms of the formation. 立. of TS domain on respective levels of the proposed prosodic hierarchy. Chapter five. ‧ 國. 學. provides a brief summary of the key concepts proposed in Chapter four.. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(14) Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1 Studies on Mandarin Tone Sandhi Domain 2.1.1 Speech Rate and Tone Sandhi Domain In the previous literature, it is believed that Mandarin TS patterns are sensitive to speech rate. Shih (1986) provides an analysis of the classic example sentence among TS studies: Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 “Old Li buys good wine”. She derives all the. 政治大. variants of the sentence under three different speech rates, each of which is. 立. represented with a musical tempo, including the adagio, the allegro and the presto. ‧ 國. 學. tempo. Her analysis is recaptured as (1) to (3). The round brackets signify D, which is. ‧. formed by the Foot Formation Rules (FFR) she proposed; and TS applies to the. Nat. io. sit. y. domain of the foot.. er. The FFR (to be introduced in 2.2) states that the immediate constituents Lao3 Li3. al. n. v i n Cwine” “Old Li” and hao3 jiu3 “good formed as respective disyllabic h e naregobligatorily chi U feet on the foot level. On the super-foot level, the verb mai3 “buy” joins in the neighboring foot hao3 jiu3 “good wine” according to the direction of syntactic. branching. TS cyclically applies on the foot level first and then on the super-foot level. Whether it applies on the IP level is optional, unless it is the presto speech rate.. 4.

(15) 5 (1) “Old Li buys good wine.” (under the adagio tempo) Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 Underlying tones 3 3 3 3 3 Foot level (obl.) (2 3) 3 (2 3) Super-foot level (2 3) (3 2 3) Surface tones (I) 2 3 3 2 3 IP level (opt.) (2 2 3 2 3) Surface tones (II) 2 2 3 2 3 As the speech rate quickens, the initial domain of cyclic TS application changes from the foot to the super-foot and to the IP. At the adagio tempo, TS starts applying. 政治大. on the foot level, producing the surface tone patterns in (1); at the allegro tempo, it. 立. starts applying on the super-foot level, producing the surface tone pattern in (2); at the. ‧ 國. 學. presto tempo, it starts applying on the IP level, producing the surface tone pattern in. ‧ y. Nat. n. al. Underlying tones Super-foot level IP level (opt.) Surface tones. er. io. (2) “Old Li buys good wine.” (under the allegro tempo). sit. (3).. i n U. v. Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 3 3 3 3 3 (2 3) (2 2 3) (2 3 2 2 3). Ch. engchi. 2. 3. 2. 2. (3) “Old Li buys good wine.” (under the presto tempo) Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 Underlying tones 3 3 3 3 3 IP level (obl.) (2 2 2 2 3) Surface tones 2 2 2 2 3. 3.

(16) 6. In addition to Shih (1986), Wang (1998) and Lin (2002) also support the relation between speech rate and TS patterns in saying that faster speech rate leads to wider TS domain and more sandhi tones, which agrees with the prediction above that the number of sandhi tones from (1) to (3) increases as the speech rate quickens.. 2.1.2 Domain of Tone Sandhi. 政治大. Many studies have assumed that TS patterns should be constrained by the IP,. 立. despite that the prosodic hierarchical structures under the IP are still open to debate. ‧ 國. 學. (Shih, 1986; Cheng, 1987; Hsiao, 1991 etc.). As mentioned earlier, under Shih. ‧. (1986)’s analysis, TS may apply cyclically from the foot to the IP, or simultaneously. Nat. io. sit. y. within the IP. It seems to her that the prosodic level immediately below the IP is the. al. er. foot. In Cheng (1987)’s analysis the prosodic levels below the IP are the phonological. n. v i n C h word (PhWd).UIn Hsiao (1991), the prosodic phrase (PhP) and the phonological engchi. level under the IP is the PhP, but TS applies to the foot domain that is formed within the PhP and the IP boundaries. He treats the foot as belonging to a separate hierarchy from the one consisting of PhPs, IPs and the like. The present thesis, through the observation of the TS patterns in the corpus, agrees with Hsiao (1991)’s statement that foot formation belongs to a distinct metrical hierarchy that is different from the prosodic hierarchy, but the present thesis does not see the foot as the domain of TS.

(17) 7. rule. Contrarily, the boundaries of the prosodic categories such as the PhP and the IP are the boundaries of TS domain, and the formation of these boundaries is restricted by foot formation. Despite that studies have shown the importance of the IP boundary in restricting the domain of TS, the definition of the IP still remains opaque. Shih (1986) mentions that only short phrases allow TS to apply simultaneously within the IP. For example,. 政治大. while it may seem natural to apply TS simultaneously within the IP domain of a. 立. two-foot phrase under fast speech, as in (4a), the same application to a three-foot. ‧ 國. 學. phrase is much less acceptable, as in (4b). The factors resulting in the unnatural. ‧. reading in (4b) are not further discussed in her study, but she points out that sentence. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io. (4). y. length may play an important role in the formation of the IP domain.. Ch. a. “Old Li buys good wine.”. engchi. i n U. v. Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 IP domain (2 2 2 2 3) b. “I ask Old Li to buy good wine.” Wo3 qing3 Lao3 Li3 mai3 hao3 jiu3 IP domain (2 2 2 2 2 2 3)? In Cheng (1987), she posits that TS applies not on the foot level, but cyclically on the phonological word, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase level..

(18) 8. Although the restriction on IP formation is not the main subject of discussion in her study, she points out that either the entire sentence can be an IP on its own, or that the subject tends to be an IP by itself. The various ways of forming an IP aside from the two ways mentioned in Cheng (1987) are believed to bring about different tone patterns of a single sentence. Hsiao (1991) contends that TS “applies cyclically on and across feet, or. 政治大. simultaneously within IPs; in either case, tone sandhi must be blocked by the IP. 立. boundary…” (p.102). His model contributes to the phrasing of the IP in stating that IP. ‧ 國. 學. boundaries cannot be internal to a PhP, which reflects Selkirk (1984)’s Strict Layer. ‧. Hypothesis. This universal prosodic principle requires that a prosodic constituent of. Nat. io. sit. y. one level, such as the IP, immediately dominates only constituents of the next lower. al. er. level, such as the PhP. Notwithstanding, Hsiao (1991)’s formation of the PhP is not. n. v i n Cformalization economical with regard to the of cliticization and still not descriptive hengch i U enough to account for the TS patterns collected in the corpus, as will be shown in the following section..

(19) 9. 2.2 Derivation of Tone Sandhi Patterns To investigate the derivation of TS patterns, it is necessary to define the domain to which TS applies in the first place. Shih (1986) proposes a set of FFR, which is captured in (5) below. (5) Foot Formation Rule (Shih, 1986, p.110) I. Foot (f) Construction a. IC (Immediate Constituency): Link immediate constituents into disyllabic feet.. 政治大 syllables into binary 立feet, unless they branch to the opposite direction.. b. DM (Duple Meter): Scanning from left to right, string together unpaired. ‧ 國. 學. II. Super-foot (f’) Construction. Join any leftover monosyllable to a neighboring binary foot according to the. ‧. direction of syntactic branching.. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. Her foot-based definition of the TS domain leads the following researchers of. v. n. Mandarin TS to a new direction of analysis that does not regard syntax as the sole. Ch. engchi. i n U. reference for the formation of TS domain. However, her analysis lacks in explaining the foot formation of certain phrases and function words. First of all, for a sequence of third tones with a hierarchical syntactic structure like (6), foot formation seems to be a post-lexical rule, since the foot boundary cannot sit between gou3 “dog” and bing3 gan1 “cookies”; otherwise, it will affect the internal structure of the lexical item gou3 bing3 gan1 “dog’s cookies” and renders a different meaning as in (6a). On the other.

