趕搭東方甦醒巨龍--後冷戰時期中東與中國關係 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis 趕搭東方甦醒巨龍--後冷戰時期中東與中國關係 Taking Advantage of the Waking Dragon: Post Cold War Middle East-China Relations. Student: Avishai Bar-Magen (馬一偉) Advisor: Dr. I Yuan 袁易博士. 中華民囯一百年七月 July 2011.

(2) 趕搭東方甦醒巨龍--後冷戰時期中東與中國關係 Taking Advantage of the Waking Dragon: Post Cold War Middle East-China Relations 研究生:馬一偉 Student: Avishai Bar-Magen 指導教授: 袁易博士 Advisor: Dr. I Yuan. 國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. A Thesis Submitted to International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in China Studies. 中華民囯一百年七月 July 2011.

(3) Acknowledgment I would like to express my profound gratitude to those who supported me and gave me the possibility to complete this thesis. First I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. I Yuan, for his guidance and sage advice. Secondly I would also like to thank my nuclear family and my big supportive Taiwanese family for hours of patience and moral support. I would also like to thank my friends and classmates for giving me the strength to complete this thesis.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i. i n U. v.

(4) Abstract This thesis attempts to examine the Middle East reaction to the Post Cold War China growth. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union created a vacuum in the Middle East, and a new balance of power. China adjusted to the new situation, trying to enter to the vacuum created by the Soviets. This thesis examines the relations between the two most influential states in the Middle East, Israel, Iran, and China from a Middle Eastern perspective. The thesis focuses on economic relations, energy relations, and weapon relations. It will also looks for the benefits of the Middle East countries from. 政治大. the emergence of China and the growing influence and involvement of China in regional. 立. affairs.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. ii. i n U. v.

(5) Table of Contents Acknowledgment…………………………………………………………………………..i Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………ii Chapter I: Introduction…………………………………………………………………….1 Post Cold War Middle East: Adjusting to a new world…………………………………...4 Purpose of Research………………………………………………………………..……...9 Variables…………………………………………………………………………………12 Methodology……………………………………………………………………………..13. 政治大. Analytical Framework……………………………………………………………………13. 立. Interdependence………………………………………………………………………….14. ‧ 國. 學. Sensitivity / Vulnerability………………………………………………………………..15. ‧. Chapters Outline…………………………………………………………………………17. sit. y. Nat. Chapter II: Cold-War Middle East-China Relations 1949-1990………………………...21. io. er. PRC is Looking for Diplomatic Support in the Middle East…………………………….22. al. The Bandung Conference: The PRC getting closer to the Arab world ..………………...23. n. v i n C h movementsUin the Middle East…………....25 Ideologic Support: Looking for Communist engchi The Sino-Soviet Split: The Arab world turn their back to the PRC …………………….27. Support for Revolutionary Movements: The PRC deepen their involvement in the Middle East……………………………………………………………………………………….29 Post-Cultural Revolution Relations: The PRC enters the UN and improve its relations with the Middle East……………...……………………………………………………...32 Iran-Iraq War: Chinese massive weapon supply..………………………………………..36 Chapter III: Post Cold-War Middle East-China Relations 1990-2010………….……….38. iii.

(6) The First Gulf War: China choose non-intervention policy………….………………….39 Energy Relations: The core of the interdependence……………………………………..43 Economic Relations: Mutual investments to strength the interdependence …..………...46 Weapon Deals: Strengthening the relations…………...…………………………………48 Cultural Integration: Beyond pure interests…...…………………………………………50 Islam Based Relations: A bridge between China and the Middle East…..………………51 The Second Gulf War: Hesitative Chinese reaction…..…………………………………53 Chapter IV: Iran-China Relations………………………….……….……………………57. 政治大. Iran’s Nuclear Plan: Iran taking advantage of China…………………………………….60. 立. Energy Relations: Chinese capital for Iranian energy...…………………………………65. ‧ 國. 學. Economic Relations: Chinese investments in Iran..……………………………………...69. ‧. Weapon Deals and Military Relations: Strengthening the Revolutionary Guards….…...72. sit. y. Nat. Chapter V: Israel-China Relations……………………..………………………………...76. io. er. Weapon Deals: From honeymoon to total crash…………………………………………80. al. Economic Relations: Israel is searching for a way to create interdependence…...……...86. n. v i n C Process…………………………………………….89 The Arab Israeli Conflict and Peace hengchi U Chapter VI: Conclusion...……………………………………………………………….93 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………......….101 Table I: Agreements requiring substantial future investment in the Middle East……...116 Table II: Iran- China bilateral trade………………….…………………………………118 Table III: Israel-China bilateral trade.……………….………………………………….118 Table IV: China Crude Oil import from the Middle East………………………………119. iv.

(7) Chapter I: Introduction All along history the Middle East had an important geostrategic meaning to China. China’s relationships with Central Asia and the Middle East trace back to 138 B.C, in the Han Dynasty, under the leadership of Zhang Qian. Information about hitherto unknown states to the west generated much interest in the Han Dynasty court. Increased connections with those states gradually led to a growing trade between China and the Middle East, in what is known today as the Silk Road. The importance of the Silk Road reached its height during the Tang Dynasty. In the thirteenth century under the Mongol. 政治大. Empire of Genghis Khan, China was united with Central Asia all the way to Persia.. 立. However, after the decline of the Mongol Empire side by side with the growth of Islam. ‧ 國. 學. and Chinese isolation, have led both areas developed in different ways.. ‧. The emergence of China in the 20th century has changed its role in the world.. sit. y. Nat. China today is one of the world strongest economies. As a consequence of its economic. io. er. strength, and its position in the UN Security Council, China is also an important player in. al. the world politics. In the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the end of the. n. v i n cold war, China found itself in aCneed to a new world. A world that in the h e ton adjust gchi U following years it will have a key position in. The end of the Cold War has changed the world in every aspect and everywhere. Countries in different parts of the world woke up to a new situation which was either removing of a threat, or a loss of a big brother. The Middle East was no exception in that situation. From a region that was greatly dependent on the two Superpowers, the Middle East countries adjusted to a new situation, released out of the Cold War fears, the region’s economy emerged with the world economy, by using its most precious resource, oil.. -1-.

(8) Most of the researches regarding the Middle East are focusing on the Great Powers point of view, as if the Middle East has been a play tool in their “great chess game” 1. However, the growing integration of Middle Eastern countries in the world economy, the regions growing nationalism, and resistance to what some like to call “Western Imperialism” as proven recently in the United States long wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, might point out that Middle Eastern countries would like to decide about their future and determine more when it comes to regional and sometimes even global affairs. Even in such countries that considered being American allies such as Saudi-. 政治大. Arabia, Egypt and even recently Israel, there are voices against the foreign involvement. 立. in domestic and regional affairs. The world growing dependence on oil, and in safeguard. ‧ 國. 學. its way of transportation, has improved Middle Eastern economies, and geo-strategic. ‧. importance.. sit. y. Nat. From a global perspective, the Middle East is important for two reasons. The first. io. er. one is its geo-strategic location, as it connects Europe, Asia, and Africa, and the second. al. n. one is its energy resources, mainly oil. The importance of the region goes back to ancient times, when the Greeks, the. v i n C h and even theUMongols Romans, engchi. were all interested in. controlling this region in order to control the roads for trade. Later in modern time, Napoleon Bonaparte and his army conquered vast part of the region and their successors were the Ottoman Empire rulers. However, it was only in the beginning of the 20th century that oil started to be used as a source of energy, leading the British, French, Soviets and later the Americans to a great interest in the region. After World War II it’s. 1. For instance view, Emory C. Bogle, The modern Middle East: from imperialism to freedom, 1800-1958. (Upper Saddle River, N.J. : Prentice Hall, 1996). -2-.

