勞力移民政策比較研究(從1980年代): 義大利與台灣的案例 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 立. 治政碩士論文大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Master’s Thesis. sit. y. Nat. 勞力移民政策比較研究 (從 1980 年代): 義大利與台灣的案例. n. er. io. A Comparative Study of Labour Migration Policy since the v 1980s:athe l Cases of Italy and n i Taiwan. Ch. engchi U. Student: Filippo Maranzana De Filippis Advisor: Lin Ji-Ping 中華民國 103 年 7 月 July 2014.

(2) 國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 勞力移民政策比較研究 (從 1980 年代): 義大利與台灣的案例. sit. y. Nat. n. er. io. A Comparative Study of Labour Migration Policy since the 1980s:athe Cases of Italy and Taiwan. iv l C n hengchi U. Student: Filippo Maranzana De Filippis Advisor: Lin Ji-Ping. 中華民國 103 年 7 月 July 2014.

(3) 勞力移民政策比較研究 (從 1980 年代): 義大利與台灣的案例 A Comparative Study of Labour Migration Policy since the 1980s: the Cases of Italy and Taiwan 研究生: 徐浦. Student: Filippo Maranzana De Filippis. 指導教授: 林季平. Advisor: Lin Ji-Ping. 政治大國立政治大學. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. n. C. A Thesis. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. v. h e n g cProgram Submitted to International Master’s in Asia-Pacific Studies hi National Chengchi University In partial fulfilment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in Taiwan Studies. 中華民國 103 年 7 月 July 2014.

(4) Aknowledgements First of all, my warmest thanks to the Committee for their continued encouragement and support as well as for the learning opportunities they provided me with during our discussions. This research would not have been successfully accomplished without the generous help and constant inspiration of my supervisor, Prof. Lin Ji-Ping. His patient and kind guidance have contributed greatly in overcoming all the obstacles evident in conducting my inquiry. I would like also to express my deep gratitude to Prof. Kuan Ping-Yin who first introduced me to the fascinating field of social sciences through his statistical courses. My very great appreciation goes as well to Prof. Ma Ai-Hsuan for her willingness to share with me her thoughts and time while I was trying to come to terms with a complex topic as labour migration. Sincere thanks. 政治大 Finally a special acknowledgment 立 is extended to all the people I met during these years who. also to Prof. Tzeng Ruey-Ling for her stimulating suggestions and insights.. ‧. ‧ 國. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. knowledge.. 學. gave me useful comments, critiques and ideas that helped expand my understanding and. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(5) Abstract Italy and Taiwan share common problems typical of mature economies: an aging population, a low fertility rate and a chronic labour shortage, which all combined have prompted the importation of foreign workers into their systems. The present research is an attempt to find out how the two countries – both latecomers in mass immigration – have coped with this new phenomenon, by analysing their respective immigration policy formations to uncover confluences and disparities that can be attributed to different economic, political and social circumstances. The work is divided in chapters that elaborate from. 政治大 the second one is a literary review; the third and fourth ones analyse the cases of 立 Italy and Taiwan; and the final two chapters make comparisons and draw the general to the particular. The first one explains purpose and methodology;. ‧ 國. 學. conclusions. The methods adopted are content analysis and historical background, making use of quantitative and qualitative data: the former are. ‧. extracted from primary and secondary sources, the latter from unstructured. Nat. sit. y. interviews with migrant communities and authorities. From the results of this. er. io. research, it is apparent that the two countries have responded differently to their. n. respective social and economic structural changes: emergency legislation was a v more typical of the. i l C n Italian policy-making, h e n g c hwhile i U planning. characterised the. Taiwanese attitude. In both cases international politics has played a major role in shaping policy formation: being part of an established supra-national formation such the EU allowed for more deferring and delegating in legislation; while being diplomatically isolated with a troubled cross-strait relationship compelled to a more cautious programming.. Key words: foreign worker, foreign labour, immigration policy, migrant inflows.. i.

(6) 摘要意大利和台灣都有著典型的成熟經濟體的問題：人口老齡化，低生育率和長期勞工短缺，而這一切結合起來，便促使外籍勞工輸入到這個系統中。目前的研究是試圖找出台灣與義大利，兩個大規模移民移入國，如何應證了這一新現象，透過分析它們各自的移民政策型態，發現交集和差異可以歸因於不同的經濟，政治和社會情況。這項工作被劃分成數個章節，從一般到特殊。第一，解釋的目的和方法; 第二，一個文學評論;第三和第四，分析意大利和台灣的情況;而最後兩章. 政治大. 進行比較並得出結論。採用的方法是內容分析和歷史背景，利用定量和定. 立. 性數據：前者是從初級和次級來源提取，從非結構化的與移民社區和移民. ‧ 國. 學. 機關面談。從這個研究的結果，很明顯，這兩個國家在他們各自的社會和經濟結構的變化都有不同的反應：緊急立法是比較典型的意大利決策，而. ‧. 規劃則是台灣的特徵。在這兩種情況下，國際政治都在影響政策的形成扮. y. Nat. sit. 演了重要的角色：義大利作為一個已建立的超國家的一部分，歐盟，在立. n. al. er. io. 法上允許更多的授權;同時台灣在外交孤立與不安的兩岸關係上，則不得不更謹慎的規劃。. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 關鍵字:外籍員工，外籍勞工，移民政策，移民流入量. ii.

(7) TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE 1.. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………....1 1.1 Motivation and Purpose……………………………………………………………...1 1.2 Methodology…………………………………………………………………………5 1.3 Research Framework…………………………………………………………………7. CHAPTER TWO 2.. Literary Review ……………………………………..........................................................8 2.1 Historical Background………………………………………………………………..8. 政治大. 2.2 Theoretical Paradigms………………………………………………………………10 2.3 Theories on International Immigration Policy……………………………………...22. 立. CHAPTER THREE. ‧ 國. 學. 3.. A Case Study on Italy …………………………………………………………………...29 3.1 A Natural Destination……………………………………………………………….29. ‧. 3.2 Social and Economic Background………………………………………………….34. y. Nat. 3.3 A Country of Emigration……………………………………………………….......37. sit. 3.4 The First Immigration Flows………………………………………………………..41. er. io. 3.5 Immigrants: a General Outline……………………………………………………..44. al. v i n Ch 3.7 Immigration Laws and Amnesties…………………………………………………..49 i U e h n c g 3.8 Summary…………....………..……………………………………………………..57 n. 3.6 Immigration Policies: an Historical Overview……………………………………...47. CHAPTER FOUR 4.. A Case Study on Taiwan ………………………………………………………………..60 4.1 A Frontier Island……………………………………………………………………60 4.2 Social and Economic Background………………………………………………….66 4.3 The First Immigrants Flows………………………………………………………...75 4.4 The Commodification of Immigrants………………………………………………78 4.5 Immigration Policy…………………………………………………………………84 4.6 The Making of the Employment Service Act………………………………………86 4.7 Summary..…………………………………………………………………………..91. iii.