(20) 10. hand, for a sequence of third tones with a flat structure like (7), foot formation can either apply within a lexical item, rendering it a pre-lexical process. (6) “Soft dog’s cookie”. ruan3 gou3 bing3 gan1 a. b. c.. soft *(2 (3 (2. dog 3) (2 2. cookie (3 1) 3 1)) 3 1). 立. (7) “Somalia”. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. suo3 ma3 li3 ya3 (2 3) (2 3). Shih (1986) deems it unnecessary to distinguish pre- from post-lexical foot. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. formation in this matter because FFR applies in the same way, only that sentences. n. with hierarchical syntactic structures should be restricted by the Lexical Integrity. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Principle, so that foot formation cannot parse (6) into two feet. In (7), since the phrase is considered as having a flat syntactic structure, the syllables are formed into disyllabic feet according to DM. Nevertheless, Hsiao (1991) reveals the problem of the reliance on the Lexical Integrity Principle by giving hierarchically structured PhPs that can be parsed into two feet, as in (8). He proposes the Phonological Integrity Constraint that forbids foot.

(21) 11. formation from applying to PhPs with uniformly left- or right-branching structures as in (6).. (8) “excellent character”. you1 liang2 pin3 de2 (1 2) (3 2). 政治大. In fact, another solution to the problem that arose from the contrast of foot. 立. parsing between (6) and (8) is to abandon these stipulations of the integrity principles. ‧ 國. 學. and treat bing3 gan1 “cookies”, you1 liang2 “excellent” and pin3 de2 “character” as. ‧. sit. io. er. Nat. the IP level, which will be introduced in 4.1.1.. y. PhWds, and to hypothesize a PhWd level on which TS applies, prior to the PhP and. As mentioned briefly before the integrity problems, Shih (1986) observes that. al. n. v i n C h both in the pre-lexical foot formation can be said to operate system and the engchi U. post-lexical system. This reflects the foot’s different nature from prosodic categories like the PhWd, the PhP and the IP, which only exist in the post-lexical system. Hsiao (1991) in fact treats the foot and the syllable as metrical categories, as opposed to the other categories like the PhP and the IP, which are termed prosodic categories. In doing so, Hsiao (1991) hypothesizes that the metrical foot and the syllable, the PhP and the IP should respectively belong to the metrical hierarchy and the prosodic.

(22) 12 hierarchy; and that TS “applies to the domain of the foot, which is cyclically formed on prosodic constituents”, namely, the PhP, the IP etc. (p.97). As it turns out in 4.1.4, this view proves to be crucial for the definition of the intonational phrase. Another problem in Shih (1986)’s analysis is the foot formation of prepositions (e.g. bi3 “than”, wang3 “toward”) and classifiers (e.g. dian3 “some”). For sentences like (9), Shih (1986) suggests not to apply FFR-IC to the prepositional phrase (bi3. 政治大. gou3 “than dogs”) with a full noun phrase (gou3 “dog”), so that the sentence can be. 立. parsed into two feet by FFR-DM.. ‧ 國. 學. (9) “Cats are smaller than dogs.” (NA refers to non-application; UR refers to. ‧. underlying tones; ST refers to surface tones.). n. al. Ch. engchi. er. io. sit. y. Nat mao1 bi3 gou3 xiao3 UR 1 3 3 3 FFR-IC: NA 1 3 3 3 FFR-DM (1 3) (2 3) ST 1 3 2 3. i n U. v. On the other hand, Hung (1987) views Mandarin prepositions (e.g. wang3 “toward” and bi3 “than”) as co-verbs, treating them as lexical words like verbs, which may take arguments or modifiers. This view is also supported by Lin (2006), who holds that prepositions in Chinese are developed from the grammaticalization of verbs, so they still retain verbal characteristics such as taking aspectual markers and.

(23) 13. functioning as the main predicate of the sentence. Under this assumption, Hung (1987) adopts Selkirk (1984)’s Sense Unit Condition (SUC), which is specified in (10), and he suggests a modification of Shih (1986)’s definition of FFR as shown in (11), in order to derive all the possible TS patterns with the prepositional phrases in (12) and (13). The round brackets indicate the boundaries of sense units. The prepositions are boldfaced.. 政治大. (10) Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984, p.291). 立. Two constituents Ci, Cj form a sense unit if (a) or (b) is true of the semantic. ‧ 國. 學. interpretation of the sentence: a. Ci modifies Cj (a head).. ‧. b. Ci is an argument of Cj (a head).. y. Nat. er. io. sit. (11) Hung (1987)’s revision of FFR. (a) Form binary-branching feet by linking syllables into disyllabic sense units. al. n. wherever possible;. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. (b) For all remaining syllables, form trisyllabic or quadrisyllabic feet by linking them to the above to form larger sense units. (12) “Cats are smaller than dogs.” mao1 bi2 gou3 xiao3 UR 1 3 3 3 a. ST1 (1 ((2 2) 3)) b. ST2 ((1 3) (2 3)).

(24) 14. (13) “Dogs walk toward the north.” gou3 wang3 bei3 zou3 UR 3 3 3 3 a. ST1 (3 ((2 2) 3)) b. ST2 ((2 3) (2 3)) In (12) and (13), since prepositions (i.e. bi3 “than” and wang3 “toward”) are treated as co-verbs, they can form sense units with either their subject arguments (i.e. mao1 “cats” in (12) or gou3 “dogs” in (13)) or their complements (i.e. gou3 “dogs” in. 政治大. (12) and bei3 “north” in (13)) based on their head-argument relations required by the. 立. ‧ 國. 學. SUC. In (12a) and (13a), quadrisyllabic sense units are formed after the disyllabic sense units (i.e. bi3 gou3 “than dogs” and wang3 bei3 “toward the north”) are formed.. ‧. However, in (12b) and (13b), the last two syllables gou3 xiao3 “dogs, small” and. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. bei3 zou3 “north, walk” still form respective sense units even though how these. v. constituents satisfy the SUC is questionable. Gou3 “dogs” and xiao3 “small” in (12b). Ch. engchi. i n U. and bei3 “north” and zou3 “walk” in (13b) do not share full modifier-modified relations, because, strictly speaking, xiao3 “small” in (12) is modified by the entire PP (bi3 gou3 “than dogs”), rather than just the noun (gou3 “dogs”); and zou3 “walk” in (13) is modified by the entire PP (wang3 bei3 “toward the north”), not just the noun (bei3 “north”). Therefore, whether combining the SUC and the FFR is enough to explain the formation of TS domain remains debatable..

(25) 15. The classifier problem left by Shih (1986) also remains unsolved in Hung (1987), because the SUC cannot explain the adjoining of classifiers with the verbs on the left, instead of the noun phrases they specify. Furthermore, this approach alone cannot account for the foot formation of multisyllabic words as in (7), because each lexical item is a sense unit and it cannot be analyzed into smaller sense units to serve as the TS domain. As a result, we find that the formation of D cannot fully rely upon the. 政治大. SUC, although it may describe the D formation of prepositional phrases in Mandarin.. 立. For sentences with classifiers as in (14), on the one hand, Shih (1986) resorts to. ‧ 國. 學. cliticization and treats the verb and the classifier as one clitic word to form a foot. ‧. first, and the remaining syllable shui3 “water” forms a super-foot with gei3 dian3. Nat. al. er. io. sit. y. “give some” afterwards.. n. (14) “give some water”. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. gei3 dian3 shui3 UT 3 3 3 ((2 3) 3) ST (2 2 3). On the other hand, Hsiao (1991) provides a different solution to this problem. He posits a set of Beat Assignment and Foot Formation Rules represented in (15) to (17)..

(26) 16. Different from Shih (1986), he assigns a metrical beat to each syllable before foot formation. In other words, in his study, foot formation groups beats, rather than syllables, into feet. Moreover, he distinguishes function words from content words by stipulating that the beat assignment and foot formation of function words (i.e. functor syllables) only take place after lexical beats are assigned and lexical feet are formed, as in (15c). He also specifies that immediate constituent foot (ICF) must be formed. 政治大. before adjacent beat foot (ABF), jumbo foot (JF) or minifoot (MF) are formed, as in. 立. (15) Beat Assignment (Hsiao, 1991, p.37-38). 學. ‧ 國. (17a). ‧. a. Lexical Beat-Assignment (LB): Every lexical syllable is assigned a metrical beat.. sit. y. Nat. b. Functor Beat-Assignment (FB): A functor syllable is assigned a beat in normal or. io. in fast speech.. al. er. slow speech, behaving like a lexical syllable, and is left-adjoined to the nearest beat. n. v i n C hsyllables have beenUmade into ICFs and ABFs. c. FB takes place after lexical engchi. (16) Foot Formation a. Immediate Constituent Foot (ICF): Any adjacent beats which are assigned to ICs form an ICF. b. Adjacent Beat Foot (ABF): Any two adjacent beats which are not assigned to ICs are paired into an ABF. c. Jumbo Foot (JF): Any unpaired single beat is recruited by a neighboring foot to form a Jumbo foot if the beat c-commands the adjacent beat contained in the foot..

