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agriculture around 50 years ago but many still work the land, only much of what is grown is for selling down the mountain. Still, traditional crops are also grown in small quantities by some and include millet, sweet potatoes, taro, black beans, and pumpkins (Ariel, 2015).
In the late 1970’s movement restrictions were lifted which brought electricity to some mountainous indigenous communities. In 1990 the government released the alienable rights of the reserved lands back to the some of the indigenous people. In the second half of the 1990’s paved road were constructed to connect the mountainous communities in Hsinchu to the outside world, especially Smangus which did not have any paved road (Tang and Tang, 2010). During that time, tourism started to develop, and in in past two decades, many Community Based Tourism initiatives and models were developed in many communities of Indigenous People in Taiwan.
Picture 3: Hsinchu County and Jianshi Township
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3. Cinsbu-Xinguang Case Study
3.1. Cinsbu-Xinguang Background
Cinsbu and Xinguang19 are two Atayal communities that belong to the same Mknazi lineage.
Although originally these are two separate communities, they were put into the same administrative division since the Japanese begin to control their area. The two communities belong to the Mknazi lineage (Hsiao, 2008). They are very close geographically, and since families are not confined to one area only (the father might live in Xinguang but the daughter live with her husband and children in Cinsbu), they are clustered together in this research. In Atayal language, Cinsbu (鎮西堡) means 'the place where the first rays of the sun shine and land of fertile soil'.
Nowadays, Cinsbu-Xinguang has around 90 families, with about 500 people are registered in Cinsbu-Xinguang. Of these 400, about 200 live out of the communities. Around 240 adults live in Cinsbu-Xinguang.
The economic development in Cinsbu-Xinguang can be traced back to the end of the 1940s.
Starting then, there has been a gradual change from a subsistence economy to a cash economy.
This began after the Kuomintang (KMT) government fled from mainland China to Taiwan because of the Chinese Civil War on the mainland. The economic changes began slowly as cash crops were introduced. In the 1950s, the villagers collected wild mushrooms in the forests, and also grew beans and ramie. They bartered these for things that they needed such as clothing, weapons, farm implements and salt. Later on, during the 1970s, the villagers began to grow crops with higher monetary value. They also cultivated and sold mushrooms. Together, these crops brought more money into the area, which became a large-scale agricultural area. In the late 1970s and into the 80s, some of the indigenous people realized that certain fruits were fetching high prices on the markets because of their scarcity. They began growing them, only to find that within ten years or so the prices dropped because the fruit was imported at lower prices after a time. This happened firstly with apples in the 70s, then pears in the 80s, then to peaches in the 90s. After that, the
19 Xinguang (新光) is the Chinese name of this community. The Atayal name is Qalang Smangus. Qalang means a community (部落). This community is originally from Cinsbu, but due to increase of population, some people moved out and found “Smangus”. The more famous Smangus community, of the Mrqwang lineage (which is the other case study in this research) is referred as Smangus Krahu in Atayal, which literally means the large Smangus. Since there are two “Smangus”, the Chinese name - Xinguang - is used to refer to the smaller Smangus, of Mknazi lineage.
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profitable crop seemed to be temperate climate vegetables. These have been grown, along with peaches, profitably so far until the present time (Hsiao, 2008).
Since the 70’s, international trade caused internal markets to become unstable which undermined the entire agricultural sector across Taiwan. In response, the government began, in the early 1990s, to promote tourism. They focused on “leisure agriculture” which aims to provide tourists with relaxing activities combined with the local agriculture, such as visiting a bamboo plantation and learning about the uses of bamboo. The government provided funding for local communities to develop these sorts of projects, specifically those where natural and cultural resources could be promoted for tourism and bring in revenue. This trend had already begun in the mid-1990s, and influenced the development of tourism in Cinsbu-Smangus (Hsiao, 2008).
More radical economic change began in 1998, when mainstream media began reporting about the the cypress forest near Cinsbu-Xinguang, which brought a great deal of media attention, with the result being that visitors began pouring into the village to see the forest. This led to the establishment of businesses to support the tourist industry, such as lodges, restaurants, and guided hikes to the forest. Individual households set up Bed and Breakfasts. Within five 5 years, there were already thirteen B&Bs in Cinsbu-Xinguang, providing among them accommodation for over seven hundred guests. (Hsiao, 2008).