(8) CHAPTER FIVE 5.. A Comparative Analysis…………………………….......................................................94 5.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………94 5.2 Geographic position………………………………………………………………...94 5.3 The Economic System………………………………………………………………96 5.4 The Social Structure………………………………………………………………...99 5.5 Origins and Developments of Immigration Flows……………………………...…101 5.6 The Evolution of Legal Frameworks and Immigration Policies…………………..104. CHAPTER SIX 6. Conclusions…………….…………………………….....................................................107. 政治大 6.2 Predictions…………………………………………………………………………111 立. 6.1 Drawing Lines……………………..………………………………………………107. ‧ 國. 學. References…………………………………………………………………………………..112. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(9) LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Total foreign population in Italy……………………………………………………32 Table 2: Immigration to Italy by country of origin…………………………………………..33 Table 3: Foreigners in Italian censuses 1871-2001…………………………………………..43 Table 4: Permits issued by 31 December every year………………………………………...43 Table 5: Amnesty programs in Italy: main statistics…………………………………………57 Table 6: Foreign residents in Taiwan (May 2014)…………………………………………...65. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. v. i n U. v.

(10) LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Foreign residents as a percentage of regional population, 2011…………………..32 Figure 2: Population pyramid of Italy………………………………………………………..39 Figure 3: Migration flows of Italian nationals……………………………………………......39 Figure 4: International migration flows, Italy 1955-2006 (numbers)………………………..40 Figure 5: International migration flows, Italy 1955-2006 (rates)…………………………….40 Figure 6: Immigration of foreigners by sex, Italy 1990-2004………………………………..45. 政治大 Figure 8: Immigration of foreigners to Italy by country of citizenship………………………46 立 Figure 7: Immigration of foreigners by area of citizenship, Italy 1990-2004………………..45. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 9: Immigration of foreigners by age, Italy 1990-2004………………………………..46 Figure 10: Taiwan population by age………………………………………………………...64. ‧. Figure 11: Population pyramid of Taiwan…………………………………………………...65. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vi. i n U. v.

(11) CHAPTER ONE 1. Introduction 1.1 Motivation and Purpose “We asked for workers. We got people instead.” (Max Frisch) In October 2013 the world media reported the news of a wobbling barge with five hundred migrants on board sunk into the stretch of Mediterranean Sea between Africa and Italy. More than three hundred people perished, the rest was rescued and brought to Lampedusa, the little island lying off the coast of Tunisia, which has become the infamous first port of entry into Italy for irregular migrants venturing by sea.. 立. 政治大. The tragedy caused quite a stir between the government and opposition parties in. ‧ 國. 學. Italy. Changes to the current immigration laws (Bossi-Fini) were proposed from both sides, at least to mitigate one of its most controversial points, namely, the implicit prohibition for fishermen and common people at sea to rescue possible. ‧. migrants, for fear that once they put foot on national territory they become. sit. y. Nat. automatically eligible to apply for refugee protection, according to international laws. Those who go to rescue sinking boats may be charged of aiding and. io. n. al. er. abetting illegal immigration, and therefore liable to be fined or imprisoned by the. i n U. v. authorities. Only the National Coast Guard is allowed to do that, but it is clearly. Ch. engchi. understaffed for the task of patrolling a vast and stretched-out sea territory. European authorities were called upon to witness how the persistent lack of a common policy and coordination among the European states had led to such an unhappy epilogue. After the obsequies of the wrecked immigrants were done and all the media reporting was waning, nothing really happened – not any new laws was passed because the migrants were gone and the pressure at the political level was fading away. The European Union promised to look into the matter more extensively than it had done previously. However, as usual, problems arise at the regular European summits whenever common policies that may infringe national territorial sovereignty are put forward, such as the idea of setting up a European. 1.

(12) coast guard in charge of patrolling the Mediterranean coasts, where most irregular migrants come from. EU interior ministers gathered in Luxembourg soon after the accident to discuss interventions, but as expected they could not reach a decision about comprehensive changes to European asylum and immigration policies. The principle maintained by those against the new proposals was that every state controls and patrols its own borders, and consequently deals with the possible undocumented immigrants landing on its own shores. This view was certainly plausible sixty years ago, when the European Union did not yet exist, but less so today when the declared ultimate goal of all the 28 member states is to harmonise and coordinate their respective policies in order to reach a closer integration and union. However, this was not surprising, because the history of. 治政大 The 1957 Treaty of Rome, written on paper but not fully implemented in practice. 立 at the base of the early European Economic Community (EEC), already contained. European Union on immigration issues has always been paved by good intentions. ‧ 國. 學. provisions for free movement of labour, which were effectively implemented only in 1968, though this common policy did not apply to “third country. ‧. nationals”. Only the 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam contemplated common rules on asylum to be ratified by national parliaments by 2004, even if many immigration. y. Nat. er. io. 8-9).. sit. issues still today remain prerogatives of the single member states (Castles 2009:. al. n. v i n C h has often beenUa reaction policy-making engchi. The Lampedusa ship wreckage clearly illustrates three facts: first, Italy’s immigration. to dramatic events or. emergencies rather than the result of a planned strategy, which can be partly explained by the lack of experience as an immigration country. Second, a common European policy for non-EU immigrants has been constantly hampered by national agendas, where the migration issue is often used as a handy tool for political propaganda. Third, Europe and the Mediterranean Basin are one of the most important immigration systems in the world, for the number of countries involved and the large economic disparities they display among themselves. The case of Taiwan is completely different. The Republic of China is a diplomatically isolated nation which all along its recent immigration history has strived to plan importation of foreign labour as a way to sustain its economic growth. The island’s immigration policy-making, therefore, appears to be heavily 2.