(27) 17 d. Minifoot (MF): The leftmost single beat constitutes a Minifoot if and only if it is followed by an intonational phrase boundary %. (17) Application Criteria a. When all conditions are met, the ICF prevails over other footing processes. b. Scanning starts from left to right and stops as soon as the environmental requirements for either MF, ABF or JF are met, and the principle triggered applies to the whole line. c. Footing must not cross any intonational phrase boundary.. 政治大 In addition, Hsiao (1991) assumes that the metrical categories and the prosodic 立. ‧ 國. 學. categories belong to separate hierarchies, and foot formation operates cyclically within the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase. He states that a. ‧. sit. y. Nat. phonological phrase boundary is marked on the left edge of a branching Xmax. The. n. al. er. io. intonational phrase is constructed by one or more phonological phrases that share. Ch. i n U. v. either head-argument or modifier-modified relations with each other as required by the SUC.. engchi. By stipulating that functor beat assignment takes place after the foot formation of lexical syllables, he provides another solution to the classifier problem, as shown in (18), and the preposition problem, as shown in (19). Nonetheless, as will be explained in the following, the phonological phrasings of these two function words differ from each other in his analysis..

(28) 18. In (18), through left-cliticization in phonological phrasing, the classifier dian3 “some” is left-adjoined to form a PhP with the verb mai3 “buy”. After that, since mai3 “buy” and dian3 “some” cannot form an IP by themselves due to the violation of the SUC, they must join jiu3 “wine” to form an IP.. (18) “buy some wine” Phonological Phrasing Intonational Phrasing UT Lexical Beat. 立. (x (x (2. x) x 2. (x) x) 3). ‧. ‧ 國. 政治大 x. 學. Functor Beat ABF (on the PhP level) JF (on the IP level) ST. [mai3 dian3] [jiu3] [ ] 3 3 3 x x. In contrast to the classifiers, which can only cliticize to the left, prepositions. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. optionally undergoes left-cliticization. In (19a), wang3 “toward” cliticizes to its left to. i n U. v. form a phonological phrase, but it does not undergo cliticization in (19b). This. Ch. engchi. produces different foot domains of TS and different tone patterns.. (19) “The dog runs to the north.” a. Phonological Phrasing [gou3 wang3] [bei3 pao3] Possible Intonational Phrasing (I) [ ] UT 3 3 3 3 Lexical Beat x x x ABF—lexical beats (x x) Functor Beat x ABF—functor beats (x x) ST. (2. 3). (2. 3).

(29) 19. b. Phonological Phrasing Possible Intonational Phrasing (II) UT Lexical Beat ABF—lexical beats MF—lexical beats Functor Beat JF—functor beats ST. [gou3] [wang3 bei3 pao3] [ ] [ ] 3 3 3 3 x x x x (x x) (x) (x x) x (x) (x x x) (3). (2. 2. 3). In the phonological phrasing of the classifier dian3 “some”, cliticization is. 政治大 left-adjoined to the neighboring phonological phrase, as in (18). In that of the 立. ‧ 國. 學. preposition, cliticization is, however, optional, as in (19). Hence, Hsiao (1991) makes a further stipulation, as in (20), to distinguish between the cliticization of these two. ‧. n. al. er. io. (20) Cliticization (Hsiao, 1991, p.95). sit. y. Nat. function words.. i n U. v. a. A functor which is a non-head of an Xmax must be cliticized to the left of the. Ch. engchi. preceding phonological boundary.. b. Cliticization is optional for Xhead functors.. However, as Chapter 4 develops, this stipulation seems to be dispensable if we consider prepositions to be co-verbs or lexical words as Hung (1987) and Lin (2006) do. Despite the fact that Hsiao (1991) provides a possible solution to the preposition and the classifier problem, his model still lacks in predicting the variations collected.

(30) 20. in the corpus of this thesis, as shown in (21). The boundaries of the PhP are marked on the left edges of each branching Xmax, and a possible IP break can sit between Lao3 Li3 “Old Li” and zhao3 “find”. Foot formation first forms ICFs (Lao3 Li3 “Old Li”, zong3 tong3 “president”, pao3 bu4 “run”) and then ABFs (zhao3 Ma3 “find Ma”). If TS does not operate across feet, the surface TS pattern will be ST1. If TS operates across feet, the surface TS pattern will be ST2. However, both predicted TS patterns. 政治大. do not identify with the data collected from two informants (abbreviated as inf.) in the. 立. corpus of the present thesis. Therefore, a model that is able to predict more variations. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. is needed.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(31) 21. (21) “Old Li finds President Ma and asks him for a run.”. PhP. [[Lao3 Li3 [[zhao3 Ma3 zong3. IP. [. ICF. [(x. x)]. [x. x. (x. x). (x. x)]. ABF. [(x. x)]. [(x. x). (x. x). (x. x)]. ] [. 2. 3. Cross-feet TS. 2. 3. ST2. 2. 立3. Inf. 1. *2 *2. ]. 3 2 治政 2 3 2 大 2. 3. 3. 4. 2. 3. 4. 2. 3. 2. 2. 3. 4. 2. 3. 3. 2. 3. 3. 4. 2. 2. 3. 2. 2. 3. 4. 學 ‧. ‧ 國. ST1. Inf. 2. tong3 pao3 bu4. The findings and analysis in Chapter 4 are divided into two main parts. The first. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. part is about the domain of TS application. As explained in this chapter, the formation. v. n. of D under the IP level is still open to debate (the foot in Shih (1986) and Hsiao. Ch. engchi. i n U. (1991); the phonological word, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase in Cheng (1987) etc.), which makes it difficult to define the boundaries of IP. Hence, the following analysis examines another model of representation, the Prosodic Hierarchy, as developed by Selkirk (1984), Nespor & Vogel (1986), Inkelas (1989), Bickmore (1989) among others, and tries to provide a unified definition of the prosodic hierarchy and, most important of all, a clearer definition of the IP..

(32) 22. The prosodic hierarchy has different levels of prosodic constituents that are organized into a hierarchy different from the syntactic one. Nespor & Vogel (1986) proposes a complete prosodic hierarchy as shown in (22). The levels in the prosodic hierarchy all meet the following two requirements: (a) Exhaustive Parsing and (b) Strict Layering. Simply put, exhaustive parsing refers to the regulation that every element at each level must be parsed into some kind of prosodic domain; and strict. 政治大. layering designates that the prosodic domain at one level must contain at least one or. 立. more prosodic domains formed at its lower level.. ‧ 國. 學. (22) The prosodic hierarchy. ‧. a. the syllable. sit. y. Nat. b. the foot. al. n. d. the clitic group. er. io. c. the phonological word. Ch. e. the phonological phrase. engchi. i n U. v. f. the intonational phrase g. the phonological utterance. The present thesis investigates the levels involving the process of Taiwan Mandarin TS derivation and whether the definition of the prosodic categories in Nespor & Vogel (1986) can be the domain of TS. Through the observation of the TS patterns in the corpus, four levels of the prosodic hierarchy are assumed to be relevant:.

