C HAPTER S IX Conclusion
6.1 A summary of previous chapters
This thesis has benefited from previous studies conducted on Chinese gen, which
have shown that:
(i) Chinese uses gen as a way to encode comitativity and coordination. This yields
the ambiguity of gen in some sentences.
(ii) It is possible to tell apart the ambiguous interpretations of gen by means of
syntactic and semantic tests. Among these various tests, the syntactic position of
a modifying adverbial is a common and easy solution.
(iii) As a preposition, gen can also serve to mark unidirectionality and reciprocity in
addition to comitativity.
With an attempt to incorporate these contributions into this thesis, we conducted
an extensive investigation into the syntactic distribution of gen as a verb, as a
preposition and as a conjunction in Chapter 3. It has been shown that as a verb, gen
can be the sole predicate or take an extended predicate to form a complex sentence.
What distinguishes gen as a preposition and gen as a conjunction is the syntactic
position of a modifying element. When a modifying element intervenes between the
two referents, gen will be treated as a preposition. When the modifying element does
not intervene but occurs after the two referents, gen will be looked upon as a
conjunction.
We also presented a comprehensive study of the semantic interpretations of gen
as a verb, as a preposition and as a conjunction. As a verb, gen could involve “spatial
sequence”, “temporal sequence” or only “sequence”. As a preposition, gen can
indicate reciprocity, comitativity, or unidirectionality. Unidirectionality can be either
goal-oriented or source-oriented. As a conjunction, gen can conjoin two referents
either at the phrasal level or at the sentential level.
Moreover, in Chapter 3, we have also investigated the nature of the two referents
that precede and follow gen (as a verb, a preposition and a conjunction) in terms of
their thematic roles and semantic features.
To account for the continuum notion, we have reviewed previous verb
classification frameworks, pointed out the inadequacies in these previous studies and
proposed our own verbal semantic framework in Chapter 4. In Chapter 5, we have
shown that when gen co-occurs with stative non-reciprocal verbs, except for
“measure” verbs, it can only function as a sentential conjunction. When gen co-occurs
with reciprocal verbs, stative or non-stative, it can function as a preposition or as a
phrasal conjunction, except for some reciprocal verbs headed by huxiang ‘mutual’.
When gen co-occurs with non-stative non-reciprocal verbs, it can basically function as
a preposition, as a phrasal conjunction and as a sentential conjunction. Besides, in
co-occurrence with motion verbs, gen is likely to be perceived as a verb and thus
includes four functions: as a verb, a preposition, a phrasal conjunction and a sentential
conjunction; in co-occurrence with unidirectional verbs, gen as a preposition can mark
comitativity or unidirectionality and thus also serves four functions: as a preposition
marking comitativity, a preposition indicating unidirectionality, a phrasal conjunction
and a sentential conjunction.
6.2 Issues to be further considered
This thesis seeks to incorporate insights from previous studies and bring forth a
continuum model to account for the different behaviors of gen. However, we think
that there are still some interesting issues related to gen which are worth pursuit: the
phonetic issue and the comparison of gen with other markers.
6.2.1 The phonetic issue
32Given that gen as a verb undergoes grammaticalization and derives a preposition
and a conjunction status, we may hypothesize that the phonetic content of gen as a
verb might have been reduced during the grammaticalization processes. Therefore,
how the pronunciation of gen as a verb differs from that of gen as a preposition and as
a conjunction is worth exploration and pursuit. Future research can help to shed light
on the grammaticalization of gen from a phonetic perspective.
6.2.2 Comparison with other markers
As shown earlier, gen can display a variety of functions. For example, gen can
indicate the source of the denoted event. Consider sentence (1).
(1) Zhangsan gen Lisi jie le yixie qian
張三 跟 李四 借 了 一些 錢
Zhangsan GEN Lisi borrow PFV some money
‘Zhangsan borrowed some money from Lisi.’
Markers such as xiang ‘to, from’ and cong…nabian ‘from the side of’ can also
serve the same function while another marker dui ‘to’ cannot. Consider sentences
(2)-(4).