(9) the important of energy resources grew even further, and the region became an important arena during the Cold War. Ever since the falling of the Ottoman Empire, the Middle East had been influenced by foreign powers. From the Sykes-Pico agreement, through the Cold War, and after the Cold War, the First and Second Gulf War the region has been interacted with foreign powers. Unlike the Sykes-Pico agreement, which was forced upon the local population, the Cold War was an era of independence and self control. However, during the Cold War the Middle East was divided by the two Superpowers, while each side was. 政治大. trying to promote its interests through its proxy’s states. Although, gaining independence. 立. the Middle East countries were still vulnerable for the Superpowers decisions.. ‧ 國. 學. Each Superpower had its own allies promoting its interests. Israel, Saudi Arabia,. ‧. and pre-revolutionary Iran allied with the United States, while Egypt, Iraq and Syria. sit. y. Nat. allied with the Soviet Union. The relations between Middle East countries and the. io. er. Superpowers included weapons supply from the Superpowers and oil supply from the. al. Middle East. However, some countries such as Egypt, Syria, and Israel, who do not have. n. v i n rich energy resources, still enjoyedCthe U mainly due to local strategic h Superpowers e n g c h isupport, struggles of power and influence. Egypt's importance was mainly due to its geo strategic importance, as the country that connects Asia and Africa, and the country that hosts the Suez Canal, which connects Europe and Africa. Syria importance to the Soviet was mainly due to its position in the Arab world. Israel democratic regime was an important strategic asset to the Americans. In this thesis I will focus on two Middle Eastern countries, Israel, and Iran. Both countries had an important role during the Cold War and still hold that importance.. -3-.

(10) Furthermore, each country presents a different case study for the Chinese interests in the region. Although not having much energy resources in its territory, Israel was supported by the United States as an important strategic ally. Despite the hostile environment, Israel managed to prove military superiority in the region, and also as represents the same democratic values as the United States. The case of Iran is more complex. During the days of the Shah, before the Islamic revolution in 1979, Iran was an important ally and oil supplier for the United States. However, following the revolution, Iran was the only country in the region that did not ally with none of the Superpowers.. 政治大. The thesis will focus on Israel and Iran relations with China in the post-Cold War. 立. era. While China’s relations with Iran were influence from domestic development in both. ‧ 國. 學. countries, China’s relations with Israel can be related to the end of the Cold War, and. ‧. regional developments. Both countries see China in a different way, as will be explained. sit. y. Nat. later. However, both countries are taking advantage of the growing Chinese interest in the. io. al. er. Middle East and the globalization process of the world economy. This thesis would like. n. to present China as a strategic asset to both Israel and Iran, and the benefits of Israel and. Ch. engchi. Iran in their interdependence relations with China.. i n U. v. Post Cold War Middle East: Adjusting to a new world The Soviet Union collapse has changed the balance of power in the Middle East. In the aftermath of the Cold War the United States, have left as the only Superpower in the region, and the other regional players have adjusted to a new world. Stephan Krasner presented three major implications for the post-Cold War Middle East;. -4-.

(11) 1) Rules for international trade will increasingly differentiate across issue areas and countries, because existing regimes are not congruent with the interests and power of the Cold War Superpowers. 2) Progress in the Israeli-Arab conflict. Assuming both sides will not enjoy external support as they did in the past. 3) Conflicts among oil-producing states around the Persian Gulf are more likely, because the Superpowers are not in a position to constrain their allies 2. The results of the prediction just mentioned were diverse. The Middle Eastern. 政治大. governments integrated with the world economy as part of the growing process of. 立. globalization. The Israeli-Arab conflict was looking to get on the right track, with the. ‧ 國. 學. Madrid Peace Summit in 1991, the Oslo agreement in 1993, and the Israeli-Jordanian. ‧. peace treaty in 1994. However, the Soviet anti-western approach was replaced by radical. sit. y. Nat. Islamic groups, thus the Arab-Israeli conflict has not been completely solved by now, and. io. al. oil-producing countries was in the first Gulf War.. er. extended to anti-American conflict. Concerning the third point, the only conflict between. n. v i n C h integration U The Middle Eastern oil-producers e n g c h i with the global economy, created. regional interdependence among the major oil-producers that maintained peaceful development, all sides interested in maintaining their economic growth, therefore regional stability is important for the oil producers. The attempt by Iraq to break the balance with the invasion to Kuwait resulted in the first Gulf War. Despite the tension in the Middle East and Gulf region, beside the first Gulf War, there were no regional wars between oil producers. One of the great contributors for the stability between the great oil 2. Stephan D. Krasner, “The Middle East and the End of the Cold War” In The Middle East in Global Chang: The Politic sand Economics of Interdependence Versus Fragmentation, ed. by Laura Guazzone, (Basingstoke, Hampshire [England] : Macmillan Press ; New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997), 202-213.. -5-.

(12) producers Iran and Saudi Arabia is China. As both sides have close relations with the Chinese, and were able to enjoy stable oil export so far. The falling of the Soviet Union in 1991 created a new reality in the Middle East, leaving the United States as the only Superpower in the region. Untroubled with the “Soviet threat”, the Americans tried to improve their position in the Middle East. Unwilling to band itself to American interests, some of the former Soviet allies, tried to fill the vacuum created by the Soviets. Iraq was the first one to try and take advantage of the new situation. The Iraqi invasion to Kuwait was the first challenge to the region, and. 政治大. to its hegemony. However, the American strong reaction towards this act showed the. 立. local players, that the United States is determined on keeping the stability.. ‧ 國. 學. The rise of radical Islam is one of the most dangerous threats for the region. ‧. stability. The Middle East today can be divided into two camps: Countries that are willing. sit. y. Nat. to work in various forms of strategic partnership with the United States, and those who. io. er. are not. The first camp includes Israel, and both of its neighbors which it have signed. al. peace agreements with; Egypt and Jordan, along other moderate Arab countries, Saudi. n. v i n GulfCCooperation The other h e n g cCouncil. hi U. Arabia and the rest of the. camp, led by Iran,. includes Syria and prominent non-state actors such as Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran is one of the forces that seem to be trying to fill the vacuum created by the Soviet collapse by fighting against the United States for regional hegemony. Another important actor that tries to enter the post-Cold War vacuum is China. However, unlike the Soviets, China is not looking for a regional hegemony. China’s interests are evolving around the Chinese local economy, and not the communist ideology. Starting from 1993, the Chinese interest in the Middle East moved to a higher level, after. -6-.

