國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
minor acts can and would shape existing discourses, without the need to replace them.91 Afterall, this is also a function of different interests among members of the community. Differences, which, even under “normal circumstances,” can become factors in accounting for actions.92
2.6. Theoretical Approach and Methodology
This segment will discuss my theoretical approach and methodology. First, I will go over my approach and explain how I will go about mitigating common issues associated with
qualitative research. Then, I will discuss my data selection. Finally, I will clarify some principles for applying strategic communications, beyond what has been already covered in the literature review, and explain why.
I will be using Taiwan as a single case study to examine the possibility of inducing changes to the CCP leadership’s narrative of “National Rejuvenation.” I will utilize a simplified conceptualization of strategic communications to be directed towards Xi Jinping. The intent would be to persuade Xi to gradually deemphasize the importance of territorial integrity as a core element of his vision of “National Rejuvenation.” I choose to use a single case study for this project because Taiwan is a crucial case given that it is emblematic of the greater U.S.-China competition, and will be at the core of U.S.-China policymaking for the foreseeable future. For one, Taiwan is centrally important in understanding the territorial integrity concept under the narrative of “National Rejuvenation.” The CCP has demarcated Taiwan as the most important issue in preserving “territorial integrity,” and Taiwan similarly supersedes the importance of all other disputed boundaries currently claimed by the PRC. This is due, in part, to symbolic, economic, but also geostrategic reasons. Likewise, Taiwan demands the attention of American policymakers for a number of oft-overlooked reasons, that are beyond its purely military and geostrategic value. For the simple reason that Xi views Taiwan as integral to his plans of
achieving the second centenary goal by 2049, any decision made to shape Chinese behavior must be made with some relevance to Taiwan.
There are also a certain set of justifiable concerns related to qualitative work, and single-case studies in particular. To address the issues commonly associated with methodological rigor
91 David J. Lorenzo, “How the Sun-Word Rises: Cultural Synthesis and Discursive Persistence in the Aurobindo Movement of India” (dissertation, University of Michigan Press, 1993)
92 Ibid.
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
in these kinds of qualitative research, I will approach my study with well-established qualitative frameworks. First, I will employ Hayden White’s framework to uncover elements of the Xi Jinping era’s conception of the “Chinese Dream of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese
Nation” narrative. Then, I will link narratives to emplotments, and categorize these concepts with their associated elective affinities. The next step would be linking the specific narrative types with individuals, and associated groups, conducive to inducing discursive changes to particular narratives. Apter, Saich, and Lorenzo’s work provide an established framework on how
discourse formation takes place and undergoes changes in this manner.
On the matter of researcher subjectivity, I have consulted a breadth of primary and secondary source material and made special care to incorporate direct quotes from important or representative persons, speeches, events, and policies. On the matter of generalizability, my argument is meant to be an idiographic consultation of the possibilities of conducting discourse reform, in the Chinese context, to engender policy changes internationally. Consequently, this study is rooted more in particularization. Afterall, it is also why I have selected Taiwan, given that it is an atypical case in Chinese border disputes and matters concerning territorial integrity.
This thesis would primarily draw textual data from sources related to key American and Chinese policymakers. The primary function of this thesis will be to test if discourse change may elicit policy changes in the PRC by using Taiwan as a single case study. For this reason, in the following chapters, my data selection pertains to understanding the policy environment in the United States and also the PRC. This process is made in order to gauge either sides’
corresponding worldviews. The data analyzed would center on primary sources. These would range from speeches, official documents, any official media, and so forth. Then, the latter chapters would focus on categorizing alternative narratives types and on specific elements of narratives. Here, I will use of a variety of primary sources from the Chinese discourse space to better elucidate this process.
I will be using strategic communications as a formal delivery method to try and engender discursive change. I chose strategic communications as the method because of practical reasons coupled with moral concerns. Firstly, as I have argued, strategic communications can be
leveraged to support or alleviate burdens associated with projecting physical power. Likewise, it also provides policymakers an additional tool to compete below the threshold of armed conflict.
Admittedly, a lot of controversy has arisen over disinformation propagated by Russia or the
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
PRC. Such “malign” influence is generally conceived of as “covert, coercive, and corrupting.”93 For this reason, information openly being used to influence is an underused and underapplied national power because of fears of being morally equivocated to the malign practices of revisionist states. Yet, the United States does not necessarily have to resort to coercive, covert, and corrupting influence tactics. In fact, the U.S. can project influence that is open, truthful, and candid. There is a point in raising the virtues of speaking truth to power, and consistently doing so from a strategic context. Particularly in instances where dogma and ideology—coupled with other contingent factors—significantly increase the risks for some form of disaster. The PRC is a state wracked by imperfections that it must consistently cover-up or misdirect attention from.
The U.S. does not necessarily need to engage in coercive or openly deceptive acts to elucidate clear and present dangers or issues. Furthermore, the PRC’s contemporary ruling political structure—upon further review—results in the narrowing of core interests to only a select few.
Yet, these interests, more often than not, may be more malleable because they center around a few powerful individuals instead of an institution. This affords the United States opportunities to shape the perceptions of adversarial leadership out in the open, speaking truth to power, and by appearing to be in the moral high ground. Without delving into literature about why being
perceived as moral matters, the shorter answer is related to our values as a country and upholding them even in great-power competition.
93 Malcolm Turnbull, “Speech Introducing the National Security Legislation Amendment (Espionage and Foreign Interference) Bill 2017,” Malcolm Turnbull 29th Prime Minister of Australia 2015-2018, December 7, 2017, https://www.malcolmturnbull.com.au/media/speech-introducing-the-national-security-legislation-amendment-espionage-an.