(13) affected by its international status and the still unresolved strained relationships with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which regards it as a renegade province bound to return to its motherland sooner or later. This latter fact has prompted Taiwanese authorities to find cheap and low-skilled foreign labour among the closest developing countries of Southeast Asia, rather than in the most obvious and natural place of choice, mainland China. After the brinkmanship periods of Li Deng-Hui (1988-2000) and Chen Shui-Bian (2000-2008) presidencies, Taiwan and China have reshaped their relationships on more friendly terms, and the two countries have recently signed a preferential trade agreement (ECFA) which promises to boost Taiwan’s economy by lifting many restrictions for Taiwanese business in the PRC. According to many. 政治大 market, and lately立 the Taiwanese president Ma Ying-Jiu – who took office in. observers, the signing will also lead to a loosening of restrictions on the labour. ‧ 國. 學. 2008 – has announced that the government is considering allowing Chinese students enrolled in the island’s universities to work part-time jobs (Taipei Times, 17 January 2013). This declaration would contradict the previous policy of the. ‧. “Three Limits and Six No’s” (三限六不), set in place in 2011, that forbids. sit. y. Nat. Chinese students allowed to study in Taiwan’s universities to take up off-campus jobs, for fear of competition on the local labour market and as a measure to. io. n. al. er. discourage permanent settlement plans on the part of the Mainlanders.. Ch. i n U. v. Though very diverse, Italy and Taiwan share similar traits, such as an aging. engchi. population, a low fertility rate, an economic slow growth typical of mature economies, and so forth. Furthermore, both Taiwan and Italy are latecomers in experiencing mass immigration, in comparison to their neighbouring countries in Europe and East Asia. For Italy the first mass influx of foreign labour happened in the late 1980s, coinciding with the collapse of Eastern European communist regimes and the reopening of their borders. Taiwan saw the lifting of the martial law in 1987 as the starting point for more relaxed and welcoming regulations in terms of immigration. The first large wave of foreign labour from Southeast Asian countries was recruited in the late 1980s, as a response to dramatic labour shortfalls in manufacturing industries, and later to catch up with the delays accumulated by the Six-Year National Development Plan, a US$ 303 billion. 3.

(14) project to upgrade the island’s infrastructures, launched by the government in 1991 and scheduled to be completed by 1997. This study is a first attempt in international migration literature to compare the historical background and evolution of labour immigration policies formed and implemented by Italy and Taiwan since the late 1980s. It has deliberately chosen not to address the accompanying issues of migrant adaptation, integration and assimilation, but to focus exclusively on the causes and origins of policy-making, leaving the consequences of it to a different study. Further, the issue of refugees in its strict definition of forced migration (by war or natural disasters) – which has served as a dramatic introduction to the general phenomenon of international migration in the opening paragraphs – will only be marginally touched upon.. 治政大 is regarded as central to In this study the role of the State as a gatekeeper 立of international migration through liberal or restrictive controlling inflows ‧ 國. 學. policies – which have the effect of making borders more or less accessible – from which derives that nothing invalidates theoretical approaches of international. ‧. labour migration as effectively as border control policies (Massey et al. 1998). Therefore, political factors are nowadays much more influential in determining. y. Nat. sit. mobility than economic disparities between sending and receiving countries. al. er. io. (Arango 2004), as will be shown in this research. The dialectic that leads to the. n. immigrant policy-making is then between domestic and international factors or in. Ch. i n U. v. more general sense internal and external explanatory variables, mediated by the. engchi. State for the ultimate benefits of its social and economic system. Similarities in social and economic development, but clear differences in policy formation and implementation, allow for an interesting exploration of how the two countries have coped with the respective immigration issues. Hence, the purpose of this study is a combination of exploration, description, and explanation in order to make findings that can answer the following questions: 1. What are the main principles and attitudes underlying Italy and Taiwan policy formation? 2. What kind of societal model do they envisage when allowing for labour immigration? 3. What is the impact of foreign labour in the respective societies? 4.

(15) 4. What are the preferred supply sources of manpower and why? 5. Is it possible to generalise to a different Western and East-Asian approach or model?. 1.2 Methodology Given its comparative and historical background approach, this study is conducted using mainly a combination of quantitative and qualitative data to explore the formation of labour immigration policies in Italy and Taiwan, and to find significant similarities and differences that can reflect underlying policy frameworks and theoretical foundations. Content analysis and analysis of existing statistics are then carried out in order to answer the questions put forward above;. 政治大 journals, books, archives, 立 government documents and other materials. Qualitative data are then extracted from all kinds of relevant sources, such as newspapers,. ‧ 國. 學. research in Taiwan is carried out in the forms of unstructured and informal interviews with immigrant communities from Vietnam, the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia at common venues, homes, workplaces or other institutions. As for. ‧. immigration state authorities, a general non-disclosure policy has not allowed for. y. Nat. satisfactory results in terms of policy information. Further, time constraints have. io. sit. made it impossible to carry out a parallel field research in Italy as originally. er. planned. Therefore, given the imbalances, only the qualitative research done in. al. n. v i n C h This is in contrastUwith an early research design that support of an argumentation. engchi. Taiwan has been used, mostly as mere testimony and personal communication in. meant to compare field studies conducted in both countries.. The cases of Italy and Taiwan are first examined separately, with attention given to historical background, economic development, geographic characteristics, social structure, and international relations at regional level. Following this preliminary stage, the research will further delve into a comparative analysis with the help of graphs, tables and other descriptive statistics summaries. The ultimate purpose is to make analogies emerge that can lead to the possible discovery of a unifying model (or the lack of it), according to which labour immigration policies can be created and implemented, irrespective of countries, traditions and social structures.. 5.

(16) This work will be structured in six chapters. The first chapter is a general introduction to the topic, wherein motivation and purpose are explained, together with the methodology utilized and a graphic scheme of the research framework, which illustrates the possible correlations among the causing factors of immigration policies. The second chapter consists of a systematic description and critical review of contemporary theories on international migration and is divided in three parts: part one explores the historical background of this relatively young field of research; part two analyses the most important theories on migration and their evolution; and part three narrows down the description to theories on immigration policies. The third chapter will address the case of Italy, starting from the general to the particular to uncover a logical evolution of Italy’s. 治政 the fourth chapter. The fifth chapter will be大 devoted to a close comparative 立 analysis of the main features of the two countries, as emerged from the previous immigration policies. The same pattern will be followed for the case of Taiwan in. ‧ 國. 學. chapters. And finally the sixth chapter will draw conclusions and show possible findings.. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 6. i n U. v.

(17) 1.3 Research Framework The present research aims at exploring the connections between immigration policy formations in Italy and Taiwan, by delving into the most important determinants at political, economic, social and international level. The analysis should help uncover possible resemblances in the cause-effect mechanism of both nations that can be attributed to a more general theory, regardless of geographic and historical circumstances. The graphic display below shows in general terms how Immigration Policy treated as a dependent variable may be affected by many explanatory variables, which in turn can also be influenced by other factors.. country status foreign policy. 學.  . ‧ 國. 立. 治 FACTOR 政INTERNATIONAL 大. SOCIAL FACTOR. demographic changes. ‧. . sit. IMMIGRATION POLICY. al. n liberal conservative VIEVIEview. Industrial sector Agricultural sector. er. io.  .  . y. Nat –– FACTOR POLITICAL. ECONOMIC FACTOR. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. CULTURAL FACTOR  . 7. languages traditions. GEOGRAPHIC FACTOR . distance.

