C. Su (2011)

C. Su (2011) suggests that the structures of the TSM exceed comparative involves the feature checking operation.

C. Su indicates that TSM exceed comparatives has three subtypes, namely, X + A + Y + differential value, X + A + koe + Y, and X + khah + A + Y. These three comparatives subtypes share the similar tree structure which is introduced as follows.

X + A + Y + differential value

¹⁵

This comparative structure is defined as transitive comparative in Erlewine (2007) and Grano & Kennedy (2012) and the X A (Y) D comparative in C.-S. Liu (2007). The typical example of this structure is presented below.

15

(143) 阿明 懸 阿嬌 三 公分

A-Beng kuan A-Kiau sann

kongfun

A-Beng tall A-Kiau three centimeters

‘A-Beng is three centimeters taller than A-Kiau.’ (C. Su 2011) vP

As illustrated in (143), the first exceed comparative subtype, ‘X + A + Y + differential value’ is comprised of the structure vP1 > vP2 > DegP > AP.

First, the vP1 is headed by the light verb COMPAREE. Second, the head of vP2 is occupied with the STANDARD. Third, Deg⁰ has the uninterpretable [+comparative] feature.

Forth, the AP is projected by the adjective kuan ‘tall’ which is cyclically moved to the vP1

Note that the subject, A-Beng, the comparison standard, A-Kiau, the differential measure phrase sann kongfun ‘three centimeters’, and the null element Pro are respectively placed in the [Spec, vP1], [Spec, vP2], [Spec, DegP], and [Spec, AP] positions.

Crucially, the differential measure phrase sann kongfun ‘three centimeters’ merges to the [Spec, DegP] position and can thus check off the [+comparative] feature on the Deg⁰ position to restrict or saturate the degree argument of the adjective. Similarly, the degree complement such as tsin tsue ‘very much’ can also restrict or saturate the degree argument of the adjective.

Therefore, the degree complement can also occupy the [Spec, DegP] position.

X + A + koe + Y

The X + A + koe +Y construction includes the degree adverb kue ‘exceed’ which has similar function to the Chinese guo ‘exceed’, which is defined as the guo-comparative in the thesis.

(144) 阿明 懸 過 阿嬌 三 公分

A-Beng kuan

kue

A-Kiau sann kongfun A-Beng tall exceed A-Kiau three centimeters

‘A-Beng is three centimeters taller than A-Kiau.’ (C. Su 2011)

vP

As displayed in (144), the structure vP1 > vP2 > DegP > AP can also be found in the X + A + koe +Y construction. The only difference is that the degree adverb kue ‘exceed’ is

lexicalized by the predicate kuan ‘tall’ and subsequently raised to the STANDARD and then to the light verb COMPAREE.

The [+comparative] feature can be checked off by the degree adverb kue ‘exceed’

because kue ‘exceed’ can restrict or saturate the degree argument of the adjective. This phenomenon is similar to the Mandarin degree adverb guo ‘exceed’, which can also restrict or saturate the degree argument of the adjective according to C.-S. Liu (2007).

X + khah + A + Y

The X + khah + A + Y construction contains the degree adverb khah ‘more’ which is put before the predicate kuan ‘tall’. This construction is labeled as the khah-comparative without

bi ‘than’ in Chang (2012). (Note that this comparative is named as the transitive comparative

in this thesis.) In my analysis, khah ‘more’ is only an overt comparative morpheme.

(145) 阿明 較 懸 阿嬌 三 公分

A-Beng

khah

kuan A-Kiau sann kongfun A-Beng more tall A-Kiau three centimeters

‘A-Beng is three centimeters taller than A-Kiau.’ (C. Su 2011)

vP

According to C. Su, the degree adverb khah ‘more’ can not be laid in the Deg⁰ position since the same position can not be placed with two constituents. To make it explicit, Deg⁰ position can not be occupied by both kue ‘exceed’ and khah ‘more’.Also, kue ‘exceed’ is preceded by the adjective whereas khah ‘more’ is followed by the adjective. If kue ‘exceed’ is placed in the Degree head position, the correct word order kuan-kue ‘tall-exceed’ will be

created as mentioned earlier. On the contrary, if khah ‘more’ is put in the Deg⁰ position, khah

‘more’ will be lexicalized by the adjective kuan ‘tall’ and generate the incorrect word order

kuan-khah ‘tall-more’.

In order to solve this problem, C. Su suggests that khah ‘more’ should adjoin to the

degree argument of the adjective. Note that C. Su doesn’t specify the exact adjunction

position for khah ‘more’ in the text and the tree diagram. What’s crucial for C. Su is that khah

‘more’ is an adjunct. According to C. Su, we can infer from the following examples that khah

‘more’ should be considered an adverb.

(146) 我 勇 你

gua iong li

I strong you

‘I am stronger than you.’ (Chen 1982)

(147) 伊 較 懸 我

i

khah

guan gua

s/he more tall I

‘He is taller than I.’ (Chen 1982)

The above three subcategories of the exceed comparatives have some similar parts. First of all, the word orders of these three comparatives are the same. Second, they have identical semantics: X exceeds Y by degree. Next, the referential NP must precede the non-referential differential measure phrase. Lastly, the degree adverb kue ‘exceed’ is compatible with these three comparatives.

Based on those facts mentioned above, C. Su suggests that these three exceed

comparatives subtypes have the similar structure, vP1 > vP2 > DegP > AP. In addition, C. Su follows Liu’s (2007, 2010b) analysis and claims that the differential measure phrase, degree

complement, and the degree adverb kue ‘exceed’, and khah ‘more’ are obligatory because they saturate or restrict the degree argument of the adjectives. Note that these elements can all co-occur in one comparative sentence. Moreover, the [+comparative] feature can be checked off in the head of the DegP.

Both Xiong (2007) and C. Su (2011) propose that khah ‘more’ is an adverb and adjunct which is optional in the sentence. However, this suggestion is contrary to the preceding discussion that khah ‘more’, as a comparative morpheme, is obligatory in the sentence

because it needs to express the comparative meaning. Crucially, both of them claim that khah

‘than’ is an adjunct based on some comparative sentences like (142), (146) and (147). Those

sentences are respectively provided by Zou (1991) and Chen (1982). Their Southern Min data might be collected in Mainland China. The sentences like (142) and (146) might be

grammatical in Mainland China but clearly ungrammatical in Taiwan. Since the data in this paper is based on Taiwanese Sothern Min, I will assume khah ‘more’ is an overt comparative morpheme that is obligatory in the comparative sentence to express the comparative meaning.

In other words, a different account of khah ‘more’ is needed because the data collected in this thesis is different from theirs.

在文檔中 漢語與臺灣閩南語比較詞素之對比分析 (頁 115-123)