(13) China started to import crude oil from the Middle East. China’s growing demeaned for crude oil, and its growing involvement in world affairs, makes its involvement in the Middle East more important than at the Cold War time. China is the only country which keeps close relations with both camps that mentioned above, and it tries to serve as a mediator in conflicts, starting from the Iran-Iraq War, through the first Gulf War, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and recently the Iranian nuclear crisis. China’s position as a permanent member in the UN Security Council enables China to influence the Middle East stability. China’s position as a mediator in the Middle East conflicts is part of. 政治大. Beijing’s growing interaction with the region. China is seen as a strong and legitimate. 立. global power that should be involved even in Middle Eastern regional issues. For. ‧ 國. 學. example, China was called by the UAE to help to solve a dispute regarding three islands. ‧. that were occupied by Iran in 1971. The island are still under Iranian control, but the. y. Nat. UAE hopes that China’s close relations with both sides, and position in the UN Security. er. io. sit. Council, will help to solve the dispute 3. The growing Chinese interests in the region can. al. be reflected in the aftermath of the Second Gulf War from a Chinese point of view. The. n. v i n Ch American aggressiveness and uncompromised in Iraq has led some of the Gulf e n g cwar hi U countries to look for a new market for their energy resources. China took advantage of this opportunity. Moreover, the chaos that exist in Iraq until today, have disrupted the accessibility to the Iraqi oil resources, the Chinese hunger for oil found an answer in Iraq’s neighbors, Iran and Saudi Arabia.. 3. Kareem Shaheen, “China Asks UAE to Argue Case for Island Occupied by Iran”, The National September 21, 2010, http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100922/NATIONAL/709219911/1133/FOREIGN( (accessed October 24, 2010). -7-.

(14) There are various reasons to focus on the post Cold War era as the time frame for this thesis; The Soviet collapse left China as the leader of the ‘Communist world’, in a new world without communist influence. China which started to open out to the Western world, in the late 1970’s continued at the same time to play the role of the defender of the third world, therefore its importance in the Middle East was rising. In addition, unlike the Soviets, China still manages to keep close relations with the Western world as well. From Middle Eastern perspective, the old division between East and West was gone, and regional players started to think more globally. It was only after the Cold War that China. 政治大. established diplomatic relations, with two of the region most important countries, Israel. 立. and Saudi Arabia. These relations symbolized the great change in the post-Cold War. ‧ 國. 學. Middle East, as international relations are motivated by interests and not by pure ideology.. ‧. China’s great dependency on the Western economy, created a new globalized. sit. y. Nat. economy. The fact that China became a crude oil importer in 1993, changed its relations. io. al. er. with the Middle East, and increased its importance in regional affairs. China’s growing. n. demand for oil to its boosting industry, created a great interdependence between China and the region. The fact the. v i n C hStates members U Gulf e n g c h i boast 45. percent of the world’s. recoverable sources of crude oil, promise that the close relations between the sides will continue. Nevertheless, China’s importance increased beyond the economic aspects. The latest crisis around the Iranian nuclear proves a test for the Chinese relations with the Western world and with the Middle East, as Iran puts a threat to the regional stability. Israel and Iran, will serve as model countries in this thesis, because each one of them represents different aspects of the regional balance of power. Iran represents an Islamic fundamental anti-Western approach, and Israel is a pro-Western countries that. -8-.

(15) proved to be a regional military and economical power that survives despite its hostile environment. In addition, both sides keep close relations with China, and China is expected to have a key role in the tense relations between Iran and Israel, and the ArabIsraeli conflict. Each country relations with China incorporate different interests, as will be broadly discussed later. The Chinese interests in the Middle East are revolving around two main issues, energy, and weapon deals. The Iran-China relations are a vivid example for the great interest and importance of the Middle East energy resources for the Chinese. Regarding. 政治大. weaponry, the Israel-China arm deals, and the Iran-China arm deals, gives a great. 立. example for the big share weapon deals takes in the relations between China and the. sit. y. Nat. Purpose of research. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Middle East.. io. er. The purpose of the thesis is to go through the regional and global process that led. al. to the growing interdependence of China and the Middle East after the Cold War. To. n. v i n search for the ways Israel and IranChave using the rise of China for their own causes, h ebeen ngchi U and to analyze the future implication of Israel and Iran relations with China. The basic assumption of the thesis is that the rise of China and its friendly approach to both countries under research, enables these countries to take advantage of the “new player” in the region. The advantage can be political in the case of Iran, that escapes isolation and sanctions due to its close relations with China, or economic, as both Iran, Israel and other Middle Eastern countries enjoys the Chinese economic growth.. -9-.

(16) The thesis will also show the long way China has went through from a young state without international recognition, to a major factor in the world politics and one of the decisions makers regarding the Middle Eastern agenda in the post Cold War. It is important to notice in that sense, that China today is a permanent member in the UN Security Council, important member of the G8, and one of the world’s fastest growing economies, all this lead to a growing importance of China in the world affairs. Eventually some questions should be asked; how does the Middle East benefits from the ‘waking’ of China and its great involvement in the region? The collapse of the. 政治大. Soviet Union and the rise of China created a new era when the Middle East and China has. 立. an economic interdependence. In difference from the Cold War era, the interdependence. ‧ 國. 學. unlike dependence increases the leeway for the Middle East governments and with it. ‧. increase the benefits. Each side brings its own dowry to these blooming relations. The. sit. y. Nat. Middle Eastern side brings, its natural resources, and the Chinese side brings its capital,. io. er. and invests in infrastructures, along with an important political support that is backed up. al. by Beijing’s non-strings attached policy, that enables the leeway for the Middle Eastern. n. v i n regimes. The case of Israel, whichCish an exception to the e n g c h i Utendency just mentioned, will be. fairly discussed in this thesis. Israel, unlike its neighbors does not have any natural resources, and it try to use other measures to create economic interdependence with China. In addition, as a democratic country, Israel presents different values than China and other Middle Eastern countries. Does the interdependence between China and the Middle East helps to promote the regional stability? The answer for this question is based on the growing economic interdependence between the region and China. The thesis will attempt to present this. - 10 -.

(17) increasing interdependence, by using Aysegul Aydin approach regarding the chances for regional wars in time of economic prosperity 4. China’s support in the UN for Iran has prevented sanctions so far, but will it last for long? As will be presented later, China’s part in the interdependence relations with Iran is China’s support for Iran in the UN Security Council. However, the question of sensitivity/vulnerability regarding Iran’s energy supply to China vis-à-vis China’s behavior in the UN Security Council regarding the Iranians will be discussed in the thesis, in order to try and predict how obligated China will be to assist Iran to avoid sanctions.. 政治大. Are some countries worried of the Chinese support for their enemies? China has. 立. close relations with all the Middle East countries. Nevertheless, the Chinese support in. ‧ 國. 學. some cases might create a conflict in the region. The future conflict that will be discussed. ‧. in this thesis is between Iran and Israel. In accordance with Aydin’s theory analysis of. sit. y. Nat. major powers behavior in disputes, Israel need to bring China closer, through a deeper. io. possible conflict with Iran.. er. economic interdependence, in order to get Chinese support or at least neutrality in a. al. n. v i n C hto the post-ColdUWar era that includes China’s rise? How did Israel and Iran adjust engchi. The thesis will present the growing development of the Israel-China relations in the postCold War era, and examine the ways Israel created interdependence with China in the past, through arm deals, and the possibility for the development of the Israel-China relations in the future. In addition, the thesis will examine the interdependence between Iran and China, which assisted Iran to adjust to the post-Cold War era, despite Teheran’s resistant to the United States.. 4. Aysegul Aydin, “Choosing Sides: Economic Interdependence and Interstate Disputes”. The Journal of Politics 70 (4, 2008): 1098-1108.. - 11 -.

