CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Answering the research question and secondary information
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CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Answering the research question and secondary information
The research started from the hypothesis that attributes or characteristics of an elite (in this case a female elite group), as well as the organizational structure (in which these women develop their career) and political connections affect their political mobility. This central hypothesis rose from an exploratory analysis, based on the literature review and on a univariate descriptive analysis. And, the research continued to search for a causal relationship; an explanatory analysis of types of political mobility in terms of attributes of female elite.
The research did not find evidences that support the main hypothesis. Attributes of female elite do not influence or have a causal relationship to mobility type. The several tests of independence conducted show that there is no relationship between the type of mobility (low and high) and the attributes of female elite (the various variables examined) along the period of institutionalization of Chinese politics. The research has only got descriptive answers, as the common factors among them (see Table 6.1 at Appendix C).
Regard to the key factors to their promotion mentioned, the study demonstrates that the characteristics among women with low and high mobility are similar, therefore there is no a key factor to their mobility.
As far as other objectives or secondary information that the study included, several information must be noticed. First at all, the proportion of female in the Chinese political elite from 1997 to 2017 tends towards stabilization in a number close or inferior to 10% of the total members, as Table 3.1 (reproduced in next page again) shows.
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Table 3.1 Average (%) of female in the CPC (15th to 18th) Central Committee
15th Central Committee 7,3%
16th Central Committee 7,6%
17th Central Committee 10%
18th Central Committee 8,7%
Source: data derived from Chinavitae.com, statistics of my won elaboration.
The most common attributes among female elite or the standard profile is a Han woman from an East region province or bordering province, with a Master´s degree, a major in social sciences and humanities, with party school studies or not (the percentage is 50%-50%), with work experiences mainly in mass organizations, party and government bodies.
Regarding to the mobility rate of female elite, this can be classified into two types:
low mobility, under the 0,013 rate and, high mobility above the 0,013 rate. The low mobility type is more common among the female elite members, two thirds of women at CC have a low mobility rate
Nevertheless, it showed that the main characteristics of female mobility pattern is age. The study indicates that the mobility rate over time is decreasing, because women are being promoted when they are older than they used to be. Women promoted in the last CC needed more time (years) to get to the same status position than the early CC female members.
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6.2 A Double Glass Ceiling?
The exploratory analysis of data and literature available shows the presence of four characteristics that concur to the existence of a “glass ceiling” in Chinese politics.
The first one, a gender difference that is not explained by other job-relevant characteristics of the employee has been proven by the collection of educational background information on female elite displayed in the four chapter of this research. After analyzing the data gathered, findings prove that female elite members fulfill the requisites of entry in the Party-state; a la large proportion of the female cadres have a high level of education and they engage in the Party at a young age. So, the gender difference cannot be explained in terms of job-relevant characteristics of the employee.
The three remaining characteristics: a gender difference that is greater at higher levels than lower levels of the organization, a gender inequality in the chances of advancement into higher levels and a gender inequality that increase over the course of a career, are proven to be true as it is shown above (Table 1.1) in the analysis of member in CPC institutions from 1977 to 2013. Female cadres are underrepresented in high level power positions, this underrepresentation is greater at higher levels than lower levels of the CPC’s organization chart and the gender inequality increases over the course of a career.
An example of how gender inequality increases over the course of a career is the retirement system that penalized women. Female cadres must retire at an earlier age than male cadres.
The current retirement system shortens the career period of female cadres and implies that over the end of their career they will have less chances to promote or to get up in echelons of the Party-state.
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Table 1.1 Average (%) female-male in CPC institutions (1977-2013)
Average (%) female-male in CPC institutions (1977-2013)
CPC institutions Proportion of women Proportion of men Politburo Standing
Committee
0% 100%
Politburo 2,7% 97,3%
Central Committee 5,2% 94,8%
State Council 6,3% 93,7%
Source: data derived from (Sissokho, 2014) and my own elaboration.
The present study confirms the existence of a “glass ceiling” in Chinese politics and identifies other potential discrimination that women face. The examination of their career histories indicates that women are not eligible to hard power position spheres. They develop their career mainly working in mass organizations as the CYL, ACWF, trade unions and sports related organization. They are almost nonexistent in People´s Liberation Army (PLA), police and the justice system. The profile of expert or dedicated to economic matters is also minority among them.