(33) 23. the phonological word (PhWd), the clitic group (C), the phonological phrase (PhP) and the intonational phrase (IP). The primary goal of this thesis is to examine how TS cyclically applies to these levels and to adjust the construction and reconstruction rule of these prosodic categories in Nespor & Vogel (1986) whenever necessary.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(34) Chapter 3 Data Collection 3.1 Data Collection As discussed in the previous chapter, the faster the speech rate, the wider the D. In Shih (1986), it is presumed that D is the IP at the presto speech rate. Cheng (1987) and Hsiao (1991) also support the view that TS applies cyclically up to the IP, or simultaneously to the IP at a relatively fast speech rate. Therefore, this thesis. 政治大. constructed a corpus of third tone sequences recorded from four Taiwan Mandarin. 立. native speakers (two females and two males, three of them at the age of 25, one of. ‧ 國. 學. them 27). The author presumed that TS is more likely to apply to the IP level at a. ‧. speech rate faster that the presto, which, grounded on the musical tempo, is 168 to 200. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. beats per minute. Hence, the four informants were asked to read sentences made of. v. n. sequences of third tones at a speech rate of above 200 beats (or words) per minute,. Ch. engchi. i n U. which is termed as the prestissimo speech rate. The recording process depended on the tempo of a metronome to control the speech rate of the informants.. 3.2 Introduction to the Corpus The corpus comprises 324 sentence tokens (81 sentences*4 speakers) containing 6 to 24 syllables and 49 types of syntactic structures, which are shown in (23) and (24) (see Appendix for a full list of tokens for each sentence structure). 24.

(35) 25. (23) Number of sentences of different lengths Number of syllables Number of sentential tokens 6. 32. 7. 32. 8. 44. 9. 68. 10. 36. 11. 32. 12. 20 20 政8治大. 13 18. 立. 19. 4. 4. 22. 4. 23. 12. ‧ 國. 21. Nat. n. al. er. 324. io. Total No. of tokens. y. 4. sit. 24. ‧. 4. 學. 20. Ch. i n U. v. (24) Syntactic structures and sentence tokens in the corpus Types of sentential structures S. [N VP[V N N. S NP. [. VP PP. S. VP PP. [V [V. [V N N. 8. [ [P N [V [ [P N. 4. VP. [ ADV V. S. [N ADJP[ADV ADJ. S. VP VP. VP. S. VP VP. VP. [N [N. [ [. [V [V. [V N [V [V. NP. [. [N. 4. [N N. 4. [N N VP[ VP[V VP[V N. 12. S NP S. 4 8. S NP. [. No. of tokens 8. VP. [N N. S. engchi. [ADJ N. VP VP. [. VP. [V N. [V NP. NP. [ADJ N. [ADJ N. 12 12.

(36) 26 S NP. [N N VP[ VP[V N NP[ADJ N. [. S. VP PP. S. VP. S. VP. [N [N [N. [ [P N S. [V [N [V N. S NP. [. [N N. 12. VP. [V N. 8. VP PP. [ [P N [V. 8. VP. [V. 4. VP. VP. [V N. [V. 4. [N VP[V NP[N N VP[V. 4. S. S NP. [. [N N. VP. VP. [V N. 8. [ADV V. 8. [N VP[V S[N VP[V ADV. 8. S. [N. VP. [V N. S. [V [N. VP. S S. [N. VP PP. [ [P. S NP. [. NP. [N N. VP. [ADJ N. VP PP. [ [P. [V N. NP. [ADJ N. S. VP. S NP. VP. S. VP. S NP. VP. [N [N. [V [. [ADJ N. [V [. 16. VP. [V N. 8. [V N. [ADJ N. 12. [N N 治政 [ADJ N 大. [V. S NP. NP. 4. [ ADJ N VP[V NP[N NP. S NP. [ADJ N. [V [N. S. [V [N. 4. VP. [V N. [N VP[V S[N VP[V NP[N N VP. S. S. VP. S NP. S. VP. S. S. VP. [N [N [N. [V [. [V N. [ [P N. VP PP. [ [P N. VP PP. VP. [V. [V N. NP. [N N. [V N. VP PP. S. VP. [N. [ [P. [ADJ N. S. [V [N. VP. a [P Nl. n. [N. NP. io. S. VP PP. [. S. [V. VP. VP. S. VP PP. S. VP. S. VP PP. [N [N. [V [N [V [N. [V [P N. S NP. VP. [. [N N. [. [N N. [. [V. [ADV V. VP. VP. 8. [V N. 4 4 8 4 8 4. VP. [V. NP. 8. [N N. VP. [V N. 8. [ADV V. 4. NP. S NP. [V [. iv. S. [ [P N [V. VP VP. [ V [N V. PP. [ [P N [V. S NP. S. n C U [ V [NhVe ngchi. [N VP[ PP[P N VP[V VP. S. VP. 12. er. [N N VP[V N VP[ PP[P N VP[V N. [. 4 12. VP. VP. [ [P N. S NP. VP. VP PP. [N N. [V [N [V N. [ [P N. Nat. [N. [V [N. VP PP. 8. ‧. S. sit. S. 4. 立[V N VP. 學. [N. VP. S. ‧ 國. [. S. VP. y. [. [N N. [N N. VP. Conj S NP. [ [ [N N [VP[V NP[ NP[ADJ N [N [Conj S[N ADJP [ADV ADJ VP[V V [ [ [N N VP[V NP[ NP[ADJ N [N [Conj S[N ADJP [ADV ADJ ADJP[ADV ADJ. 4. Conj S NP. [ [N N VP[V VP[V NP[ S[ NP[N N VP[V NP[ NP[ADJ N [N de- [N. 4. S NP. [N N VP[V NP[N N VP[V S[ NP[N N VP[V VP[V. 4. S NP. [. NP NP. [. [ADJ N [N. 4.

(37) 27 S NP. [N N VP[V VP[V NP[ S[ NP[N N VP[V S[ NP[N N VP PP [ [P N [V de- [N [. 4. Conj S NP. [ [ [N N VP[V S[N VP[ VP[ADV V NP[ADJ N [Conj S [N VP[V VP[V de- ADVP[ ADV ADV. 4. S NP. [N N VP[ VP[ PP[P N VP[V S[ NP[N N VP[V NP[N N Coord [Coord VP[V S[ NP[N N VP[ADV V [. 4. Conj S NP. [ [ [N N ADJP[ PP[P N [ADJ [Conj S[ NP[N N VP VP [ [ADV V NP[ADJ N VP[V N. 4. S NP. [. [N N VP[ VP[ADV V NP[N N VP[V NP[ classifier[N. 4. class.NP[N N Conj[ VP[ PP[P N [V [Conj VP[ PP[P N [V S NP NP. [ [ [N N Coord[Conj NP[N N VP[V VP[V N [Conj S VP VP [ [ [V S[ NP[N N VP[V NP[ classifier[Class. N VP[V NP[N N Total. 立. 4. 政治大. 324. ‧ 國. 學. This thesis adopts the prosodic hierarchy proposed by Nespor & Vogel (1986) as in (22), assuming that TS cyclically applies to the Ds on the following four levels: the. ‧. PhWd, the C, the PhP and the IP level. First of all, the phonological word here refers. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. to the prosodic unit that is “coextensive with the terminal node of the syntactic tree”. i n U. v. (Nespor & Vogel, 1986, p.116). In other words, one PhWd occupies one terminal node. Ch. engchi. of the syntactic tree, as exemplified in (25). They are marked as the lexical categories like N, V, ADJ, ADV and P etc. in the corpus. We can also say that a PhWd is a stem. Therefore, affixes like -li3 “inside” and de (possessive suffix) etc. do not form independent PhWds. They must be attached to other stems to form PhWds. In (25), the PhWds are xiao3 “small”, lao3 shu3 “mouse”, yao3 “bite” and lao3 hu3 “tiger”..

(38) 28. (25) “A small mouse bites a small tiger.”. xiao3 lao3 shu3 yao3 xiao3 lao3 hu3 The corpus data indicate that TS still tends to start applying cyclically from the PhWd level. This is observed in syntactic binary-branching phrases in which the left. 政治大. terminal nodes end with the third tone and the right terminal nodes begin with at least. 立. two successive third tone syllables, as in (26). If TS starts on the PhWd level, TS for. ‧ 國. 學. the final syllable on the left branch will be blocked, producing a tone pattern such as. ‧. “3 2 3”; if TS skips the PhWd level and applies to a higher level, a tone pattern as “2. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io. (26). y. 2 3” will be produced. The total number of these binary branching structures is 624.. UT. (…3) Li3 xiao3 hao3 hao3 mai3. Ch. i n U. v. (3 3…) xiao3 jie3 lao3 shu3. “small mouse”. zou3 lu4 bao3 yang3 pin3. “walk properly” “buy skin care products”. i Li” e n g c h “Miss. As for the clitic group (C) level, the clitics in the corpus include pronouns and classifiers. A clitic group is assumed to contain a nonclitic word plus, if there are any, one or more clitic words. It should be noted that this thesis assumes Hung (1987) and Lin (2006)’s hypothesis that prepositions are co-verbs, which can be assumed to be.

