4. Smangus Case Study
4.3. Smangus Tourism Stakeholders
4.3. Smangus Tourism Stakeholders
As understood from above, the Tnunan is probably the most important tourism stakeholder, which actually encompasses in it other stakeholders, its members. Tnunan creates equality between the different households in the community.
However, there are 4 households that do not participate in Tnunan, despite ongoing discussions.
These families had moved out of Smangus in the 1980’s for work in the cities. They came back over the next two decades, when tourism had already developed. These families, with some that were born outside of Smangus and only later moved back to Smangus, have different mindset, which is more individualistic. The influence of the life in the cities as workers prove to be very strong. Although they do belong to the same community, their economic activities are separated.
These families run individual B&Bs and allow people to set tents in their yards (see photos in Appendix IV). Some offer simple dining options, but not consistently. These individual B&Bs are in direct competition with Tnunan, and can all be considered as “free-riders” in a way, since Tnunan nurture many public goods in the community, without the help of these individual households (Berg, 2013; Interviews). As free-riders, these individual B&B enjoy from the situation that Tnunan created and the atmosphere in Smangus. Thus, they do not make the same contribution to the community as Tnunan, but they do no harm the community. Their decisions not to join the majority are legit, and Tnunan accept their decision. They do cooperate on other community-related issues, and participate in the church services.
As in the case of Cinsbu-Xinguang, also in Smangus the church plays an important role. The first Presbyterian Church established in 1951, and by the 1970’s, most of the villagers had converted to Christianity (Berg 2013).27 It has an active part in promoting cooperation among members of the cooperative system (Tang and Tang, 2010). There is only one church in Smangus, and the individual households that are not Tnunan members do participate in church activities.
The Presbyterian Church has been a great supporter for Smangus’ development with advices to the community on development issues. The Presbyterian Church is the body that organized and
27 There are two stories on how Christianity came to Smangus. Tang and Tang (2010) write that missionaries from the Presbyterian Church reached Smangus 1948. However, Icyeh (2011) writes that a local resident returned with a Bible from a church service in the Taiyao village and thus brought Christianity to Smangus (Berg, 2013).
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sponsored the study tour to Israel to learn the different Kibbutz models, while visiting religious sites of importance for Christians.
4.4. The Cypress Forest as Tourism Common Pool Resource
The terms common-pool resource (CPR), alternatively termed a common property resource, is a particular type of good, and a natural or human-made resource system, whose size or characteristics of which makes it costly, but not impossible, to exclude potential beneficiaries from obtaining benefits from its use. Ostrom (2008) sees common-pool resources as “… sufficiently large that it is difficult, but not impossible, to define recognised users and exclude other users altogether. Further, each person’s use of such resources subtracts benefits that others might enjoy”.
As mentioned in the Theoretical Framework chapter, tourism resources, especially natural environment, can be addressed as a common pool resource (CPR). These resources are used, on the one hand, by tourists in common with other tourists and, on the other, for tourist in common with other activities by tourists and locals (Briassoulis, 2002). The forest as a tourism resource is not only a material resource of a landscape, but it is also a cultural resource which is an integral part of Atayal culture, society, and dynamic society. The case study of Smangus shows that tourism resources can be regarded as a Common Pool Resource. It plays a crucial role in the local tourism industry.
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4.5. Management of the Cypress Forest as Tourism CPR
“If people would like to understand Tayal people's governance view of CPRs, Gaga is the basic starting point to understand them” (Yen & Chen, 2013: 57). “It's a collective memory, a major part of culture, also it's a complex network of social relations.” (Lin Yih-Ren as quotes in Reid, 2010).
The community has been adjusting institutional rules to develop CPR management strategies which draws upon traditional culture and heritage as the basic framework. Gaga is not static. New gaga is developed to adapt to emerging challenges and changing conditions (Tang and Tang, 2010;
Berg, 2013).
The Atayal understanding of traditional territory is based on the responsibility to that territory rather than ownership in the modern legal sense. It might be considered as a form of stewardship or custodianship. When Atayal follow gaga, they not necessarily exclude other people from using their territory which is under their responsibility. (Reid 2010).