Nowadays, Cinsbu-Xinguang has strong developed knowledge about and emphasis on Atayal traditions and customary law (gaga). This can be seen in some of the education programs they have developed and their unique take on Christianity's melding with ancestral beliefs and practices.
Because of their church's Minister's deep knowledge of their own Atayal culture, they preach a take on Christianity that finds no conflicts with their traditional beliefs. The community also has a considerable number of families growing organic produce including cabbage, lettuce, garlic sprouts, chives and more. These organic products are also catered to visitors.
In Cinsbu-Xinguang, both interviews were conducted and questionnaires handed out. The questionnaires focused on a number of topics: aspects of CBT, the perceived benefit distribution of tourism, participation in tourism, CPR management participation, CPR management satisfaction. The interviews served to gain more understanding of processes and social and institutional structures that cannot be measured by questionnaires alone. Four people were interviewed.
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A total of 75 questionnaires were delivered to the residents of Cinsbu-Xinguang. 45 questionnaires were filled and returned, from which 38 were used in the analysis, as the remaining questionnaire were missing answers. Table 2 shows the characteristics of Cinsbu-Xinguang respondents. 42%
live in Cinsbu while 58% live in Xinguang. 46% were males, and 54% females. 75% of the respondents are in the age range of 18-47. Regarding the education level, 5% has a graduate degree or above, 28% hold an undergraduate degree, 47% finished high school, 9% hold middle school education, and 9% with elementary school education. 69% of Cinsbu-Xinguang villagers are educated with Atayal traditional knowledge. Although respondents were asked about their income, only a few answered, and of these answers it is hinted to the author that the answer is not accurate, as the respondents do not wish to share this information. For this reason, details of the level of income are not displayed. 81% of the respondents belong to the Presbyterian Church, 16% belong to the Catholic Church, with one correspondent (2%) belong to another denomination.
Table 2: General demographics of Cinsbu-Xinguang respondents
General demographics of Cinsbu-Xinguang respondents
Demographics No. Res. %
Traditional Atayal Knowledge No 13 31%
Yes 21 50%
Teacher of traditional knowledge 8 19%
Religious Affiliation Catholic Church 7 16%
Presbyterian Church 35 81%
Other Church 1 2%
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3.2. The Characteristics of Cinsbu-Xinguang Community-based Tourism
Cinsbu-Xinguang has been seriously involved in Community Based Tourism for the past two decades, with beautiful mountainous landscapes and hiking trails. The famous hiking trail (Cinsbu Cypress trail 鎮西堡檜木) leads to an ancient forest, where huge cypress trees remain, that survived the logging industry of the Japanese and then KMT afterwards.20
Besides the natural attraction of the Cypress Forest Trail, other tourism services in Cinsbu-Xinguang include homestays and lodging, a weaving workshop, restaurants, educational spaces, organic farming, and selling of local souvenirs. The cultural aspect plays a crucial role in the Cinsbu-Xinguang tourism. Sometimes when a guided group arrives at the village, a Sbalay ceremony is performed. Sbalay is a “cleansing ceremony through the act of watering two saplings, serves as a blessing” for the visitors. Most of the visitors to Cinsbu are domestic tourists (Taiwanese), with a small number of international tourists (from Hong Kong, Mainland China, and a smaller number from other countries)21 (Yen & Kuan, 2004; Lin, Lahuy, & Kuan, 2007: 150;
Yen & Chen, 2013).
In Cinsbu there is an educational space, called Tkyu. There are a few buildings in Tkyu, where each building is a room intended to hold a different perspective of the Atayal life and culture. One room is dedicated to traditional weaving techniques. The second room holds a model of the traditional territory mapping. In the third there are tools, baskets and models of housing. In Tkyu there is also a big dining hall with a kitchen where the guests can eat lunch or breakfast made with locally grown products, which some come from the organic farm nearby. The dining hall can also serve as workshop hall, with its long tables. Tkyu is also used by the community itself to gather and teach children as well as for sharing the culture and traditions with the tourists.
An important part of the Tkyu compound is the Pnhwan, a fireplace, inside a hut, where guests spend their evening around the fire. Sometimes there will be a presentation of the history of the
20 According to the locals, many Atayal resisted government logging activities, which helped to preserve these trees – now rare in Taiwan. Because of these activities, the large cypress trees gain more meaning.