(39) 29. lexical words rather than function words; thus, the phrasing of prepositions is not to be considered on the clitic group level. The total number of clitic tokens in the corpus is 20, as shown in (27). On this level, the analysis examines how a clitic word cliticizes to a nonclitic word to form a D, and how forming a D on the clitic group level can account for the TS patterns in the corpus. For every sequence of a non-clitic word plus a clitic word, if the last. 政治大. syllable of the left adjacent non-clitic word, such as gei3 “give” or wu3 “five” in (28a). 立. and (28b), carries a sandhi tone, the clitic shows left-cliticization. Right-cliticization is. ‧ 國. 學. shown (29), where the pronoun wo3 “I” is cliticized to the adjacent verb xiang3. ‧. “want” on its right. The clitics are boldfaced in (28) and (29).. y. Nat. sit. (27) Clitic tokens in the corpus. 8. a20l. n. 12. er. io. Pronouns Classifiers Total. Ch. (28) Left-cliticization of clitics. engchi. a. “give some water” gei3 dian3 shui3 UR 3 3 3 PhWd-D (3) (2) (3) C-D (2 3) (3). i n U. v.

(40) 30. b. “five kinds of antipruritic powder” wu3 zhong3 zhi3 yang3 fen3 UR 3 3 3 3 3 PhWd-D (3) (3) (2 3) (3) C-D (2 3) (2 3) (3) (29) “I want to take a cold shower.” UR PhWd-D C-D. wo3 3 (3) (2. xiang3 xi3 leng3 shui3 zao3 3 (3) 3). 3 (3) (3). 3 (2 (2. 3 3) 3). 3 (3) (3). 政治大 After the C level is the PhP level. A PhP, as defined by Nespor & Vogel (1986), 立. ‧ 國. 學. includes a head X and all elements on its nonrecursive side within Xmax. In syntax, the. ‧. recursive side refers to “the side of the head on which internal arguments or. sit. y. Nat. complements in the X’-theoretic sense occur” (Giorgi and Longobardi, 1991, p.98).. n. al. er. io. The nonrecursive side refers to the opposite side of the recursive side. For instance,. Ch. i n U. v. if the complement of a verb head is located on the right side of the head, the right side. engchi. is the recursive side, and the left side is the nonrecursive side. Furthermore, they propose a PhP reconstruction rule that says, besides the inclusion of all the Cs on its nonrecursive side within the maximal projection, the head optionally includes the first complement on its recursive side to form a wider phonological phrase; and that this complement must be a nonbranching PhP. It should be noted that the branchingness here refers to that of the prosodic structure, not the.

(41) 31 syntactic structure. For instances, in (30a), the verb head qing3 “ask” cannot form a wider PhP with the sentence complement because the boldfaced sentence complement branches in terms of its PhP structure. In (30b), the verb head xi3 “take” optionally forms a wider PhP with its complement leng3 shui3 zao3 “cold shower”, which does not branch in terms of the PhP structure. (The round brackets indicate PhP boundaries.). (30) PhP reconstruction. 立. 政治大. a. With a branching complement. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. Ch. engchi. sit er. io. al. b. With a nonbranching complement. y. Nat. (qing3) (biao3 jie3) (wang3 bei3 zou3) “ask Cousin to walk toward the north”. i n U. v. (xi3 (leng3 shui3 zao3)) “take a cold shower” The following analysis inspects the above definition of the PhP by observing how well the definition can describe the TS domain on the PhP level. The total number of verb head tokens is 584. The verb heads are classified into 5 types, as in (31), based on two parameters: (a) whether the head has a recursive side or a.

(42) 32. nonrecursive side, or both sides, and (b) whether the prosodic structure of the first complement on the recursive side branches or not. The syntactic structures for each type of V heads are listed in (32). Again, it should be noted that the branchingness in (31) refers to the branchingness of the phonological phrase structure, while the branchingness in (32) refers to the branchingness of the syntactic phrase structure. Accordingly, in (31), the total number of tokens of the verb heads with nonrecursive. 政治大. sides and that of the verb heads with a nonrecursive side and a prosodically branching. 立. 學. ‧ 國. complement do not perfectly match with those in (32). An example is shown in (33).. (31) Classification of the verb heads in the corpus. ‧. [±branching] Complement No. of Tokens 252. y. -. Nat. With a recursive side. 140. sit. +. al. n With both sides. Ch. -. engchi +. Total No. of V heads. 76. er. io. With a nonrecursive side. i n U. v. 92 24 584.

(43) 33. (32) VP structures [+branching] Complement With a recursive side. [-branching] Complement. Total. VP. 136. [V N. VP. [V ADV. VP. [V. NP. [N N. [V NP[ADJ N. 12. VP. 4. [V [. [Class. N. NP classifier. [V [ [N NP class. [N N. 4. VP VP. 24. [V VP[V N. [. S. [V. VP PP. S. VP. VP. S. VP. [V [N [V [N. [ADV V [V ADV. VP. ‧. [V S[N VP[V N. VP. S. VP. VP. S. VP PP. VP. S. VP PP. VP. VP. S. VP PP. VP. [V [N. io. [V [N. a[Vl. [ [P N [ [P N. y. [ [P N [V [V N [V. NP. [N N. n. v i n [V C [N [ [P N [V [V N hengchi U S. 8 8 8 8 4 8 8 4. [N VP[ PP[P N [V VP[V NP[N N. 8. S. 4. VP VP. [N N. sit. Nat. [V [N. [V. NP. er. [V [N. VP. [ [P N [V. 252. VP. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 56. VP. NP classifier. 政治大. 8. S. [V [N. VP PP. VP. VP PP. [ [P N. VP. PP. [V [P N. 4. VP. [V S[N VP[ VP[ADV V NP[ADJ N. [Conj S[N VP[V VP[V de- ADVP[ ADV ADV VP. [V S[ NP[ADJ N VP[V N. VP. S NP. VP. S NP. VP. VP. S NP. VP PP. [V [ [V [ [V [. [ADJ N [N N [N N. VP. [V. 12. NP. [N N. [ADV V [ [P N. [V N. [V S[ NP[N N VP[ PP[P N [V de- [N S NP. VP. [V [ [N N [V [ [ADJ N [N. 4 8. VP. VP VP. 4. 12 4. VP. [V. NP NP. [V S[ NP[N N VP[V NP classifier [ [Class. N VP[V NP[N N. 4. VP. 4.

(44) 34 VP. [V VP[V S[ NP[N N VP[ADV V. VP. VP. NP NP. VP. VP. NP S NP. [V. [V. [. 4. [ADJ N [N. [V [V [ [ [N N [ [ADJ N [N de- [N. 4. VP. [V. 4. NP NP VP. [V VP[V NP[ S[ NP[N N VP[V S[ NP[N N VP[ PP[P N [V de- [N. 4. VP. [V NP[ S[ NP[N N VP[V NP[ NP[ADJ N [N de- [N. 4. VP. [V NP[ S[ NP[N N VP[V S[ NP[N N. 4. VP PP. [ [P N [V de- [N. 140 VP PP. With a nonrecursive side. [ [P N [V. PP. 44. 治 [P N政 [ ADV V 大. [P NP[ADJ N VP[V. VP PP. [. 8. VP. 4. [ADV V 立. VP. 16. ‧ 國. 學. 72. VP PP. With both sides. [ [P N. VP. [V N. [ [P NP[ADJ N. 48. VP PP VP. ‧. [V N. VP VP. [. [ADV V NP[N. 24. Nat. 12. sit. y. N. VP VP. er. io. [ [ADV V [ADJ N. NP. n. al. VP PP. Ch. i n U. [ [P N VP[V PP[P N. VP PP. [ [P N. engchi. VP. S NP. [V [. [N N. VP. [V. v. [N. VP. [V VP[V de- ADVP[ ADV ADV [V. VP. 92 4. NP. N VP. 8. S. [ V [N V. 4 4 16 28. Total No. of V heads In (33), the syntactic structure is drawn above different levels of prosodic domain derivation. As you can see, in the syntactic structure, the PP branches, so the verb head pao3 “run” has a syntactically branching nonrecursive side. However, in. 584.