So, I propose the idea of a double glass ceiling as metaphor of the double discrimination female cadres suffer at CPC. They are not only less likely to promote but also, less likely to work in power capacity areas.
I have also noticed that women are getting elected to CC in an older age than they used to be. Given that one of the requirements of the political institutionalization is age,
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the possibilities of these women to achieve higher positions in the CPC (PSC and PB) are lower.
According to Marie C. Wilson´s statement (2007) about the pipeline theory of women´s ascendancy in her book Closing the leadership gap, the most effective solution to break the glass ceiling is “to insert enough women at all levels and their promotion to higher ranks will be statistically inevitable”.
Currently the number of women in low ranks is too small to increase their statistics chances to promote. This is due to a several reasons: first, the number of women affiliated to the CPC make up only the 23, 3% of total members, and second, the affirmative actions developed by the party-state have been inadequate, as the quotas. Regulations related female quotas often advised to have a minimum number of women in the government or CPC bodies. Cadres in charge of appointments often take these regulations literally and only select the minimum number of women required.
A solution has to address both issues: getting a higher number of women affiliated to the CPC, and evaluate the effectiveness of the affirmative actions. To create parity in the party base in all areas, understood as all bodies within the party-state and all spheres of power, is the key to break the “double glass ceiling”.
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Appendix A
Figure 1.1 China’s Leading Political Institutions
Source: (Lawerence & Martin, 2013)
Figure 1.2 Organization chart of the Party-state and its main organs of power
Source: (The Economist, 2014)
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Appendix B
Table 1.2 Name list of female members of CC (1997-2017) Definitive list of study sample (66 women)
Chen Zhili Shi Yuzhen Wang Xia Chen Zuoning
Gu Xiulian Song Xiuyan Wu qidi Lei Chunmei
Hao Jianxiu Sun Chunlan Yin Yicui Ulagan
Lin Liyun Uyunqimg Deng Nan Liu Hui
Mo Wenxiu* Wu Aiying Li Bin Zhao Aiming
Peng Peiyun* Xie Qihua Li Haifeng Shen Suli
Wu Yi* Yue Xicui Yang Yanyin Xing Yuanmin
Zhu Lilan Tong Xiaoping Li Yumei Zhao Shi
Huang Zhang Zao (Qizao)
Chen Ximing Hu Zejun Xia Jie
Chen Yujie Du Xuefang Chen Yiqin Ge Huijun
Han Guizhi Huang Liman Dao Linyin Lu Xiwen
Huang Qingyi Jiang Wenlan Zhang Daili Huang Lixin
Jin Yinhuan Lin Mingyue Zhang Lianzhen Liang Liming
Liu Yandong Shi Lianxi Li Kang Ma Wen
Qiao Chuanxiu Shu Xiaoqin Zhang Xuan Fu Guihua
Qin Yuqin Song Airong Fu Yuelan
Shen Yueyue Tie Ning Xian Hui
Source: data derived from China Vitae (2016) and my own elaboration.
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Appendix C
Graph 4 The mean of seniority by CC
Source: my own elaboration
Graph 4 The mean of age by CC
Source: my own elaboration
26.2
27.0
25.7
29.1 29.7
27.5
Previous 1997 2002 2007 2012 Total
SENORITY
46.5
48.9
50.9 52.3 53.0
Previous 1997 2002 2007 2012
40.0 45.0 50.0 55.0
AGE
‧
Table 6.1 Independent variables and their frequencies.
Variable Category Frequency %
Ethnicity Non Han 11 16,667
Han 55 83,333
Educational level High school 1 1,515
3 year-degree 9 13,636
BA 29 43,939
MA 23 34,848
PhD 4 6,061
Party school studies Non Party school studies 33 50,000
Party school studies 33 50,000
Major No major 1 1,515
Social sciences and humanities 30 45,455 Natural sciences and engineering 28 42,424
Missing values 7 10,606
Goverment work Non government work 23 34,848
Government work 43 65,152
Firm/finance/industrial bureau 19 28,788
Ideology work Non ideology 53 80,303
Ideology 13 19,697
PLA/police/law Non PLA/police/law 61 92,424
PLA/police/law 5 7,576
Mass organization Non mass organization 28 42,424
Mass organization 38 57,576
Source: my own elaboration