De-facto, Smangus is the sovereign over their traditional territory, continuing to be responsible for the land and manage it in a sustainable way. Smangus has a drafted a document called “The Smangus Tribal Covenant” to set out the rules agreed upon by community. A whole section is dedicated to issues of ownership and use of land. Land in Smangus cannot be sold, rented or leased to outsiders; any major changes to the land must be first discussed and approved by the community;28 the land and natural resources should be used in a sustainable manner in order to conserve them for future generations (Reid, 2010).
Smangus has stated their right to their traditional territory many times. On 7 May 2007 Smangus held a traditional ceremony to declare the autonomy of their traditional territory. Smangus also followed the “Declaration of Indigenous Land Rights” which asserts their right to their territory and rejects the intervention of the state, and the Atayal have declared “full sovereignty, control and management over our ancestral lands.” (Neqo Soqluman & Lahuy Icyeh, 2007 as quoted in Reid, 2010). Also in 2007, a statement of the Atayal Tribal Committee rejected the control and management of the Forestry Bureau, which it called “illegal and ineffective” (Tayal Tribal Committee, 2007 as quoted in Reid, 2010).
28 For example, when building a new house, the family is given one year for the construction
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The community based tourism has become the most important source of revenue, bringing about 80% of Tnunan’s revenue, and thus supports Smangus economic prosperity and economic independence. With the importance of the forest for the tourism in Smangus, a careful management of the natural resources of the tribe’s qyunang (traditional territory) has been an important goal of Tnunan from its inception (Berg 2013; interview 2)
Tnunan has 9 departments. One of them is the Ecology and Environment Department (生態環境 部負責). They are in charge of managing and maintaining the forest area (suru raga and the surrounding) as well at the hiking trail that leads to the cypress grove (ngasal qparung). The Ecology and Environment Department also built the trails to the cypress grove, bridges, and toilets and other facilities in the trail.
In 2005, they have set clear conservation regulations and prohibitions: no making fire, cut trees, or hunt in the tourist area of the forest (suru raga). From 2010, they have expanded the protected area (no fire, no cutting wood, no hunting) to let the ecosystem recover and become a haven for wildlife. Recently rare species of wild animals were spotted in the protected area of Smangus’
qyunang. “These measures are very important for maintaining the village’s tourism business.”
(Interview 3). Tnunan now discussed the idea of defining a day in the week which the trail will be closed, to let nature (as well as Tnunan’s people) to rest and recuperate.
Ostrom (1990: 90) identified 7 elements as essential to successful CPR arrangements, which will be discussed below in the context of Smangus. 29
2.2.5.1. Clearly defined boundaries
The clearly defined boundaries are according to Atayal traditional territory customary law, qyunang, rather than the national law. The national law separates private land from public land only. In that sense, the forest area is considered as a national forest. However, the community is the de-facto manager of the area. Moreover, Tnunan’s Ecology and Environment Department has placed a gate locks at the beginning of the trail, which they can close down when needed.
29 As the 8th principal by Ostrom is relevant for CPRs that are parts of larger systems, this principal is not addressed in the case studies.
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2.2.5.2. Congruence between appropriation and provision rules and local conditions
The rules governing the management of the CPR should be tailored to its characteristics. No single set of rules will work for all CPRs and not even for all CPRs of a particular type, such as forests or fisheries. In this sense, although de-jure the CPR is a national forest in the purview of the Forest Bureau, the community is the de-facto manager of the CPR and thus the rules governing the CPR are the customary rules of gaga, as well as the clearly defined regulations set by Tnunan.
2.2.5.3. Collective-choice arrangements
Ideally, most of the people involved and affected by the rules governing a CPR should be able to take part in changing them. In Smangus, the Tnunan allows an option discussion about different issues, and include the possibility to participate in stating opinion and influencing decision making.
Even if not all are involved in changing the rules, knowing that is possible for them to be involved is important.
Everyone is participating in decision making. If 2/3 of Tnunan agree on a decision, then it is considered as approved. This is to make sure that anything is for the future generations, and all of the community is involved. They do not set a limitation of time to discussing important issues.