(45) 35 terms of the prosodic structure, on the PhP level, wang3 bei3 “toward the north” forms one PhP; thus, the verb head pao3 “run” has a prosodically nonbranching nonrecursive side.. (33) Mismatch between prosodic and syntactic branchingness (e.g. “run toward the north to the store”). 政治大. 立. 4 4 4. 3) 3) 3. y. (4 4 4. sit. io. al. (3) 3 3. er. ‧ 國. 3) 2 2. ‧. (2 (2 2. Nat. PhP-D IP-D Inf.3&4. 學. wang3 bei3 pao3 dao4 dian4 li3 UT 3 3 3 4 4 3 PhWd-D (3) (3) (3) (4) (4 3) C-D (3) (3) (3) (4) (4 3). n. In order to investigate whether the definition of the PhP in Nespor & Vogel (1986). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. can account for the PhP construction and reconstruction as Taiwan Mandarin TS domain, the analysis in the PhP section aims to find out (a) if the head obligatorily includes all the Cs on its nonrecursive side within the maximal projection; (b) if the head obligatorily includes, optionally includes or obligatorily not includes the Cs on the recursive side, and (c) if the adjoined first complement on the recursive side branches or not with regard to its prosodic structure. For each VP that has either a recursive or a nonrecursive side but not both, the.

(46) 36. tone of the two syllables—the final syllable on the left branch and the initial syllable of the right branch—are examined, as in (34). The V heads are boldfaced.. (34) The branching VPs of the analysis (…3). UT Head + complement. yao3 xiang3 liao3 jie3. Modifier + head. wang3 bei3. (3…) xiao3 lao3 hu3 liao3 jie3. “bite small mice” “want to know”. shen3 lao3 ban3. “know Boss Shen” “walk toward the north” “quickly find”. zou3. zhao3 政治大. gan3 jin3. 立. For a verb head and its complement, if the final third tone on the left branch. ‧ 國. 學. undergoes TS on account of the first third tone on the right branch, the verb head can. ‧. be said to include the complement on its recursive side to form a wider PhP. Likewise,. Nat. io. sit. y. for a verb head with its modifier(s), if the final third tone on the left branch carries a. n. al. er. sandhi tone, the verb head can be said to join the C(s) on its nonrecursive side to form a PhP.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. For a verb head that has both a recursive and a nonrecursive side, as in (35), if the surface tone pattern is like the one shown in (36), we claim that the head forms a PhP by itself, because whether the head zhao3 “find” forms a PhP with wang3 bei3 “toward the north” or ye3 mao1 “wild cats”, the correct surface tone cannot be derived..

(47) 37. (35) UT. (…3). Modifier + Head + complement. (3). (3…). wang3 bei3 zhao3 ye3 mao1 “search for wild cats toward the north”. (36) With neither sides biao3 jie3 wang3 bei3 zhao3 ye3 mao1 “Cousin finds wild cats toward the north.” UT PhWd-D C-D PhP-D IP-D. 3 (2 (2 (2 (2. 3 3) 3) 3) 2. ST. 2. 2. 立. 3 (3) (3) (3) 2. 3 (3) (3) (3) 2. 3 (3) (3) (3) 2. 3 (3 (3 (3 3. 1 1) 1) 1) 1). 政治大 2 2 2 3. 1. ‧ 國. 學. (37) With the nonrecursive side and with/without the recursive side. ‧. biao3 jie3 wang3 bei3 zhao3 ye3 mao1 “Cousin finds wild cats toward the north.” UT 3 3 3 3 3 3 1 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (3) (3) (3 1) C-D (2 3) (3) (3) (3) (3 1) PhP-D (1) (2 3) ((2 2) 3) (3 1) PhP-D (2) (2 3) ((2 2) 2 3 1) IP-D (2 3 2 2 2 3 1) ST 2 3 2 2 2 3 1. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. If the head forms a PhP with the nonrecursive side on the PhP level, a different tone pattern would be produced, as in (37). The verb head phrasing in (37) can be treated as forming a PhP only with the nonrecursive side or with both sides, because the same tone pattern can be predicted either way. PhP-D (1) shows that the preposition head wang3 “toward” first forms a PhP with bei3 “north” on its recursive side, and the verb head zhao3 “find” forms a wider PhP with the nonbranching PhP.

(48) 38 wang3 bei3 “toward the north” on its nonrecursive side. PhP-D (2) shows that the preposition head wang3 “toward” first forms a PhP with bei3 “north” on its recursive side, and the verb head zhao3 “find” forms a PhP with the nonbranching PhP wang3 bei3 “toward the north” as well as ye3 mao1 “wild cats” on its recursive side. Either way, the surface tone pattern is different from the one in (36). On the other hand, the verb head in (38) only forms a PhP with ye3 mao1 “wild. 政治大. cats” on the recursive side and not with the prepositional phrase wang3 bei3 “toward. 立. the north” on the nonrecursive side. Still, the surface tone pattern in (36) cannot be. ‧ 國. 學. derived. Therefore, to derive the surface tone pattern in (36), we assume that the head. ‧. does not form a PhP with any elements on the nonrecursive or the recursive side.. er. io. sit. y. Nat. (38) With the recursive side but not the nonrecursive side. biao3 jie3 wang3 bei3 zhao3 ye3 mao1 “Cousin finds wild cats toward the north.” UT 3 3 3 3 3 3 1 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (3) (3) (3 1) C-D (2 3) (3) (3) (3) (3 1). n. al. PhP-D IP-D ST. (2 (2 2. 3) 2 2. Ch (3) 2 2. engchi (3) 3 3. (2 2 2. i n U 3 3 3. v. 1) 1) 1. Although the surface tone pattern in (36) can also be derived if we treat the derivation as simultaneous TS application within the IP, if we hypothesize that the head optionally, rather than obligatorily, forms a PhP with a C on the branching nonrecursive side, the surface tone pattern in (36) can also be predicted. Whether this.

(49) 39. overlapping of output via cyclic and simultaneous application of TS is a marked or unmarked phenomenon can be explored by future research. Additionally, while investigating the construction of VPs on the PhP level, the preposition problem that has arisen in the previous structure is also examined by looking at the interaction between the PPs (as modifiers of the VP) and the VPs in the process of prosodic phrasing on the PhP level. Since this thesis adopts Hung (1987). 政治大. and Lin (2006)’s view that prepositions are co-verbs (i.e. nonclitics), the phrasing of. 立. the preposition heads starts on the PhP level, not on the C level; and that the. ‧ 國. 學. construction and reconstruction of the PPs should follow the definition of the PhP. ‧. mentioned earlier. That is to say, a preposition head may include or not include the Cs. Nat. io. sit. y. on its recursive side, as shown in the phrasing of wang3 “toward” in (36) to (38). In. al. er. this way, the difference regarding the direction of cliticization of the classifiers and. n. v i n C hin Hsiao (1991) is explained the prepositions as pointed out by treating them as engchi U. distinct categories. Classifiers are clitics, so they must cliticize to nonclitics to form clitic groups on the C level; prepositions are nonclitics, so they do not cliticize to other nonclitics to form clitic groups. They may stand alone as independent PhPs, or form larger PhPs based on the rule of construction and reconstruction of the PhP. Having determined the formation of the PhWd, the C and the PhP, we can now discuss the definition of the IP. Nespor & Vogel (1986) regards the IP boundaries as.