(18) Can Israel get closer to China with other means beside arm deals? The thesis will further discuss the means in which Israel tried to create interdependence in the past, and the means Jerusalem might use in the future to increase primarily the economic interdependence. As an Israeli who studied sinology and political science during his academic life, I feel obligated to conduct a research that combine the region I come from, with the country I am interested the most. The acceptance of the Middle Eastern countries of China’s growing influence in the region seems to be suspicious, considering the fact that. 政治大. nationalism is one of the region's strong characteristics. While considering the Chinese. 立. involvement in the Middle East, I tried to use a perspective that I am more familiar with,. ‧ 國. 學. the Middle Eastern point of view.. ‧. The Chinese support for Iran, a country that is threatening to destroy Israel, and. sit. y. Nat. threaten to force its power as a regional hegemony, makes some wonder, about the. io. er. flexibility of the Chinese foreign policy. An example for that flexibility can be the. al. weapons deals that China has signed with the Middle East over the years. China bought. n. v i n Cbeh present later, sold weapons from Israel, and as will e n g c h i U these weapons to its greatest enemies.. Variables As the thesis will focus on a specific time frame, the independent variable would be Israel and Iran relations with China, since both countries are interested in close relations with the ‘Waking Dragon’. The interests that stand in the center of the relations,. - 12 -.

(19) such as regional stability, the nuclear crisis, oil supply, weapon supply, and economic interests will serve as the dependent variable.. Methodology This thesis will relay upon primary data and secondary data. The Primary data includes such as UN general assembly protocols, UN Security Council protocols, and data published by the Chinese Embassies in the countries under research, as well as data published from the United States embassies in countries under research regarding China.. 政治大. The secondary data, obtained mainly from library research such as; books, e-journals,. 立. governmental documents, speeches by presidents, treaties, regulations, magazines, and. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. newspapers.. sit. y. Nat. Analytical Framework. io. er. The thesis will use the Interdependence Neoliberal theory as developed by Robert. al. Keohane and Joseph Nye. The theory was first presented in the book “Power and. n. v i n Interdependence: World Politics inCTransition” in 1972 during the Cold War, in h e n g cpublished hi U order to analyze the relations between the two Superpowers. Keohane and Nye used their theory to explain how international politics is transformed by interdependence. The theory gain strong support in the post Cold War era with the growing effect of globalization on the international relations. Following this starting point the thesis will examine issues related to the theory such as Asymmetric Interdependence, and the question of Sensitivity / Vulnerability.. - 13 -.

(20) Li Xin and Worm Verner, presents China’s economic temptation as a mechanism of soft power that is being used by China, to alter other countries policy making, by using Beijing economic strength 5. However, as the thesis will try to prove, the Chinese Middle Eastern case, presents a different pattern of behavior. Beijing’s hunger for Middle Eastern energy helps Iran and other oil rich countries to take advantage of China and promote its own interests.. Interdependence. 政治大. “In common parlance, dependence means a state of being determined or. 立. significantly affected by external forces. Interdependence, most simply definition means. ‧ 國. 學. mutual dependence. Interdependence in world politics refers to situations characterized. ‧. by reciprocal effects among countries or among actors in different countries” 6. During the. sit. y. Nat. Cold War, the Middle Eastern countries were fully dependant in the great Superpower.. io. er. Both Soviets and Americans supported their allies in the region, in a way that left them. al. no other choice but to rely on the Superpowers. The falling of the Soviet Union and the. n. v i n growing process of globalizationC created h e na gnewc hreality i Uin the Middle East. The rise of. China that came in the aftermath of the Cold War, led to a growing process of interaction between China and Middle Eastern countries. Moreover, it led to decline dependant in the United States, and growing interdependence thanks to the new Asian alternative. Unlike the Soviet Union China is not interfering in domestic issues, the Chinese interests in the Middle East, are evolving around economic issues. Nevertheless, as will be presented in this thesis, some regional powers such as Iran, try to take advantage of the Chinese 5. Li Xin and Worm Vemer, “Building China' s Soft Power for a Peaceful Rise”. Copenhagen Discussion Papers 28 (July 2009): 8. 6 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence. (New York : Longman, 2001), 7.. - 14 -.

(21) involvement in the region, and create an interdependence that will assist them in other fields beside the economic one. The Israeli case that will be examined will present the Israel’s attempt to create a new interdependence equation, after the previous policy failed in the beginning of the 21st century. “We must also be careful not to define interdependence entirely in terms of situations of evenly balanced mutual dependence. It is asymmetries in dependence that are most likely to provide a source of influence for actors in their dealings with one another. Less dependent actors can often use the interdependent relationship as a source. 政治大. of power in bargaining over an issue and perhaps to affect other issues” 7. Wagner has. 立. shown that the question of asymmetry is neither necessary nor sufficient for a weaker. ‧ 國. 學. actor, because weakness in one issue might be translated to strength in another issue 8. In. ‧. the cases that will be presented, it is obvious that in absolute terms China has the. sit. y. Nat. advantage upon Israel and Iran. However, as the thesis will try to prove the Asymmetric. io. al. er. Interdependence enables Israel and Iran to take advantage of the China rise, by using their. n. relative advantages, and the Chinese need for interdependent relations with them.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Sensitivity / Vulnerability The most important question in interdependence is the Sensitivity / Vulnerability question. “Sensitivity involves degrees of responsiveness within a policy frameworkhow quickly changes in one country bring costly changes in another, and how great are the costly effects?” 9 Vulnerability is about one country’s ability to adjust to a change. 7. Ibid., 9. Harison Wagner, “Economic Interdependence, Bargaining Power, and Political Influence” International organization 42 (3, 1988): 461-483. 9 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence. (New York : Longman, 2001), 10. 8. - 15 -.

(22) regarding sensitive issues. For instance, the United States is less vulnerable than China in a case of a problem with oil supply from the Middle East, because it has an option to use its domestic oil. By using cases from the last 20 years the thesis will try to prove, that interdependence controls the relations between China and the countries under research. The researches that will be used have been done by different scholars regarding the history of Chinese foreign policy, and Chinese relations with the Middle East. In addition, the thesis will use available data regarding bilateral ties of China with Iran and Israel, in. 政治大. order to check the vulnerability / sensitivity question, and to try to prove the bargaining. 立. that has been used by these countries to take advantage of the rise of China.. ‧ 國. 學. The basic assumption is that interdependence between Iran and China is the key. ‧. motivation for the Chinese not to push forward to pressure Iran to stop its nuclear. sit. y. Nat. program. As for Israel, the Israelis are looking forward to increase the economic. io. er. interdependence with China, in order to bring China closer to the Israeli position. al. regarding regional affairs. This thesis will explain the steps that both Iran and Israel are. n. v i n C hinterdependence with taking in order to push furthermore e n g c h i U the growing power from East Asia. While taking into consideration previous regional conflicts, such as the two Gulf Wars, and a possible future conflict involving Iran, the thesis will refer to Aysegul Aydin analysis in order to try and find explanations to the behavior of countries in dispute under Economic Interdependence frame. According to Aydin, “states that are interdependent with the conflict participants have a strong incentive to enter these conflicts on the side of. - 16 -.