Sometimes topics are discussed for many months or even years. After a decision is made, they will ask everyone, not only those that attended the meetings where the decision was agreed upon. They will also notify and ask those community members that are not part of Tnunan (Interviews 3 & 4).
2.2.5.4. Monitoring
Every 3 months, the Ecology and Environment Department go to check that the area is fine, and if anything needs fixing or other actions. They also perform an inspection the forest trail and the suru raga area once every 1-2 weeks. Recently, a Smangus villager who was born outside and recently came to live in Smangus has caused concerns. That villager is not part of Tnunan and is known as an illegal logger, who has been previously convicted. Due to this concern, Tnunan inspect the forest more frequently, and in May 2018 they have went 3 times per week (Interview 3).
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2.2.5.5. Graduated sanctions
Tnunan has a mechanism to punish Tnunan members, usually through withholding a salary.
However, to reach the stage of having a salary taken away one must pass through gradual sanctions and punishments.
If the person who does something against the regulations of Tnunan, then they will discuss it with him and try to solve it by explaining that actions should be for the benefit of all. It will usually be the elders and/or the village leader. Tnunan will hold an annual meeting where they will carry out decisions of withholding a month salary. Although the decision to withhold a salary might be made earlier than the annual meeting, the annual meeting gives another chance to discuss the punishment.
It is possible that they community will decide not to punish the violator (interview 4).
If the violation is very sever, they will call the police if all other options have not solved the issue.
For example, if one cut logs a cypress tree, they will be kicked out of Tnunan (besides calling the police).
2.2.5.6. Conflict resolution mechanisms
Tnunan as a conflict resolution mechanism. As was just explained, the punishing mechanism also acts a s a conflict resolution mechanism, as all punishments and sanctions are performed after a discussion with the violator, and when more serious, with the community.
2.2.5.7. Minimal recognition of the rights to organize
Powerful organizations outside the local community, such as national governments, must not interfere with the rights of the appropriators of a CPR to organize. In that sense, much has changed over the years. Although the Taiwanese law states that the forest is primarily the property of the state, the forest area surrounding Smangus is their traditional territory (Qyunang), which the government give a de-facto autonomy the manage nowadays. This has not been the case a decade or two ago. Unlike before, the Forest Bureau must call before if they plan to pay a visit. They must first receive a confirmation to visit by the community. This way, there is a cooperation between the community and the Forest Bureau as they give respects to the autonomy of the community.
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2.2.5.8. Results from the questioners
81% of the questionnaire respondents are involved in managing or taking care of suru raga (the area of the cypress grove and its trail). Questions concerning their involvement in management of the suru raga - whether community members have been involved in meetings and were informed about decisions made – show that the majority (91%, 94%, respectively) are involved and informed.
In more details, 60% are frequently involved in meetings, 31% were involved once or twice, and 9% were not involved in such meetings. 71% were usually informed when major decisions concerning tourism development took place, 23% were informed once or twice, and 6% have never been informed (see figure 19 & 20).
Tourism plays a much larger role in Smangus. Almost all of Smangus villagers are involved in tourism to a certain degree and spend the majority of their day working in tourism. It seems that Smangus has shifted to mostly focus on tourism, thus spending much time to improve in the field of tourism. More of this will be discussed in Chapter 5.
Figure 19: Involvement in meetings discussing the Tourism CPR management (Smangus)
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%
Yes, many times Yes, once or twice No, never
Have you been inolved in any type of meeting where you discussed the management of the Cypress Trees trail?
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Figure 20: Being informed of major decisions regarding the Tourism CPR management (Smangus)
Figure 21: Satisfaction with current Tourism CPR management system (Smangus)
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%
Yes, many times Yes, once or twice No, never
When major decisions concerning management of the Cypress Trees trail took place, were you informed?
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Strongly dissatisfied Dissatisfied Neither satisfied nor
dissatisfied Satisfied Strongly Satisfied
Satisfaction with current management system of the Cypress Trees area (3.2)
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