(2) Zhangsan xiang Lisi jie le yixie qian
張三 向 李四 借 了 一些 錢
Zhangsan from Lisi borrow PFV some money
‘Zhangsan borrowed some money from Lisi.’
(3) Zhangsan cong Lisi nabian jie le yixie qian
張三 從 李四 那邊 借 了 一些 錢
Zhangsan from Lisi that-side borrow PFV some money
‘Zhangsan borrowed some money from Lisi.’
(4) *Zhangsan dui Lisi jie le yixie qian
張三 對 李四 借 了 一些 錢
Zhangsan to Lisi borrow PFV some money
When gen serves to indicate the goal of the denoted event, it can be replaced by
xiang and dui, but not by cong…nabian. Consider sentences (5)-(8).
(5) Zhangsan gen Lisi jieshi le yixie shiqing
張三 跟 李四 解釋 了 一些 事情
Zhangsan GEN Lisi explain PFV some thing
‘Zhangsan explained some things to Lisi.’
(6) Zhangsan xiang Lisi jieshi le yixie shiqing
張三 向 李四 解釋 了 一些 事情
Zhangsan to Lisi explain PFV some thing
‘Zhangsan explained some things to Lisi.’
(7) Zhangsan dui Lisi jieshi le yixie shiqing
張三 對 李四 解釋 了 一些 事情
Zhangsan to Lisi explain PFV some thing
‘Zhangsan explained some things to Lisi.’
(8) *Zhangsan cong Lisi nabian jieshi le yixie shiqing
張三 從 李四 那邊 解釋 了 一些 事情
Zhangsan from Lisi that-side explain PFV some thing When gen is a comitative marker, none of the alternative markers can replace
gen. Consider sentences (9)-(12).
(9) Zhangsan zuotian gen Lisi yiqi dushu
張三 昨天 跟 李四 一起 讀書
Zhangsan yesterday GEN Lisi together read-book
‘Zhangsan studied with Lisi yesterday.’
(10) *Zhangsan zuotian xiang Lisi yiqi dushu
張三 昨天 向 李四 一起 讀書
Zhangsan yesterday to Lisi together read-book (11) *Zhangsan zuotian dui Lisi yiqi dushu
張三 昨天 對 李四 一起 讀書
Zhangsan yesterday to Lisi together read-book (12) *Zhangsan zuotian cong Lisi nabian yiqi dushu
張三 昨天 從 李四 那邊 一起 讀書
Zhangsan yesterday from Lisi that-side together read-book The above examples suggest that gen evidences a wider range of functions than
other markers. Besides, though gen can be replaced by dui in goal orientation, not
every goal-oriented verb can work out as well with dui as with gen. Compare
sentences (13) and (14).
(13) Zhangsan gen Lisi ti guo zhejian shiqing
張三 跟 李四 提 過 這件 事情
Zhangsan GEN Lisi mention EXP this- CL thing
‘Zhangsan mentioned this thing to Lisi.’
(14) *Zhangsan dui Lisi ti guo zhejian shiqing
張三 對 李四 提 過 這件 事情
Zhangsan to Lisi mention EXP this- CL thing
Also, though gen and xiang can indicate the source of the denoted event, they are not
always exchangeable (Gu 2000:42). Compare sentences (15) and (16).
(15) women yinggai yao xiang Leifeng xuexi
我們 應該 要 向 雷鋒 學習
1PL MOD want to Leifeng learn
‘We should learn from Leifeng (someone who is dead).’
(16) ?women yinggai yao gen Leifeng xuexi
我們 應該 要 跟 雷鋒 學習
1PL MOD want GEN Leifeng learn
Gu (2000:42) Sentence (15) sounds better than (16). Gu (2000) explains that when gen occurs as a
preposition indicating the source of the denoted event, the source needs to refer to
someone who is alive because the ‘someone’ can be followed. In the usage of xiang,
no such concern arises.
Finally, as far as Chinese nominal coordinators are concerned, gen, ji, yu, and he
are probably the four most common coordinators in Taiwan Mandarin. However,
these four coordinators vary in terms of frequency. One pilot study
33suggested that
gen is the most frequently heard in oral speech and yu and ji are rarely heard. Besides,
the degree of formality seems to lie behind the motivation to use different
33