(18) CHAPTER TWO 2. Literary Review 2.1 Historical Background Human migration has existed since ancient times, as the first nomadic populations of hunters and gatherers roamed great distances in search of food and better conditions. One of the most notable theories has it that modern humans populated the Earth starting from a place near the Rift Valley, in East Africa, some 50,000 – 100, 000 years ago (Tishkoff et al. 2009). This slow exodus later divided into several branches to reach all the continents.. 政治大 started in Europe from the end of the Middle Ages, in conjunction with the 立 formation of European states and the colonization of the rest of the world. From. According to Castles and Miller (2003: 50-59), modern international migration. ‧ 國. 學. about 1650 onwards “migration was a long-standing and important facet of social life and the political economy” in Europe. As the earliest industrial country,. ‧. Britain was the first to experience large-scale labour immigration, but also to see its population emigrate in unprecedented numbers. At the peak of the industrial. y. Nat. sit. revolution, between 1800 and 1860, 66 per cent of migrants bound to the USA. er. io. were from Britain. The mass labour migration from Europe occurred from 1800. al. v i n in destinations as far asC North and South America or even more far-flung like in hengchi U Australia. n. to 1940, when some 40 million Europeans settled permanently overseas, mostly. Conceptually, international migration itself is defined in terms of space and time. Space involves the crossing of nation-state borders; while time is set by convention at one year in the host country (less than that would be regarded as another form of mobility, such as tourism). Most studies on voluntary migration (as opposed to forced migration, caused mainly by natural calamities or wars) agree on indicating four main reasons for people to move: work, family reunion (or marriage), studies and relocation. Amongst them, the most important factor is certainly work, which pertains to the economic sphere of human society. This latest point was already underlined in the first work on human migration, written by Ernst Georg Ravenstein, a German cartographer employed at the British War 8.

(19) Office. His ground-breaking “The Laws of Migration” (1885, 1889) “provided the hypotheses upon which much future migration research and theorisation was built” (Boyle et al. 1998: 59), though its model was later criticized as being “unconnected. with. any. actual. migratory. movement. […],. essentially. individualistic and ahistorical” (Castles and Miller 2003: 20-22). For his migration study, Ravenstein compared census data collected for the population of the Kingdom in 1871 and 1881, the most recent at the time. At the heart of his Laws were the concepts of absorption and dispersion (Corbett 2011). A place of absorption received more people than it lost, while the opposite happened for a locality of dispersion. The former was typically an industrial or commercial centre, while the latter was almost always an agricultural area. Here are. 政治大 move立 mainly short distances, toward. summarised and reformulated the Ravenstein’s Laws (King 2012: 12): 1. Migrants. the closest centres of. ‧ 國. 學. absorption; those moving longer distances head for bigger cities of commerce and industry. 2. Most migration is from agricultural to industrial areas. ‧. 3. Large towns grow more by migration rather than by natural population. y. Nat. increase. development. of. industry,. sit. io. transportations. with. commerce. and. er. 4. Migration increases. al. n. v i n C h than males; males 6. Females are more migratory e n g c h i U are a majority in international 5. Each migration flow generates a compensating counter-flow. migration. 7. The major cause of migration is economic King (2012: 12-13) argues that. law 1 is modelled on Newtonian physics,. according to which the volume of movement between two places is directly proportional to the product of their masses (i.e. populations) and inversely proportional to the square distance between them; laws 2 and 3 explain ruralurban migration, which is the main form of population mobility in most countries; law 4 relates migration to development, anticipating many later theories, such as Zelinsky’s stage model (1971); law 5 formulates the two-way migration process, which will lead to studies on net and return migration; law 6 states the feminization of migration, only recently been fully acknowledged; law 7 affirms 9.

(20) what today is a general truism of migration, namely the paramount importance of the economic factors, as also underlined by Ravenstein (1889: 286) in his passage when he wrote Bad or oppressive laws, heavy taxation, an unattractive climate, uncongenial social surroundings, and even compulsion (slave trade, transportation), all have produced and are still producing currents of migration, but none of these currents can compare in volume with that which arises from the desire inherent in most men to “better” themselves in material respects. The underlining concepts of Ravenstein’s work were rationalised and brought to surface by the study of Lee (1966), who devised a migration model based on a set of “push” and “pull” factors. Push factors were those driving people from their. 政治大. place of origin, that is to say poverty, unemployment, landlessness, overpopulation, and so on; pull factors, on the contrary, were those drawing. 立. migrants towards the place of destination, for instance higher income, better. ‧ 國. 學. education, good environment, marriage prospects and so forth. Among the push and pull factors are the “intervening obstacles” which have a selective function in. ‧. such migration concept framework. The commonest of such “obstacles” to overcome for migrants are the cost of physical distance to make the journey,. Nat. sit. y. cultural barriers (different language and way of living) and political restrictions. io. er. (borders and immigration policies at destination). In Lee’s migration model, personal considerations also play an important role in response to the push and. al. n. pull factors.. Ch. i n U. v. A typical example would be that of a young migrant who is. engchi. responsive mainly to income and entertainment factors at destination in his decision to move; by contrast, a family with children would probably also include education facilities at destination in its evaluation of whether to migrate or not. 2.2 Theoretical Paradigms Behind most immigration policies (if not any kind of policy) there are ideas, views, expectations, ideologies that justify their mere proposition. These can be summarised in frameworks, models, paradigms or even full-blown theories that have the ambition to explain recurrent events. Thus: Theory is artful abstraction. It draws our attention away from the mess of ‘confusing details’, directing it towards what is ‘most important’ to the case at hand. Theories are beacons, lenses or filters that direct us to what, 10.