(23) their trade partners while avoid supporting the opposite side” 10. The Chinese approach to the Iranian regime before and after the Islamic Revolution might be explained according to Aydin in the fact that “States are concerned with the political and economic stability of their partners and have an incentive to produce policies to protect their important economic interests” 11. In some cases when a country is economically involved with both sides of the conflict, according to Aydin, the third country will not join the conflict “A potential third-party joiner that is economically interdependent with both sides of the conflict is less likely to join the ongoing conflict” 12.. 政治大. The thesis will examine how the Economic Interdependence with China. 立. and Beijing’s growing involvement in the Middle East.. ‧. io. er. The thesis will include six chapters;. sit. y. Nat. Chapters Outline. 學. ‧ 國. influences Middle Eastern states approach towards its relations with the ‘Waking Dragon’,. al. The first chapter was the introductory chapter which included the background for. n. v i n Ch the thesis, the analytical framework that the thesis willU e n g c h i be based on, as well as the writer motivation. The second chapter will present the Chinese foreign policy regarding the Middle East, during the Cold War. The chapter will discuss China’s Middle East policy from 1949 to 1990. After establishing the PRC in 1949, the new Chinese leadership was confronted with the need to establish its legitimacy in the world and looked for supporters.. 10. Aysegul Aydin, “Choosing Sides: Economic Interdependence and Interstate Disputes”. The Journal of Politics 70 (4, 2008): 1099. 11 Ibid., 1100. 12 Ibid., 1101.. - 17 -.

(24) The relations between the PRC and the Middle East have been going through ups and downs. The region was taking important place in the Chinese foreign policy doctrine as early as the 1950’s. Mao Zedong viewed the Middle East as an intermediate zone between the two Superpowers. China viewed the Middle East struggle as a struggle against the ‘Superpowers Imperialism’. Starting from early 1960’s until the late 1980’s China’s foreign policy in the Middle East was heavily influenced by the Sino-Soviet split. The most important change in the Chinese foreign policy came after Mao Zedong's death and the rise of the pragmatist Deng Xiaoping. When Mao was alive, most. 政治大. of China’s foreign policy decisions were made by Mao himself, with Zhou Enlai acting as. 立. his consultant. The process opened up somewhat under Deng, as China’s relations with. ‧ 國. 學. the international community proliferated, but ultimate decision-making remained highly. ‧. centralized. China’s foreign policy became more pragmatist than ideologist. Foreign. sit. y. Nat. relations were not a question of state’s relations with the two Superpowers, foreign and. io. Revolution.. er. domestic policies were all aimed at the economy rehabilitation following the Cultural. al. n. v i n C h the Post Cold War The third chapter will present e n g c h i U Chinese Middle East Policy –. this chapter will present the way China adjusted to the regional changes. In this era China started to get more involved in regional affairs, from its position in the UN Security Council. The fact that China became a crude oil importer in 1993, changed its relations with the Middle East, and increased its importance in regional affairs. China’s growing demand for oil for its boosting industry, created a great interdependence between China and the region. China tries to feel the vacuum created after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Apart from using the region’s energy resources, the Middle East is also a. - 18 -.

(25) developed region with growing demeaned for Chinese products, and Chinese technology. As China influence in world governance grows, the Middle Ease is taking important part in its foreign policy. The forth chapter will discuss the Iranian–China relations. This chapter will present the Iran-China relations after the Cold War, and the way Iran takes advantage of China rise, by using interdependence framework. The chapter will analyze the energy deals signed between China and Iran, the weapon deals signed between the sides, as well as the Chinese involvement in the development of the Iranian nuclear, and the Chinese. 政治大. approach towards the sanctions imposed on Iran. China is Iran’s biggest trading partner.. 立. In 2009 the bilateral trade, was US$ 21.2 billion 13 . Relations with Iran also include. ‧ 國. 學. political support in the UN Security Council. Iran tries to politicize its economic relations. ‧. with China in order to increase the interdependence between both ties. In 1988 Iranian. sit. y. Nat. foreign minister Ali Akbar Velayati wrote a letter to Zhao Ziyang saying: “Bilateral. io. er. cooperation between Iran and China is indisputably useful to maintaining regional peace, Asian peace and stability and security and even useful for upholding world peace” 14.. al. n. v i n C hthe Israel-ChinaUrelations after the Cold War, the The fifth chapter will discuss engchi. weapon deals signed between the sides and even more important the weapon deals that were canceled due to American pressure on Israel. China is Israel’s second largest trading partner. In the 2010, the Israeli export to China have recovered to 2.05 billion USD, and the import from China have grown to 4.73 billion USD, a total of almost 7 billion USD. 13. Iran Daily, “China Top Trade Partner”, Iran Daily, April 17, 2010, http://www.irandaily.com/1389/1/28/MainPaper/3656/Page/4/Index.htm (accessed May 5, 2010). 14 Willem Van Kemenade, Iran’s Relations With China and the West. (Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ 2009), 107.. - 19 -.

(26) trade between the sides, and if includes Hong-Kong the number is almost double 15. The chapter will also present the economic relations between the sides, and will attempt to show how Israel is trying to use its industry to get closer to China. The Chinese involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict, will also reveled the way Israel tries to take advantage of China rise. The last chapter will be a conclusion chapter. This chapter will conclude the thesis, and will discuss the future of Middle East-China relations in an era of growing interdependence. After presenting the growing interaction between China and the. 政治大. countries under research, the chapter would discuss and conclude the thesis by using the. 立. examples that will be given in the thesis from the interdependence theory point of view.. ‧ 國. 學. The conclusion will also include the Iran-China-Israeli triangle around the Iranian nuclear. ‧. plan, future implications, and analyze of the relation between China and the Middle East.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 15. i n U. v. “Israel’s Foreign Trade by Countries – 2010”- Israel Central Bureau of Statistics- On Line Documents http://www.cbs.gov.il/reader/newhodaot/hodaa_template.html?hodaa=201116011 (accessed May 5, 2011).. - 20 -.

(27) Chapter II: Cold-War Middle East-China Relations 1949-1990 Long before the establishment of the PRC, during World War II, the Communists in Yan’an watched the developments in the Middle East carefully. The Middle East had a strategic importance in Mao’s view of global affairs. The Communists' greatest fear was that the Germans will take over the Middle East and use its great oil fields and strategic crossroads to take over Great Britain's colonies and then diverse powers into the Pacific. What worried China the most was that Germany and their ally Japan will control the Pacific.. 政治大. World War II had weakened British and French power. New forces, the Soviet-. 立. Union and the United-States, came out stronger from the war and started to get greater. ‧ 國. 學. influence on world affairs. In the International Relations framework, the power of. ‧. decision making transferred from the League of Nations, to the United Nations. As a. sit. y. Nat. result of the British and French decline, all countries in the Middle East achieved. io. al. er. independence. Although British interests and presence still existed in important strategic. n. places like the Suez Canal and the Oil fields in Iraq, Britain was slowly losing its hold in. Ch. engchi. the region to the two emerging great powers.. i n U. v. In the aftermath of World War II, Mao Zedong started to consolidate his foreign policy. According to Mao’s view; the old colonial powers of Germany, Italy, Great Britain and France, were replaced by two new Superpowers the Soviet Union and the United States. To his perception these two Superpowers wanted to overcome each other, but that could only be achieved by gaining control over the vast area, or in Mao’s words the ‘intermediate zone’ that separated them. The Chinese Communists were afraid of an American ‘Imperialist’ attack against the ‘Socialist’ camp. According to their doctrine. - 21 -.