(50) 40. the endpoints of intonational contours or the positions where potential pauses can take place in a sentence. They specify that all the PhPs in a sentence can be an IP. For instance, the PhPs in (38) are biao3 jie3 “cousin”, wang3 “toward”, bei3 “north”, zhao3 xiao3 mao1 “find wild cats”, and each of them may stand as an IP based on this definition. The IP(s) of a sentence may also be restructured according to the length, rate of speech, style of speech and semantic prominence, two of which are related to. 政治大. this thesis. First, the role that length plays in restructuring an IP is observed in that,. 立. despite that a PhP may form an IP, we do not pause so frequently in natural speech.. ‧ 國. 學. There seems to be a minimal length of an IP that makes it sound more natural,. ‧. however, the precise length is still unknown. The second factor that influences the. Nat. io. sit. y. reconstruction of an IP is the rate of speech. It is pointed out that the faster the speech. al. er. rate, the longer the IP is likely to be. Since the definition given above still seems to be. n. v i n C hboundaries of the IP,Uthis thesis also adopts Selkirk inadequate for determining the engchi (1984)’s SUC and uses the length of a foot to restrict the formation of the IP..

(51) Chapter 4 Findings and Analysis. 4.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy. 4.1.1 The Phonological Word (PhWd). Previous studies have assumed that at a very fast speech rate TS may apply cyclically to the IP or simultaneously within the IP, so the corpus data were collected at the speech rate of 200 beats per minutes, in order to see how IPs are formed. The. 政治大 result in (39) shows that, even at the prestissimo speech rate, TS still tends to apply 立. ‧ 國. 學. cyclically from the PhWd level in Taiwan Mandarin. In the binary branching phrases. ‧. analyzed, 75% of the final syllables of the left PhWds remain their third tones,. sit. y. Nat. because the first syllables of the right PhWds undergo TS on the PhWd level and. n. al. er. io. carry sandhi tones, blocking the TS environment. In (40), the surface tones of the. Ch. i n U. v. binary branching phrases that satisfy the requirement of (26) show that TS applies to. engchi. the D on the PhWd level before the other higher levels in the prosodic hierarchy because the TS environment of the syllables on the left branch (i.e. xiao3 “small” in (40a), Li3 “Li”, xiang3 “want” and Shen3 “Shen” in (40b)) is blocked by the TS on the PhWd level. The rest of the syllables after Shen3 lao3 ban3 “Boss Shen” are omitted due to the lack of space.. 41.

(52) 42. (39) TS starting on the PhWd level 75% (469) Simultaneous TS. 2.4% (15). Unknown. 22.6% (140). Total. 100% (624). (40) TS starting from the PhWd level a. “The cousin cooked the small mouse and let the teacher eat.”. 政治大. biao3 jie3 ba3 xiao3 lao3 shu3 zhu3 UT 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (3) (2 3) (3) ↓Intermediate derivation Inf.1 2 2 2 3 2 3 2. 立. gei3 lao3 shi1 chi1 3 3 1 1 (3) (3 1) (1). ‧ 國. 學. 3. 1. 1. ‧. b. “Ms. Li wants to know how Boss Shen cooks.”. 2. y. Nat. lao3 ban3… 3 3 (2 3). sit. n. al. er. io. Li3 xiao3 jie3 xiang3 liao3 jie3 Shen3 UT 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 PhWd-D (3) (2 3) (3) (2 3) (3) ↓Intermediate derivation Inf.1 3 2 2 3 2 2 3. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2. 2. In (41), the tones on the right branch do not satisfy the requirement in (26) because the first two syllables on the right branch do not carry successive third tones. Thus, whether TS applies to the PhWd level or skips the PhWd level cannot be observed from the surface tone pattern. This is found in 22.6% of the binary branching structures..

(53) 43. (41) “Boss gives wild cats water.”. lao3 ban3 gei3 ye3 UT 2 3 2 3 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (3 ↓Intermediate derivation ST 2 3 2 3. mao1 shui3 1 3 1) (3) 1. 3. In 2.4% of the binary branching phrases analyzed, cyclic application of TS from. 政治大. the PhWd level fails to describe the collected surface tone patterns, as illustrated in. 立. (42). The predicted surface tone patterns all differ from the collected tone patterns. ‧ 國. 學. from the informants. Although these tone patterns do not show the influence of the D. ‧. formation on the PhWd level, they show that simultaneous application of TS occurs,. y. Nat. n. er. io. al. (42) TS skipping PhWd level application a. “give the mouse water”. gei3 UT 3 PhWd-D (3) ST 3 Inf.2 2. lao3 3 (2 2 2. sit. which will be discussed in section 4.2.. Ch. shu3 3 3) 2 2. engchi. shui3 3 (3) 3 3. i n U. v.

(54) 44 b. “Cousin gives Boss small wild cats.”. biao3 jie3 gei3 lao3 ban3 UT 3 3 3 3 3 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (2 3) ↓Intermediate derivation ST 2 2 3 2 3 Inf.1 2 2 2 2 2. xiao3 ye3 mao1 3 3 3 (3) (3 1) 2 2. 3 3. 1 1. 4.1.2 Clitic Group (C). 治政 According to the definition of Nespor & Vogel大 (1986), a clitic group contains a 立 ‧ 國. 學. nonclitic plus, if there are any, one or more clitics. The result in (43) shows that every clitic token must cliticize either to its left or its right PhWd to form a C. 40% of the. ‧. clitics cliticize to the left PhWd to form Cs; 55% of them cliticize to the right. The. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. remaining tone pattern that accounts for 5% of the data does not show the influence of. i n U. v. D formation on the C level, because TS is assumed to apply simultaneously within the IP.. Ch. engchi. (43) Direction of cliticization in the corpus Direction of Cliticization. No. of Tokens. Leftward. 40% (8). Rightward. 55% (11). Non-cliticization. 0. Simultaneous TS. 5% (1). Total No. of clitics. 100% (20).

(55) 45. If we look at the direction of each third-tone-bearing clitics separately (i.e. pronouns and classifiers), as in (44), it can be seen that classifiers only cliticize to the left, as in (45). The classifiers, zhong3 “kind” and dian3 “some”, all cliticize to their left PhWds, wu3 “five” and gei3 “give”, to form Cs.. (44) Clitic tokens in the corpus Direction. Total. Leftward Rightward Simultaneous TS Pronouns. 1. Classifier. 8 立. 12 8 72. 學. ‧ 國. Total. 政10 治 1 大 0 0. (45) Left-cliticization. ‧. a. “buy five kinds of antipruritic powder”. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. UT PhWd-D C-D. mai3 3 (3) (3). wu3 3 (3) (2. Inf.1-4. ↓Intermediate derivation 3 2 3 2 2. zhong3 3 (3) 3). Ch. zhi3 3 (2 (2. i n U. yang3 3 3) 3). engchi. v. fen3 3 (3) (3) 3.

(56) 46. b. “give some cold water”. UT PhWd-D C-D. gei3 3 (3) (2. Inf. 1-4. ↓Intermediate derivation 2 3 2 3. dian3 3 (3) 3). leng3 3 (2 (2. shui3 3 3) 3). 政治大. According to Nespor & Vogel (1986), there are two kinds of clitics: the. 立. directional clitics and the non-directional clitics. The directional clitics are found in. ‧ 國. 學. Greek possessives, which are so called because they have shown phonological. ‧. dependency on an element of a certain side (either their left or right); and that the. Nat. sit. y. direction of cliticization must be seen as an inherent property of them. They also. al. er. io. mentioned that joining a directional clitic in another PhWd to form a C “regroups the. n. v i n C h tree in such a way terminal elements of the syntactic e n g c h i U that the resulting constituent need not be isomorphic to any constituent of syntactic tree” (Nespor & Vogel, 1986, p.155). Based on the observation of the behavior of Mandarin classifiers in the literature and in the data collected, it may be inferred that classifiers are directional clitics which only cliticize to the left, causing mismatches between the syntactic and the prosodic structure, as illustrated in (45b). Despite that gei3 “give” and dian3 “some” do not form a syntactic constituent, they form a clitic group because dian3.