(21) according to the theory, is essential for understanding social phenomena. Theory requires radical simplification. Much as a good caricature selects, exaggerates and wilfully distorts in order to capture the defining features of its subject, a good theory intentionally oversimplifies in order to highlight forces that typically control behaviour (Donnelly 2005: 30, 33). Since Lee’s early model in the 1960s, migration literature has proliferated at an exponential pace, producing a host of new theories and concepts. These new approaches are the results of an increased labour mobility of people over time, but also emerge from the need to explain new migratory patterns observed in different parts of the world, especially between the industrialised and developed North and the poor underdeveloped South. Some of these theories or models have taken the individual has their unit of analysis – such as the push and pull scheme. 政治大 nation-states or even world system entities as starting points for 立. above – while others have preferred to focus their attention on families, communities,. their research. The reason for this fragmentation of theories is mainly due to the. ‧ 國. 學. obvious fact that migration is a social science that has to do with people, whose circumstances, conditions and needs change over time and across space,. ‧. following shifts in political, social and labour factors. As Massey et al. (1993:. sit. y. Nat. 432) have argued:. n. al. er. io. At present, there is no single, coherent theory of international migration […]. Current patterns and trends in immigration, however, suggest that a full understanding of contemporary migratory processes will not be achieved by relying on the tools of one discipline alone, or by focusing on a single level of analysis. Rather, their complex, multifaceted nature requires a sophisticated theory that incorporates a variety of perspectives, levels, and assumptions.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Massey (1993) proposes a classification of models that analyse the migration phenomenon from the macro perspective of structural determinants and the micro counterpart of individual decision-making. At a macro level, migration is the result of unequal distribution of labour, resources and capital in the different global regions. In some countries labour is scarce and capital abundant, so that individual wage level is relatively high; other countries experience scarce capital, abundant labour and consequently low wages. The economic differential causes migration from developing to developed countries, following the supply and demand mechanism, with a consequent transfer of wealth between the two poles, 11.

(22) which ultimately over time should lead to equilibrium and the end of migration. At the microeconomic level, migration is seen as a decision made by individuals, based on a simple cost-benefit calculation. Among the four major schools of migration theories presented by Massey, the oldest and probably best-known is the Neoclassical economics, under which are grouped at macro level the Wage Differential Theory, and at micro level the Human Capital and Expected Income theories. Wage Differential Theory takes into account the geographic differences in the supply of and demand for labour (Hicks 1932) between a region rich in manpower with low wages, and a distant region that conversely has a scarcity of labour and high wages. The different conditions generate migration from low- to. 政治大 gradually level the立 differences leading to an economic equilibrium between origin. high-wage areas. Theoretically, over time the compensation mechanism should. ‧ 國. 學. and destination countries, causing the end of migration, or its strong reduction. Empirical data have supported the role of migration in reducing wage differentials for certain regions, but in general there is no strong evidence for a. ‧. positive effect on origin countries, to the extension of greatly reducing. y. Nat. differences. Critics have also pointed out to the unrealistic assumption of labour. io. sit. as being homogenous and fully employed, which fails to explain the “return. n. al. er. migration and the continued massive rural-urban migration in the developing. i n U. v. countries, in spite of rising urban unemployment and underemployment” (Lin 2013: 6).. Ch. engchi. Human capital Theory takes its name from the concept of migration as an investment in human capabilities, which has initial costs but also promising future returns (Sjaastad 1962). Among the costs are travel expenses, lost income between jobs, job search costs, information gathering fees, and not least the psychological strains due to adaption in a different environment with unfamiliar rules and customs. The expected returns foreseen by this theory derive mainly by the income difference between destination and origin, but also by a higher standard of living enjoyed at destination, such as milder climate, abundant social welfare, modern medical facilities, better schooling system and so forth. As a micro level theory, Human Capital focuses on individual characteristics, recognising age and education as the main selectivity factors of migration. 12.

(23) However, given its implicit assumption that migration decision is always correct because based on cost-benefit calculus, this theory fails to explain the phenomenon of repeat migration, that is to say migration after the initial move which can result in either a return to the origin country for the migrant or a further move to another destination area. Expected Income Theory was first formulated in the 1960s by Todaro (1969) to give reason of the high rural-to-urban migration that developing countries were experiencing in those years. Rather than a cost-benefit calculation as seen previously, the main assumption of this theory is that migration takes place in response to the expected income differentials between rural and urban regions. Therefore the decision to migrate is taken after considering, first, the urban-rural. 政治大 rational as it might立 look, this reasoning is not risk-free, and miscalculations can real income difference, and then the probability of getting an urban job. Though. ‧ 國. 學. always occur, while urban high unemployment is seen as inevitable in this model. To illustrate his theory, Todaro told of a labour policy implemented by Kenya government in the 1964, following suggestions from the International Labour. ‧. Office. The measure aimed at absorbing the large urban unemployment in. y. Nat. Nairobi through a triangular agreement between employers, government and. io. sit. labour unions that contemplated keeping wage levels low while increasing. er. recruitment. However, when implemented, the policy had the only effect to. al. n. v i n C h used Todaro’s Later, Unesco e n g c h i U findings. attract even more migrants from the rural areas, raising again the urban unemployment.. to launch a series of. developing programs for rural areas in poorer countries, in an effort to decrease the “push” factors for migrants. Unfortunately the expanded education and the building of infrastructures generated more rural-urban migration than was expected. This manifest failure contributed to attract critical comments on the Neoclassical approach. Its internal logic and elegant simplicity (Malmberg 1997: 29) clashed with the migration reality, especially in the turbulent 1970s marred by two serious Oil Crises that provoked changes in the economic structures of many industrialized countries. As put it by Arango (2004: 19-20):. 13.

(24) The first fact that runs counter to the neoclassical explanation is why so few people move, given the huge differences in income, wages and levels of welfare that exist among countries. […] If migration flows between countries were to conform to the prescriptions of neoclassical theory, the number of international migrants should be many times higher than the one that obtains in reality. In fact, economic disparities are important, no doubt, but by no mean sufficient for migration flows to take place. In fact, they do not explain much nowadays. One of the fiercest critics of Todaro’s theory was Oded Stark (1989, 1991), who tried to correct the individual-centred Neoclassical concept by introducing his New Economics of Labour Migration (NELM) Theory. The decision unit of reference of this theory was not the individual but the migrant’s household – or, at a wider scale, the extended family or origin community – and it was based on. 政治大. three considerations (Stark 1991). First, the decision to migrate was taken by the. 立. whole household, after evaluating possible benefits, and as a measure to avoid. ‧ 國. 學. family risks. Risk aversion is particularly important in poor countries where, for example, crop failures due to sudden drought or damages caused by natural disasters are not uncommon. In these nations back-up resources – such as savings,. ‧. insurance or credit – are almost non-existent. Therefore, at the first stage of the. sit. y. Nat. migration process the family invested on the migrant – acting like an insurer with an insured beneficiary in an insurance-type of contract; at the second stage, their. io. n. al. er. roles were reversed, with the migrant sending remittances as a return for the household’s initial investment.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The second consideration of the NELM theory was the mutual and voluntary beneficial spirit with which the contract was honoured between the migrant and his or her family community. This good intention was explained by Lucas and Stark (1985, 1988) with the need for the migrant to maintain a good relationship with the origin family, the aspiration to inherit the parents’ wealth or simply as a way to control his or her hometown investment. The third consideration is the conceptual core of the New Economics of Migration Theory, which is the idea of relative deprivation. The relative deprivation – a term coined first by the sociology community in the 1930s and reused by Stark in the 1980s – is the real trigger of migration in this view. People may be pushed to migrate not only to increase their absolute income or to 14.