(28) such an attack can only be possible after the Americans take over the colonial and semicolonial states in the ‘intermediate zone’. Thus, Mao gave great importance to the Middle East in his understanding of the world order. From a Chinese perspective, a common ‘Imperialist’ enemy threatened both China and the Middle East. Guided by this thinking, during the 1950’s China called the Middle Eastern Countries not to take part in American military pacts 16. Until the SinoSoviet split in 1961, China's foreign policy was according to the ‘Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance’ signed by the sides in 1950, which meant following the. 政治大. Soviet policy. China adopted the Soviet side in order to keep on unity of the ‘Socialist. 立. camp’ in fighting Imperialism.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. PRC is Looking for Diplomatic Support in the Middle East. sit. y. Nat. After establishing the PRC in 1949, the new Communist leadership was. io. er. confronted with the need to establish its legitimacy in the world and looked for. al. international support. In its early years, the PRC’s main goal was to establish. n. v i n international relations with other C countries, h e n gnotctohmention, i U to gain recognition by other. countries. Furthermore, the PRC hoped for a UN membership in order to take over the China seat from the ROC. However, most of the countries in the world decided to stay loyal to the old regime of China and recognized Taipei instead of Beijing. The Middle Eastern countries were no exception .None of them recognized the PRC, mainly due to heavy American pressure.. 16. For example, the Baghdad pact, defense pact signed in 1955 between Turkey, Iran, Great Britain, and later Pakistan and Iraq, was encouraged by the United States and won some hostility in Beijing.. - 22 -.

(29) There was only one exception, Israel. On January 9, 1950 Israel became the first Middle Eastern government to recognize the PRC. As the two governments were fighting for legitimacy in the world, it was important for the new Israeli state to have as much as supporters as it can in the world sphere. However, in order to keep an open door for the Arab world, the Chinese did not welcome the Israeli support. In the contrary, the Arab world response did not show any intention to support the PRC aspirations. For example, Egypt voted on January 13, 1950, against the Soviet proposal to expel the ROC delegate from the Security Council, and on August 1950, the Arab League voted to recognize the. 政治大. ROC as the legitimate representative of China. In response, Beijing accused the Arab. 立. League of being an Imperialist puppet. The only connections between the PRC and the. ‧ 國. 學. Middle East during the early 1950’s were non-governmental. For example, in 1951. ‧. unofficial Egyptian delegates attended a World Peace Council meeting in Beijing 17.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. The Bandung Conference: The PRC getting closer to the Arab world. al. n. The big change came in 1955 after the Asian-African summit conference in Bandung, Indonesia. As just. v i n C h until Bandung mentioned, e n g c h i U conference,. official relations. between the PRC and Middle Eastern countries barely existed. Eighteen out of the twenty nine countries that participated in the summit did not recognize the PRC. Bandung was a golden opportunity for the Chinese leaders to interact with leaders of the third world. Premier Zhou Enlai presented the in the summit his ‘Five Principles of Coexistence’: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, noninterference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful. 17. Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1993), 81-82.. - 23 -.

(30) coexistence 18. The ‘Five principles’ have been in the center of the Chinese agenda for anti-imperialism, and unity of the third world. The most important breakthrough during the Bandung summit was Zhou Enlai's first meeting with the Egyptian leader Nasser 19. It was mostly important as Egypt had a great importance back then, as the leader of the Arab world. Later on Zhou visited Egypt three times in 1963-1965 20, understanding its importance in the Middle East and in African diplomacy. As a result of the Bandung conference the PRC started to consolidate its ties with the Arab world. Egypt, Syria and Yemen established diplomatic ties with China in 1956.. 政治大. Within a year after the conference, PRC’s trade and cultural delegations traveled to the. 立. Middle East and ten trade agreements were signed with Arab states. The PRC trade with. ‧ 國. 學. the Arab world was politically motivated. Henceforth, the PRC sold Egypt 60,000 tons of. ‧. steel, desperately needed for its Five Year Plan at prices 20 percent lower than those on. sit. y. Nat. the world market. Another economic development following the conference was the. io. er. Chinese economic aid program to the Middle East. Egypt was the first one to receive aid. al. from the PRC, in the shape of 5 million USD loan. Yemeni Crown Prince Mohamed Al. n. v i n Bader was the first Arab leader C to h visit the PRC in U e n g c h i 1958. In response, the PRC gave Yemen a loan of 16.4 million USD. Both sides also signed a formal Treaty of Friendship. The PRC sent technicians to build textile plants in Sanaa, and began to build the first modern highway in Yemen 21. However, it is important to notice that the Chinese capital and aid programs could not replace the Soviet nor the American programs. It was. 18. Vang Pobzheb, Five Principles of Chinese Foreign Policies (Bloomington, Ind. : AuthorHouse, 2008), 1-. 2. 19. Ibid., 2. ‘Basic Facts’ – Website of People’s Republic of China Embassy in the Arab Republic of Egypt, March 17, 2004, http://eg.china-embassy.org/eng/zaigx/zzgx/js/t76099.htm (accessed May 5, 2011) 21 Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1993), 80-91 20. - 24 -.

(31) impossible for the PRC to establish ties with American proxies in the Middle East, and not all the other states were willing to give in to Beijing’s demands. Lebanon's insistence on keeping its ties with the ROC, which resulted in the break of relations with the PRC, can point out the lack of ability by the PRC to combine the commercial relations with the diplomatic relations.. Ideologic Support: Looking for Communist movements in the Middle East The PRC foreign policy during the 1950’s was heavily influenced by its Marxist,. 政治大. revolutionary, anti-Imperialist ideology. Therefore, developments such as the military. 立. coup that overthrew King Farouk I in Egypt, followed by Nasser anti-western approach,. ‧ 國. 學. the Iraqi anti-monarchy revolution lead by General Abd-al-Karin Kassem in 1958 or the. ‧. nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956, and the Yemeni claims in the port of Aden, all. sit. y. Nat. won sympathy from Beijing. From a Middle East point of view, in several cases the PRC. io. er. intervention was too invasive and has been interpreted as interference in other's internal. al. affairs, as oppose to the ‘five principles’. For example, in 1957 the Jordanian parliament. n. v i n recommended the recognition of C thehPRC, however King e n g c h i U Hussein decided not to do so,. and Jordan eventually established diplomatic relations with the ROC 22. As a result, the PRC encouraged Jordanian people ‘resistance to Imperialism’. In the years to follow, the Chinese supported the Palestinians in their confrontation with Jordan. Between 1965 and 1970, and especially in 1970, China supported the Palestinians with weapons and ideology support 23.. 22. Apparently, heavy American pressure made King Hussein make such a decision, as King Hussein received massive support and assistance from Washington. 23 Lillian Craig Harris, “China’s Relations with the PLO”. Journal of Palestinian Studies 7 (1, 1977): 136.. - 25 -.