(57) 47 “some” is a directional clitic that cliticize to gei3 “give” regardless of the syntactic boundary between these two constituents. On the contrary, the cliticization of pronouns is observed to be non-directional and restricted by the syntactic relation. The direction of cliticization is not an inherent property of pronouns, and they only cliticize to the nearest PhWd that they c-command, such as xiang3 “want” and zhi3 “only” in (46).. 政治大 a. “I want to take a cold立 shower.”. 學 xiang3 xi3 leng3 shui3 zao3 3 3 3 3 3 (3) (3) (2 3) (3) 3) (3) (2 3) (3) ↓Intermediate derivation 2 3 2 2 3. al. n. 2. Ch. engchi. y. sit er. io. Inf.1-4. ‧. wo3 3 (3) (2. Nat. UR PhWd-D C-D. ‧ 國. (46) Non-directional cliticization. i n U. v. b. “Miss Li says you only apply high-end skin care products.”. UT PhWd-D C-D. …jiang3 3 (3) (3). ni3 3 (3) (2. zhi3 3 (3) 3). Inf.1&3. 3. 2. 2. mo3 ding3 ji2 3 3 2 (3) (3 2) (3) (3 2) ↓Intermediate derivation 2. 3. 2. bao3 3 (2 (2 2. yang3 3 2 2 2. pin3 3 3) 3) 3.

(58) 48. 4.1.3 Phonological Phrase (PhP) In Hsiao (1991), the PhP boundaries are marked on the left edges of every branching Xmax. In other words, the verb head must form a PhP with the complement on the recursive side if the complement does not branch, as shown in (47). The collected data, however, shows a tone pattern indicating that the complement ye3 mao1 “wild cats” is not joined into a PhP with the verb head gei3 “give”, as in (48).. 政治大. Consequently, a different definition of the PhP should be provided to allow the verb. 立. head to optionally include the first nonbranching complement on its recursive side.. ‧ 國. 學. (47) PhP boundaries marked on the left edges of XPs. ‧ er. io. sit. y. Nat. [Li3 lao3 ban3 [gei3 ye3 mao1 shui3 “Boss Li gives wild cats water.” UT 3 3 3 3 3 1 3 PhWd-D (3) (2 3) (3) (3 1) (3) C-D (3) (2 3) (3) (3 1) (3). n. al. PhP-D IP-D ST. (3 (3 3. 2 2 2. Ch 3) 3 3. engchi (2 2 2. 3 3 3. i n U. 1) 1 1. v. (3) 3) 3.

(59) 49. (48) Verb head that does not include the nonbranching complement. UT. [Li3 lao3 ban3 [gei3 ye3 mao1 shui3 “Boss Li gives wild cats water.” 3 3 3 3 3 1 3. PhWd-D C-D PhP-D IP-D. (3) (3) (3 (3. (2 (2 2 2. Inf.1,2,4. 3. 2. 立. 3) 3) 3) 2. (3) (3) (3) 2. (3 (3 (3 3. 1) 1) 1) 1. (3) (3) (3) 3). 治政大 2 2 3 1. 3. ‧ 國. 學. Another definition of the PhP is given in Nespor & Vogel (1986). They state that in the prosodic hierarchy: (1) a PhP must contain a head X and all the Cs on its. ‧. sit. y. Nat. nonrecursive side within Xmax; (2) and that the head X optionally includes the first. n. al. er. io. nonbranching complement on its recursive side to form a wider PhP. This definition. Ch. i n U. v. of the PhP precisely accounts for the above phenomenon. Since the verb head gei3. engchi. “give” in (48) does not have any Cs on its nonrecursive side within the maximal projection, it may form an independent PhP if it does not include the first nonbranching complement ye3 mao1 “wild cats”. Hence, the following analysis examines whether this definition of the PhP is able to account for all the derivation of TS patterns on the PhP level. It is divided into three subsections including the verb heads with the recursive side, the verb heads with the nonrecursive side and the verb heads with both sides..

(60) 50. 4.1.3.1 Verb Heads with the Recursive Side VPs that contain only the recursive sides are further divided into two types: one that has a nonbranching recursive side and one that has a branching recursive side. Here, the branchingness refers to the branchingness of the PhP structure, not the syntactic structure. For instance, in a VP structure such as mai3 xiao3 li3 wu4 “buy a small gift”, since the noun head li3 wu4 “gift” forms a PhP with the C xiao3 “small”. 治政 on the nonrecursive side based on the definition of 大 the PhP given in Nespor & Vogel 立 ‧ 國. 學. (1986), the recursive side of the verb head mai3 “buy” only contains one nonbranching PhP (i.e. xiao3 li3 wu4 “small gift”). That is, the complement does not. ‧. branch in terms of the PhP structure. Yet, if the verb head takes a sentence. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. complement, it will have a branching recursive side.. i n U. v. In (49), for VPs that contain nonbranching recursive sides (or nonbranching. Ch. engchi. complements), there are no tone patterns that can only be derived through the inclusion of the first nonbranching complement on the PhP level as TS domain. 22% of the verb heads do not include the first nonbranching complement on the recursive side to form a PhP. The surface tone patterns remain the same with or without the inclusion in 78% of the verb heads..

(61) 51. (49) Verb head phrasing with the nonbranching recursive side Inclusion Non-inclusion Optional inclusion Total No. of V heads 0. 22% (55). 78% (197). 100% (252). The derivations in (50) show that the boldfaced verb heads (lao3 jie3 “know” in (50a), zhao3 “find” in (50b) and xiang3 “want” in (50c)) must not form PhPs with their recursive sides, so that the tone patterns of the informants can be produced. In (50a), if liao3 jie3 “know” forms a PhP with xiao3 nu3 gui3 bao3 yang3 pin3 “Little. 政治大 Girl Ghost skin care products”, jie3 will not surface as a third tone. If zhao3 “find” in 立. ‧ 國. 學. (50b) forms a PhP with Ma3 zong3 tong3 “President Ma”, Li3 “Li” will not undergo. ‧. TS on the IP level. In (50c), if xiang3 “want” forms a PhP with sheng3 can1 qian2. io. sit. y. Nat. “save food cost”, the jie3 in xiao3 jie3 “Miss” will not undergo TS on the IP level.. n. al. er. (50) Non-inclusion of the first complement on the recursive side. i n U. a. “to know about Little Girl Ghost skin care products” UT PhWd-D C-D PhP-D IP-D Inf. 3. Ch. engchi. v. liao3 jie3 xiao3 nu3 gui3 bao3 yang3 pin3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 (2 (2 (2 (2 2. 3) 3) 3) 3) 3. (3) (3) (3 (3 3. (2 (2 2 2 2. 3) 3) 3 3 3. (2 (2 2 2 2. 2 2 2 2 2. 3) 3) 3) 3) 3.

(62) 52. b. “Old Li finds President Ma and asks him for a run.” Lao3 Li3 zhao3 Ma3 zong3 UT 3 3 3 3 3 PhWd-D (2 3) (3) (3) (2 C-D (2 3) (3) (3) (2 PhP-D (2 3) (3) (3 2 IP-D (2 2 2 3 2 Inf. 2&4 2 2 2 3 2. tong3 pao3 bu4 3 3 4 3) (3 4) 3) (3 4) 3) (3 4) 2 3 4) 2 3 4. c. “Miss Li wants to save food cost.” UT PhWd-D. Li3 xiao3 jie3 xiang3 sheng3 can1 qian2 3 3 3 3 3 1 2 (3) (2 3) (3) (3) (1 2). C-D PhP-D IP-D Inf. 1, 2&4. (3) (3 (3 3. (2 立. (3) (3) 2 2. (3) (3 3 3. (1 1 1 1. 2) 2) 2 2. ‧. ‧ 國. 3) 3) 2 2. 學. 2 2 2. 政治大. The derivations in (51) show that the derived tone patterns are not affected by the. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. inclusion or non-inclusion of the recursive sides on the PhP level. Whether the. i n U. v. boldfaced verb heads (mai3 “buy” in (51a) and yao3 “bite” in (51b)) join the Cs. Ch. engchi. (xiao3 nu3 gui3 bao3 yang3 pin3 “Little Girl Ghost skin care products” in (51a) and xiao3 kun1 chong2 “small insects”) on the recursive sides or not, the same surface tone patterns can be derived through different intonational phrasing..