(25) diversify their risks, but also to raise their economic or social status in relation to other households in the community where their live (Massey et al. 1998) The feeling of relative deprivation derives from a comparison of one’s own income or wealth level with a certain reference group similar in terms of class or conditions, as might be one’s own neighbourhood. For instance, a family with no remittances could feel deprived in comparison to a family with remittances, which can motivate to the decision of sending out a family member to rebalance the perceived loss. In this sense, as noted by Stark and Taylor (1989), this theory suggests that, once started, the mechanism is self-perpetuating – as in the case of rural-urban migration – because based on persistent inequality in society. Critics have argued that the assumptions underlined by this theory could not stand the. 治政 information of destination before migration 大 is unrealistic; then, the reference 立 group that causes the deprivation feeling – and consequently creates the leg of migration reality in many respects. First of all, the assumed perfect. ‧ 國. 學. motivation to migrate – can be other than the origin community; finally the feeling of relative deprivation does not necessarily translate automatically into a. ‧. migration propensity. All these elements encouraged scholars to explore new avenues of research and find more effective conceptual frameworks.. y. Nat. io. sit. The Marxist interpretation of capitalism, development and colonialism is at the. er. base of a group of models which see international migration as a way of. al. n. v i n C h among differentUstates and economic regions. The of the complex relationships engchi mobilizing cheap labour for capital (Castles 2009) or as a macroeconomic result. Historical-structural models (as they are also called) that will be illustrated shortly are the Dual Labour Market Theory and the World Systems Theory, in that order. In his work Birds of Passage (1979) Michael J. Piore argues that international labour migration is not caused by pushing factors in sending countries (low wages or high unemployment) – as devised by the Neoclassical theory – but it is driven by pulling factors in destination countries (a chronic labour shortage), whose economic structure makes the demand for cheap and flexible labour its dominant and constant feature. This is because industrialized countries present a dual labour market: a primary capital-intensive market for highly-skilled native workers, who enjoy well-paid and secure jobs; and a secondary labour-intensive market for low-skilled migrant workers, who work 15.

(26) long hours in low-paid and insecure occupations, generally in manufacturing and service sectors, filling those jobs deemed as dirty, difficult and dangerous (or 3K, from the original Japanese expression: kitanai, kiken, kitsui). In addition, three important social factors in industrialized countries make the need for imported foreign labour more urgent. One is the so called “social consciousness”: the very presence of migrant workers occupying the secondary sector reinforces the unattractiveness of those jobs for local workers; the second and the third factors are the low-birth rates and the longer schooling period typical of developed countries, which perpetuates and reinforces permanent labour shortage at the lower rungs of the economic ladder. In geographical terms, the places where this dual-labour market mechanism is more evident are the global cities analysed in. 治政 also Tokyo and Shanghai in the Far East, 大 represent the archetypes of those 立 international economic and financial centres in which inhabitants with extremely. the works of Saskia Sassen (1988, 1991). London and New York in the West, but. ‧ 國. 學. high and extremely low incomes share the same space, though performing different functions, with the latter serving the needs of the more affluent. In terms. ‧. of possible interventions by single states through the implementation of policies to regulate the demand-driven immigration, the Dual Labour Market theory in. y. Nat. io. sit. Massey et al. (1993: 444) implies that:. n. al. er. Governments are unlikely to influence international migration through policies that produce small changes in wages or employment rates; immigrants fill a demand for labour that is structurally built into modern, post-industrial economies, and influencing this demand requires major changes in economic organization.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The World Systems Theory derives its conceptual framework from a historical analysis of the development and expansion of the global capitalist system, starting from the sixteenth century first European expansion into the world (Wallerstein 1974, 1979) to the early 1900s, when it reached its peak just before the broke-up of World War I. In its post-colonial period, world capitalism was driven by neo-colonialism and corporate capitalism using the pre-existing ties between past colonial powers and their former colonies (King 2012). Immanuel Wallerstein, the most important theorist of this approach, classified countries according to their positions in the global market economy, distinguishing between dominant capitalist powers (USA, Europe, Japan, Australia and New 16.

(27) Zealand) and dependent regions in the developing world. The former constituted the “core”, rich in capital and technology, while the latter was the “periphery”, abundant in natural resources and cheap labour. In-between were a “semiperiphery” of countries which were at an intermediate status of wealth and dependence.1 Unlike other schools of migration, World Systems theory explains international labour migration as generated by the force of economic globalization, and less by income and employment differentials. Therefore migration flows follow the route of capital flows in the opposite direction. Critics of the Historical-structural models point out how the role of single migrants is reduced to “little more than passive pawns in the play of great powers and world processes presided over by the logic of capital accumulation” (Arango. 政治大 flows not necessarily 立 follow the capital pathways in the reversed direction; 2004: 27). Furthermore, observations have made it clear that, first, migration. ‧ 國. 學. second, the migrants’ decision-making is relevant in the economy of migration; third, the role of the State in shaping migration is totally ignored in this conceptual view.. ‧. Today’s globalization makes it more evident that there is no single theory that. y. Nat. sit. can capture the complexity of migration, even more so when the nature of. er. io. migration has changed significantly and nowadays it is more appropriate to speak about “mixed migration”, such as that of the student/migrant, the tourist/migrant,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. the trader/migrant and so forth (Van Hear 2010). Another important aspect. engchi. closely related to international labour migration is the connection with development. Until not long ago, migration analysts saw the migrationdevelopment nexus as a one-way causality relationship and the principal motivation to migrate. Reality and evidence from historical and current cases show that economic changes and human mobility are instead interacting factors of the same general process of global permanent transformation. Stephen Castles (2009) argues that international labour migration should be seen within the broader phenomena of social change and social transformation, and not analysed in isolation. A multi-disciplinary approach is therefore essential to conducting 11. At the time Wallerstein was writing, those countries were Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Turkey, South Korea and Taiwan. Nations from the Communist block were obviously excluded from this survey (King 2012: 18).. 17.