(32) From a Chinese perspective the Chinese fear of attack against the ‘intermediate zone’ became real during the Suez crisis in 1956. The Crisis started after Egypt decided to nationalize the Suez Canal in order to decrease the dependence in Great Britain. In addition Egypt denied American-British loan offer to build the Aswan Dam or any other compromise. One of the Egyptian anti-Western moves was the recognition of the PRC. There is no doubt that from a historic perspective, the decision to recognize the PRC had widened the gap between Egypt and the West during that time. The nationalization of the Canal badly hurt the Western interests in the region, especially those of Great Britain, and. 政治大. led to a blockade on Israel. The result was a British-French-Israeli military operation to. 立. liberate the Canal. The PRC backed the Egyptians and the Soviet in the days of the Crisis. ‧ 國. 學. and supported Nasser’s anti-Imperialist approach. According to some reports, China. ‧. supplied weapons to the Egyptians in 1955 through Czechoslovakian 24 , this weapons. sit. y. Nat. were eventually used by the Egyptians during the Suez crisis. In the following years after. io. er. the Suez crisis, the Sino-Egyptian trade had doubled, making PRC the second most. al. important market for Egyptian export, after the Soviet Union.. n. v i n C h ties with theUMiddle diplomatic engchi. The PRC’s growing. East caused ideological. disputes. If one examine the Chinese response to the establishment of United Arab Republic, it is easier to understand the ideological disputes between the PRC and the Arab world. From a Chinese perspective, such a union and a pan-Arab state should have been the milestone to fight imperialism, and unite the Arab world. Yet, the Chinese hopes were soon to be smashed by Nasser. His hostility towards the Kassem revolution in Iraq, his anti-Communist campaigns highlighted in an almost complete elimination of the 24. John Calabrese, China’s Changing Relations with the Middle East. (London ; New York : Pinter Pub, 1991), 11.. - 26 -.

(33) Syrian Communist party, the biggest Communist party in the Arab world, and his willing to accommodate with the West, all led the PRC to the conclusion that despite his antiWestern approach during the Suez crisis, Nasser might not be on their side. China was accused of supporting local Communist parties and undermining Arab independence. Eventually, the Sino-Egyptian relations started to deteriorate following the Chinese dissatisfaction from Nasser’s moves and attacks on communism. After the Iraqi revolution in 1958 the center of the PRC support in the Arab world moved towards Iraq. The PRC was one of the first countries to recognize Kassem’s new. 政治大. regime in Iraq. Kassem’s revolution was followed by Iraqi withdrawal from the American. 立. sponsored Baghdad pact, to Beijing’s satisfaction. In 1958 the Communist involvement in. ‧ 國. 學. the Iraqi revolution, led the Chinese to believe that the first Maoist People’s Republic in. ‧. the Arab world might be on the verge. However, just like the Egyptian case, the Iraqis. sit. y. Nat. soon accused the Chinese of manipulating and supporting leftist Communists and. io. al. n. Communists the Chinese interest in Iraq was gone.. Ch. engchi. er. supplying weapons for a Communist takeover of Iraq. After Kassem turned against the. i n U. v. The Sino-Soviet Split: The Arab world turn their back to the PRC Starting from early 1960’s until the late 1980’s China’s foreign policy in the Middle East was heavily influenced by the Sino-Soviet split. The Arab Soviet allies preferred to cool down their relations with China, in order to keep good relations with the Soviets. The PRC adopted a more radical attitude than the Soviets in support of pan-Arab nationalists, but at the same time, its policies took on an anti-Soviet color, which had the paradoxical result of cooling relations with Soviet allies such as Egypt and Syria. The. - 27 -.

(34) PRC could not provide the same monetary and military support as the Soviets, therefore the Middle Eastern Soviet allies decided to stay loyal to Moscow. The Middle East changed from a region of Sino-Soviet cooperation, to a region of confrontation. During the period of the split, China tried to develop an independent foreign policy, and a socialist economic model. In the early stages of the Cultural Revolution, China’s foreign policy was anti American-Imperialism and anti Soviet-Revisionism. From a Chinese point of view, both Superpowers had negative influence in the Middle East. It is important to notice that in the early stage of the Cultural Revolution, from late 1966 to. 政治大. mid-1967, China recalled all its ambassadors from the Middle East, except Huang Hua,. 立. the Chinese ambassador in Cairo 25.. ‧ 國. 學. During the Cold war both Soviets and Chinese competed about the lead of the. ‧. ‘Socialist camp’. Obviously, just like in any other arena, the Soviet Union had greater. sit. y. Nat. influence in the Middle East. Nasser’s trip to Moscow in September 1965 and the Soviet-. io. er. Egyptian communiqué issued on his departure have made a clear point to the Chinese.. al. China’s diplomatic efforts to create economic gestures were eventually denied as well.. n. v i n C hwere never used,Uand the trade between China and Both loans given to Egypt and Syria engchi. the Middle East declined in 1967 to only one half of the previous year 26. China’s efforts to press Middle Eastern regimes against both the Americans and the Soviets did not have any economic nor military backup. Since China could not compete with the Soviet Union, during the time its focus was on supporting those who oppose both the United States and the Soviet Union, and condemned those who allied with the new Soviet enemy. 25. The great appreciation and importance of Huang Hua in Chinese diplomacy can be seen in his later positions, as the first Chinese ambassador in the UN Security Council, and the Minister of foreign affairs in 1976. 26 Yitzhak Schihor, The Middle East in China's Foreign Policy, 1949-1977. (Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1979), 121-124.. - 28 -.

(35) Support for Revolutionary Movements: The PRC deepen their involvement in the Middle East Unlike the Soviets, the Chinese supported ‘people’s revolutionary movements’ such as the Palestinian Liberation Organization, and People’s Front of the Liberation of the Occupied Arabian Gulf (PFLOAG). 27. . China referred to the ‘people’s liberation. movements’ as a force that will resist imperialism in the Middle East and will promote Chinese interests in the region 28 . China saw the PFLOAG as a potential to promote Mao’s people’s war theory. The movement launched armed struggle in June 1965 against. 政治大. the Sultan of Oman, Said bim Taimur. Later on in June 1967, a delegation visited Beijing. 立. and received light armaments, together with Mao’s writings and Marxist literature. In. ‧ 國. 學. 1968, following a British announcement that its military forces will withdraw from the. sit. y. Nat. sympathy for its fight against Imperialism 29.. ‧. Gulf within three years, the movement started to spread to Kuwait, and won the PRC. io. er. Since 1963, the PRC took an active part in the Arab-Israeli conflict and supported. al. the Palestinians. The Chinese support was motivated by strategic and revolutionary. n. v i n CEgypt, reasons. In 1963 during his visit in Enlai referred to the Palestinian Issue in h e nZhou gchi U his press conference by saying “The Chinese people have always stood firmly behind the Arabs in Palestine in their just struggle for their legitimate rights…” 30 The Chinese support became more visible in the years to follow.. 27. Earlier named Dhofar Liberation Front (DLF) Yitzhak Schihor, The Middle East in China's Foreign Policy, 1949-1977. (Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1979), 12-14. 29 Mohamed. Bin Huwaidin, China's Relations with Arabia and the Gulf, 1949-1999. (London ; New York : Routledge Curzon, 2002), 102-104. 30 Yitzhak Schihor, The Middle East in China's Foreign Policy, 1949-1977. (Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1979), 115. 28. - 29 -.