21 Although visiting communities of Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan is considered domestic tourism, Han Taiwanese visiting these communities can be socially understood as an “international”, as “various indigenous or national or religious minorities often represent a domestic alien to members of the majority” (Cohen & Cohen, 2015: 17).
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village, the surrounding area and the social-environmental activities. Visitors might also learn about current issues and problems of the mountainous Atayal communities in general and of Cinsbu-Xinguang in particular. Cultural activities in the evening also include making a millet cake (mocha) by pounding millet and then dipping it in local honey or sugar-peanuts mix. Other possible cultural activities will include singing and play the Atayal mouth harp. These cultural activities also take place in a number of B&Bs, not only in Tkyu (Interviews).
Cinsbu-Xinguang is clearly a case of Community Based Tourism which is a family or group-owned enterprise, where family or group members may work for lower wages, with the main goal of bringing prosperity to the family or group as a whole.
Besides these important characteristics, from the attraction perspective, it seems that Cinsbu is a typical example of Community Based Tourism. That is, the main attractions are natural environment and landscape, as well as cultural heritage. This can be seen in the Cypress Forest trail and the cultural activities offered by the B&Bs (in Tkyu or in different locations).
The findings from the questionnaire confirm this, with residents agree with the statement that “the Cypress Trail is one of the main attractions to tourist” and that “tourists are welcome to visit Cinsbu-Xinguang”. 98% of respondents think that a natural attraction is important for successful community based tourism, and 84% of respondents see an importance of cultural attraction for successful community based tourism.
The results support the current understanding that natural and cultural attractions are of high importance for successful Community Based Tourism. In the case of Cinsbu-Xinguang, these attractions, or resources, are the Atayal cultural heritage the natural environment, especially the Cypress Trail.
However, it should be noted that an interviewer stated that tourism in Cinsbu-Xinguang is considered not mature yet, as most residents busy with other work, especially farming (interview 6).
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Table 3: Cinsbu-Xinguang tourism characteristics
Statement Mean Min Max
Tourists are welcome to visit Cinsbu-Xinguag 4 2 5
Tourists come to Cinsbu-Xinguag only because of the Cypress Trail
3.58 1 5
The Cypress Trail is one of the main attractions to tourist 4 1 5 Tourists come to Cinsbu-Xinguag only because of the Atayal
culture
3.6 2 5
The Atayal culture is one of the main attractions to tourists 3.5 1 5
Figure 5: Important factors for successful CBT (Cinsbu-Xinguang)
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Cinsbu-Xinguang: What is important for successful CBT?
Natural attractions Cultural Attractions Not too expensive Good accommodation Good transportation Special food
Local collaboration Other
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3.3. Cinsbu-Xinguang Tourism Stakeholders
Cinsbu-Xinguang began its community organization in the 1970’s. Pastor Atung led the construction of Cinsbu Presbyterian for 18 years. At that time, he successfully organized the community together for collaborative marketing system of their peach farming. Since then, the Presbyterian Church has played a crucial role in regards to the social, cultural, and economic development of the community. When tourists first started coming to Cinbsu to see the cypress trees and the unique church, most of them stayed in the church, as there were no proper accommodation to host tourists. Slowly, voices from the community requested the church not to be involved in secular-economic activities. Later, when villages established B&Bs, the tourists stayed in the new small accommodations. This means that during the early stage of tourism development in Cinbsu-Xinguang, the church was the key mechanism for fair benefit distribution of the income from tourism, with funds to support those that were less fortunate. However, when time passed and families saw the opportunities tourism development holds, it went from Church-centered to family-based, where families run their own businesses without the involvement of the church (Yen & Kuan, 2004).
To stress the importance of the Presbyterian Church in the mobilization of the community and its social, cultural, and economic development, Yen & Kuan, (2004) give the example that residents preferred to spend 18 years to build their own church by themselves rather than hire outsiders to do so. It took them 8 years to collect money for construction materials, which they later used to build the church with their own hands. It has also been the first institute to host tourist in Cinsbu.
As such, the church has been acting as an agent of change. The pastor of the Presbyterian Church is one of the elders of the community. In contrast to the Presbyterian Church, the Catholic Church is not very active outside the religious sphere. The Catholics parishes in Atayal areas have foreign missionaries under Chinese bishops. The missionary would come to Cinsbu-Xinguang once in a while, for a very short time.