(28) research on and exploring the multi-faceted aspects of international labour migration today. The interplay between the agency of the individual actor (the migrant) and the structure within which the actor operates (nation-state, society, community, family and so forth) has always been at the heart of most studies on migration, considered separately on a micro or macro scale. Today most scholars hope that the blending of human agency and structure in research studies will produce more comprehensive theories on this social phenomenon. These developments and innovations in migration research have certainly led to a theoretical fragmentation, but also to interesting approaches, such as the Transnational theory which sees migrants today as maintaining regular economic, social, cultural links across borders, by virtue of transportation and. 政治大 All the above theories 立 and conceptual frameworks can be applied to varying communications technologies that makes it easier to move internationally.. ‧ 國. 學. degrees for the interpretation of the contemporary immigration histories of Italy and Taiwan. However, for the purpose of this study, Dual Labour Market theory and World Systems theory will be mostly used among the classical approaches,. ‧. since the other two so far analysed – namely Neoclassical and New Economics. y. Nat. theories – are less relevant in explaining international labour migration. Modern. sit. concepts such as Transitional theories (de Haas 2008) – which link mobility to. er. io. processes of development and economic integration – and the Transnational. al. n. v i n Ch will also be considered to integrate e n gthecanalysis. h i U Since Italy and Taiwan belong to. theory (Basch et al. 1994; Portes et al. 1999; Vertovec 2004) above mentioned. different global regions, the origin countries of their respective foreign labour forces also vary, namely, we have the Southeast Asian region for Taiwan (Lan 2006, 2007; Lin 2010, 2011; Liu 1996; Wang 2002, 2011) and the Mediterranean Sea basin for Italy (Pastore 2004; Sciortino 2004, 2009; Zincone 2006, 2010). The international movement of labour put in motion in those areas entails the formation of specific foreign policies and agreements with the sending countries that will be analysed based on political and economic theories. At present, international migration policies respond to three basic requirements: first, the supply of low-skilled and highly-skilled workforce to sustain the domestic economy and the international competition; second, the provision of social services such as health care and domestic assistance in aging societies; 18.

(29) third, the need for. national security. The first two points have led to the. categorization of Castles and Miller (2003: 249-252) which distinguishes receiving countries in three categories, according to their acceptance approach of foreign migrant workers: the Differential Exclusionary model, the Assimilationist model and the Multicultural model. The Differential Exclusionary model is found in countries where the dominant group defines the general idea of nation, therefore “aliens” such as foreign immigrants can be incorporated into the economic sectors for which they have been recruited, but excluded from other areas (welfare, citizenship, political participation). This model has been fully applied in the early stages of Taiwan immigration policies, and for some aspects in Italy too. The Assimilationist model assumes that immigrants are gradually. 治政大 cultural and social identities.. being absorbed into the dominant culture of the receiving country by giving up their own linguistic,. 立. The price of cultural. assimilation into mainstream society is what immigrants have to pay in order to. ‧ 國. 學. be accepted and become “good” national citizens. This model with some variations is typical of highly-developed immigration countries, especially in. ‧. northern Europe, like Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands; and lately it has also been adopted by Italy. The Multicultural model implies acceptance of. Nat. sit. y. immigrants’ diversities and granting of equal rights, provided newcomers. al. er. io. conform to the basic values of the hosting society. This approach has been used. n. in open-society countries which relied heavily on importation of immigrants to. Ch. i n U. v. populate vast unsettled regions and sustain their expanding and dynamic. engchi. economies, such as the United States, Australia, and Canada; for different motivations (mostly ideological), it has also been adopted by Sweden. Within this model, two divergent policies have been noticed: the first is the laissez-faire approach of the United States, where cultural and language differences are accepted but not supported by the state; the second approach involves government action to protect and sustain diversity through cultural and language programs or special provisions granted to minorities, as can be seen in Canada, Australia and Sweden. The third basic requirement of international migration policies, namely the national security, is the main pillar of Taiwan immigration policy – even though it has been increasingly used by other countries to justify changes in their 19.

(30) immigration approach, as will be seen later. In the case of Taiwan, China would be the most obvious resource of cheap labour force to supplement the declining and aging population on the island, given the identical language and same cultural background. But political and diplomatic divisions have since long led to the formation of policies according to which population movement between China and Taiwan are considered a serious national security issue by authorities on the island (Wang 2011). Therefore the Chinese bias remains an important feature of Taiwan immigration policy, though the government of the current president Ma Ying-Jiu has tried to smooth out its main discriminatory traits by relaxing bans on PRC nationals coming to study in Taiwan after 2012. Comparative studies on immigration practices among countries located on the. 政治大 that can be mentioned 立 is the comparative study conducted by de Haas and. same continent or hemisphere are abundant in current literature. One of the latest. ‧ 國. 學. Vezzoli (2013) on the Mexico-USA migration vis-à-vis the Morocco-UE one. Castles (2003) has even gone further by comparing immigration in Germany and Australia – the two countries belong indeed to different hemispheres and. ‧. continents but most significantly share the same Western cultural background.. y. Nat. However, comparative works of Asian and European countries on the. io. sit. immigration issues are not very common, probably the main reason being that. er. they are viewed as too distant economic and political spheres which only. al. n. v i n C h of globalization The fact is that the rapid spread e n g c h i U in recent years has made even. occasionally share commonalities on migration policies that are worth of analysis.. far-flung regions closely interconnected and mutually influencing agents of the same international network. From this derives that migration patterns all over the world have assumed more resembling characteristics than before, regardless of. culture, language and social structures of the sending and receiving countries. Consequently, also migration policies have tended to converge in many respects around the globe. To illustrate this with an example, the early strict migration policies of Taiwan were modelled on those of Singapore, which in turn were designed with the 1950s German Guestworker Program in mind. The draconian policy traits typical of the authoritarian city-state were mitigated in later Taiwanese versions, in consideration of human rights advocated by international organizations. 20.

(31) Among the few comparative works available which involve Taiwan, Fanning (2011) makes an unprecedented parallel between the so-called Celtic Tiger, i.e. Ireland, and the Asian counterpart of Taiwan. Immigration in Ireland was relatively recent, and followed a spectacular but short-lived growth in the mid1990s. Apart from that, and a vague national building project common to the two islands – as maintained by the author – historical backgrounds and circumstances remain unrelated and distant. Quite interesting is the study of Schucher (2007), who compares the policies of Taiwan and the EU in the face of the current globalization, along with the need to combine openness and control in selecting the needed migration inflows. The only problem with this study is the comparative scale adopted: on one side we have a single country with a. 治政大 common policies on highlycountries which so far have only agreed upon limited 立 skilled workers and refugees. Quite interesting and full of insights is the work of homogenous policy, on the other a continent-size loose union of 28 independent. ‧ 國. 學. Kenji (2009), which compares foreign migrants in Taiwan and Japan. It draws parallels with respect to similar social and economic changes intervened in both. ‧. countries that caused the importation of foreign labour, and examines the different solutions adopted. However, at present not any single comparative work. y. Nat. er. io. justifies even more the need for this research.. sit. involving Taiwan and Italy has been found in the migration literature, which. al. n. v i n C h and Taiwan willUbe more and more influenced by immigration policies in Italy engchi To conclude this section, on a macro level the evolution of foreign labour. the supra-national entity of reference. In the case of Italy, this entity is obviously the European Union, whose directives try – though quite laboriously – to harmonise the different immigration policies of its member states, using. approaches of inclusion and integration. The Taiwan case has gone so far in the opposite direction, adopting an approach of exclusion and differentiation against its supra-national reference entity, which is obviously China. This policy is in contradiction with the ongoing economic integration (better, dependency), and many observers are wondering for how much longer it will be sustainable.. 21.