(36) In March 1965 the first PLO delegation, headed by Ahmad Shukeiri, arrived in Beijing. PRC’s top leaders including Mao met the delegation for talks. The joint statement can tell more than anything else about the Chinese support for the Palestinian cause: “The two parties agreed that the PLO shall set up a mission in Beijing to strengthen mutual co-operation. The Chinese people will make every effort to support the Arab people of Palestine in their struggle to return to their home land by all means, political and otherwise” 31. Following the statement the PRC declared May 15 as Palestine day, the celebration took place during 1965-1971, including mass demonstrations. The. 政治大. Chinese support was not only ideological but material as well. The PRC had some. 立. military training programs for the Palestinians, and according to Israeli intelligence. ‧ 國. 學. supplied 5 million USD worth weapons to the Palestinians in 1965-1969 32. The most. ‧. important thing for the Palestinians was the fact, that unlike the Soviets, the Chinese. y. sit. io. er. era.. Nat. support had no strings attached. The relations with the PLO were strong all along Mao’s. al. However, the reason why the PLO strengthened their ties with the PRC was. n. v i n purely opportunistic, even as someCmight for lack of any other option. The PLO could h e say ngchi U not get American nor Soviet support. In its early years the PLO tried to get Soviet support, but got rejected. The fact that the Soviet still had diplomatic relations with Israel did not assist the Palestinians. In a later period the Soviets tried not to supply too much weapons to the PLO, from a concern to the regional stability. The Sino-Palestinian relations were fruitful for both sides. Despite the improvement of the relations with the Arab world after 31. “Joint Statement of the Chinese People’s Institue of Foreign Affairs and the PLO”, Renmin Ribao, 23 March 1965, in Survey of China Mainland Press, published by US Consulate General, Hong Kong. no. 3425 (26 March 1965), 36. 32 Lillian Craig Harris , “China’s Relations with the PLO”. Journal of Palestinian Studies 7 (1, 1977): 136137.. - 30 -.

(37) the Bandung summit, China did not have a strong base in the Arab world. China wanted to use the PLO as a Maoist revolutionary group, to fight Imperialism. The PRC hoped that Mao’s doctrine of constant revolution will be used by the PLO to pull the trigger in the Middle East against both the Americans and during the Sino-Soviet split, even against the Soviets. The PLO however, used the PRC for their independent cause. In the aftermath of the Six Days War in 1967, the relations between the PRC and the PLO became closer. During the war, the PRC could not support Egypt and Syria with weapons, because of heavy Soviet influence in these countries. The PRC condemned the. 政治大. Soviets for not fighting side by side with the Arab world, and not doing enough to win. 立. the war. The peaceful solution for the Arab-Israeli conflict, as presented by the UN. ‧ 國. 學. Security Council, was considered by the PRC as a new US-Soviet deal. According to the. ‧. Chinese, the situation of “No Peace, No War” served the foreign interests of Western. sit. y. Nat. Imperialism and Soviet Revisionism. The PRC tried to provide some new solution for the. io. er. regional problems, solution that will be initiated by the local actors and not be forced by. al. alien actors. More than once had the Chinese stressed that the fate of the Middle East. n. v i n determined C in hWashington, even e n g c h i U with Soviet. could no longer be. participation. The. Middle Eastern countries, they said, ‘are capable of managing and settling their own affairs’. Moreover, the Chinese opposed in principle any weapons embargo. They regarded weapons as a necessity for guarding the people’s independence against Imperialism, and weapons deals as a legitimate and ‘a normal commercial transaction between two countries’ in which no one had any right to interfere 33.. 33. Yitzhak Schihor, The Middle East in China's Foreign Policy, 1949-1977. (Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1979), 62.. - 31 -.

(38) Post-Cultural Revolution Relations: The PRC enters the UN and improve its relations with the Middle East After the violent part of the Cultural Revolution ended in 1969, the PRC started to rehabilitate its foreign policy. The two most important developments in the early 1970’s were a friendlier Sino-American diplomacy, followed by the historical ‘UN General Assembly Resolution 2758’ accepted in October 25 1971, allowing the PRC to replace the ROC seat in the UN and even more important, in the UN security Council. Among the states that sponsored the 23 power draft resolution that led eventually to the. 政治大. acceptance of the PRC to the UN, were Iraq, Yemen and Syria, side by side with other. 立. countries from the Arab world, such as Sudan, and Algeria. On the other hand, one of the. ‧ 國. 學. strongest oppositionist to the resolution was ROC strongest supporter in the Middle East,. ‧. Saudi Arabia. The Saudis have presented two amendments in order to keep ROC as a UN. sit. y. Nat. member, however both failed. The Middle Eastern countries voted for the 23-Power draft. io. al. er. resolution, to the acceptance of the PRC and the expel of the ROC as follow; In favor: Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kuwait, Yemen, Syria, Turkey. Against: Saudi Arabia.. n. v i n Abstained: Jordan, Lebanon, andCQatar Arabia was the only country in the h e n. gSaudi chi U 34. Middle East and the Arab world to resist the resolution. As will be presented later, China’s joined to the UN Security Council, resulted in China's becoming a meaningful player in the Middle East. The breaking of the ice between the Chinese and Americans with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger’s and President Richard Nixon’s visits in Beijing, and the Chinese acceptance in to the UN, had its own effects on China’s relations with Middle East, in the. 34. UN Chronicle, “China: Assembly Decides to Restore its Rights to People’s Republic of China”, UN Chronicles, 8(10, 1971): 34-61.. - 32 -.

(39) form of new diplomatic ties between Middle Eastern states and the PRC. Following the improvement in the Sino-American relations, the Iranian Shah decided to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC in 1971. Kuwait, Turkey, and Lebanon have done the same in 1971, while Jordan (1977) and Oman (1978) have waited a little bit longer to establish full relations with the PRC. However as mentioned earlier, the Chinese ability to create mutual dependence with the Middle East was limited. The main reason for it was the lack of Chinese ability to compete with the assistant provided by the two Superpowers.. 政治大. Starting from 1971 China improved its economic relations with Middle Eastern. 立. countries. After establishing diplomatic ties with Lebanon, the National Bank of China. ‧ 國. 學. opened a branch in Beirut that was considered back then as the financial and economic. ‧. center of the Middle East. China’s trade with the region increased from US$ 59.37. sit. y. Nat. million in 1968 to US$ 140.7 million in 1972 and US$ 483 million in 1975. The trade. io. er. was not limited to those who had diplomatic relations with China. Bahrain, Oman, Qatar,. al. UAE, and Saudi Arabia trade with China rose from US$ 14.41 million in 1969 to. n. v i n US$ 27.2 million in 1972 and US$C100.95 in 1975. The increase can be attributed h e nmillion gchi U to the Chinese leaning towards the United States, and the will to establish a Soviet block in the Middle East 35. China had their pro-Arab perspective to the October war in 1973 and the oil crisis. Trying to use their ‘new weapon’ of influence after the war, China refused to participate in two Security Council ceasefire resolutions. In addition, China encouraged the Arabs to reject the UN ceasefire resolutions, and keep on fighting with Israel, claiming that the. 35. Mohamed Bin Huwaidin, China's Relations with Arabia and the Gulf, 1949-1999. (London ; New York : Routledge Curzon, 2002), 107-108.. - 33 -.