Another important stakeholder is the “Atayal Community Sustainable Development Association”
(泰雅爾族部落永續發展協會). When tourism in Cinsbu began, community members discussed and in 1999 agreed to establish an association to support villagers wanting to work in tourism.
Besides communal works, the Atayal Community Sustainable Development Association
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supported educational development, communal arts, cultural business development, and tour guide nurturing. It also progressed spatial planning (Yen & Chen, 2013).
Due to different opinions on in the association, a number of the Association’s members left it and in 2022 established the “Mknazi Tourism Association” (基那吉文化光觀產業協會). It was first focused on farm product marketing. Slowly, the new association increased its involvement supported development community cultural characteristics for visitors to experience Atayal culture.
Mknazi Tourism Association was bringing the B&B owners to work together in some management aspects in the community. The association continued its communal farm product marketing mechanism, by using economy of scale (Yen & Chen, 2013).
In 2004-2005, another organization was established - “Maqaw Business Group” - by members of the Atayal Community Sustainable Development Association under the help and assistant from Taiwan Indigenous Community Empowerment Association. Their focus was to maintain community environment for sustainable development and strongly opposed to selling land to outsiders and corporations. The Maqaw Business Group is not registered by law but does try to bring community members to collaborate on tourism related issues. It also aimed at transform Cinsbu into an ecological education center, allowing outsiders to learn from the Atayal culture and traditional knowledge. For this, they have tried to incorporate Atayal cultural and ecological knowledge into tourism activities such as the ‘peach blossom festival’ they organized in 2006.
(Hsiao, 2008; Yen & Chen, 2013).
Of course, with about 20 B&Bs in Cinsbu-Xinguang, each B&B plays an important role. In recent years, it has become common to see new camping grounds pop up in Jianshi Township. This is due to the low investment needed to establish such type of accommodation as well easier to maintain. Although there are a few new camping grounds in Cinsbu, the majority of the accommodation are guesthouses and B&Bs. There are also those that have small restaurants or offer guiding or transportation services, but most of the B&Bs offer these as well – dinning, cultural activities, guiding, and arrangement of transportation if needed. It is important to note that most of the B&Bs are owned by elders of the community.
Besides the above tourism stakeholders, there are other stakeholders that exist in the communities that do not have direct relationship with tourism but do influence the community in other ways.
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This refers to one non-Atayal household that influence Cinsbu-Xinguang as a resident that does no necessarily share the same socio-cultural values as the other Atayal households.
Stakeholders of Cinsbu-Xinguang clearly have an important role in influencing and being affected by tourism development in Cinsbu-Xinguang. They are important for understanding how the Community Based Tourism is managed, and affects the community. It seems that the main stakeholders, beside the general community members and owners of B&B, is the Presbyterian Church, while the Catholic Church is not very active outside the religious sphere.
Other important stakeholders are the local organizations and that deal with tourism: “Tayal Community Sustainable Development Association” and “Mknazi Tourism Association”. All to a certain extent have an influence on decisions related to tourism management and the management of the Cypress Forest.
3.4. The Cypress Forest as Tourism Common Pool Resource
As described previously, the cypress forest trail plays a crucial role in the local tourism industry of Cinsbu-Xinguang. Any resource that has the key characteristics of high subtractability and low excludability is, by definition, a common-pool resource. The Cypress Forest clearly displays the characteristics of Common Pool Resources (CPRs), where the exclusion of users is impractical and their exploitation by one person can reduce the benefit for another.
As mentioned in the Theoretical Framework chapter, tourism resources, especially and natural environment, can be addressed as a common pool resource (CPR). These resources are used, on the one hand, by tourists in common with other tourists and, on the other, for tourist in common with other activities by tourists and locals (Briassoulis, 2002). The forest as a tourism resource is not only a material resource of a landscape, but it is also a cultural resource which is an integral part of Atayal culture, society, and dynamic society. The case study of Cinsbu shows that tourism resources can be regarded as a Common Pool Resource.
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3.5. Management of the Cypress Forest as Tourism CPR
The economic changes in Cinsbu-Xinguang had brought about the need for the villagers to use
The economic changes in Cinsbu-Xinguang had brought about the need for the villagers to use