(32) 2.3 Theories on International Immigration Policies Immigration policies are designed by states, therefore states – in a macro analysis view – are the main agent of immigration patterns, allowing or restricting access to their territories for potential migrants. As Zolberg (1989: 406) argued: All countries to which people would like to go restrict entry. This means that, in the final analysis, it is the policies of potential receivers which determine whether movement can take place, and of what kind. This section will offer an overview of the main theories that attempt to explain the different immigration policies and approaches adopted by the states and the criteria set for accepting immigrants – how many of them, when, which type (i.e.,. 政治大. permanent immigrants, temporary migrant workers or refugees), and of which ethnic origin. To this end, the following passages will refer mostly to the works. 立. of Eytan Meyers (2000) who made an interdisciplinary synthesis utilizing. ‧ 國. 學. theories of political science and comparative politics, as well as international relations, sociology and psychology. First of all, immigration policy can be. ‧. distinguished in two different functions: (1) immigration control policy that governs admission and exclusion through rules and regulations; and (2). Nat. sit. y. immigrant policy that is more concerned with adaptation, integration and. io. er. assimilation of immigrants already in the receiving country, for example through the regulation of work and housing conditions, welfare provisions and. n. al. i n U. v. educational opportunities. The focus of this section will be on the first function –. Ch. engchi. immigration control policy – for which Meyers has delineated six different approaches: the Marxist approach, based on the analysis of economic cycles and their consequences on immigration; the National Identity approach, which focuses on cultural and historical backgrounds as determinants of migration; the Domestic Politics approach, that points to economic and social factors as the main propellers; the Institutional approach, which gives importance to the role of state bureaucracy and administration in shaping policies; the Realism approach, centred on game power among the different states; and finally the Liberalism approach, which gives more credit to non-state organizations in forming immigration policies.. 22.

(33) The Marxist approach explains immigration as an important disposable buffer device of capitalism, in order to sustain growth in expanding periods or to quickly cut costs during recessionary cycles. This “industrial reserve army of labour”, as it was dubbed, serves many functions: first, it pushes down working-class wages; second, its flexibility helps smooth out sudden fluctuations in the market that may affect production; third, it divides the united front of the working class in their struggle against the capitalist class, as Marx and Engels observed when describing the competition for jobs between English workers and Irish migrants; it occupies the lowest rungs of the socioeconomic ladder, doing the least desirable low-income manual jobs, and therefore raising the status of indigenous workers and lessening class conflict. The corollary to this last point is that. 治政大 the result that the capitalist where union membership is less likely, with 立 counterpart gains stronger negotiating power. The Marxist approach assumes that domestic workers are then pushed up towards non-manual, better paid sectors,. ‧ 國. 學. the state operates in the services of the capitalists, who view immigration as a structural part of the liberal economy and dictate the policies that best serve their. ‧. interests. Critiques have been made against the Marxist interpretation for failing to predict a few important tenets. The first one is the growing proportion of. y. Nat. sit. immigrants that capitalist economies would use in relation to their local. al. er. io. populations, whose ratio instead has substantially remained low over the last. n. century. The second one regards the importation of immigrants of different race. Ch. i n U. v. and ethnic origin, as a strategy to divide the working class, which has been. engchi. contradicted by the several discriminating policies adopted in the past by the United States, Australia and Canada in favour of White immigrants over Asian ones, for example. Or still today, the selective policies used by Taiwanese authorities towards Southeast Asian workers; and again the preference given to Eastern Europeans rather than African workers by the latest Italian policies. The final critic of the Marxist analysis is about its exclusive focus on the economic aspect of immigration, which cannot account for state intervention on refugees, permanent settlement and forced migration caused by wars and natural disasters. Furthermore, the Marxist statement that immigration is a sheer product of capitalist exploitation is contradicted by the fact that even planned economies of the Communist block imported migrants.. 23.

(34) The National Identity approach is based on the concept of national identity – made up of a country’s unique history, language and traditions – as the main criterion of inclusion or exclusion for immigrants. At times, fears of losing the national identity may produce nationalism and nativism as a reaction, and lead to xenophobic attitudes from the local population. A narrow or wide interpretation of the national identity explains contrasts in immigration and citizenship policies among countries of destination. These can be distinguished in: 1. settler societies vs ethnic states; 2. homogeneous vs heterogeneous countries; 3. countries with jus sanguinis legislation vs those with jus soli. The first distinction opposes states traditionally in favour of large-scale permanent immigration for the purpose of populating their vast territories – such. 政治大 ethnic origin is the 立main criteria of inclusion, like the crowded European. as Australia, Canada and United States – to other states where instead same. ‧ 國. 學. countries. The second distinction overlaps with the first just mentioned in assuming that homogenous countries are less likely to accept ethnically different permanent immigration than heterogeneous societies. This is reflected for. ‧. example in the policies adopted by Japan, Korea and Taiwan, which had all. y. Nat. resisted the importation of alien workforce for long time, trying to supplement it. io. sit. first with co-ethnic nationals from overseas. The third distinction is in part the. er. consequence of the first two, in that countries that adopted jus soli (citizenship by. al. n. v i n C U migrant inflows, while thehprinciple (citizenship by kinship or e n g cofhjusi sanguinis place of birth) were those heterogeneous and settler societies open to large. blood descent) dominated in most European countries and many East Asian nations, such as Japan and Taiwan. The National Identity approach is then useful in accounting for why some nations have an inclusionary attitude – allowing permanent settlement of immigrants – and others instead prefer the adoption of an exclusionary policy, permitting only temporary labour migration within their territories. However, this view has limitations, since the national self-image is a concept that may vary over time and cannot be always taken as the only factor responsible of immigration restrictions put in place by the single states. The Domestic Politics approach derives its name by the fact that changes in immigration policy are the result of mediation or conflict among the different lobbies and parties involved within the national arena. Therefore, each political 24.