Chapter 2 Previous Analyses and Their Problems
2.4 The guo-comparative (X A-guo1 Y (D) comparative)
2.4.1 The comparison between a guo-comparative and a transitive comparative…48
In C.-S. Liu (2007), C.-S. Liu examines the guo-comparative and the transitive
comparative. C.-S. Liu suggests that an overt suffix -guo1 exists in the guo-comparative. Also, a covert suffix -guo2 exists in the transitive comparative. According to C.-S. Liu, the
transitive comparative is derived from the guo-comparative by grammaticalization. Besides, the covert suffix -guo2 in the transitive comparative is derived from the overt suffix -guo1 in the guo-comparative. In order to prove this argument, C.-S. Liu (2007) discusses some features of the guo-comparative and the association between a guo-comparative with a transitive comparative.
First, the suffix -guo1 in the guo-comparative has the the meaning ‘exceed’ or ‘surpass’.
Hence, the suffix -guo1 is transitive and takes the comparison standard such as Lisi in (50a) and differential measure phrase like san gongfen ‘three centimeters’ in (50a) as its arguments.
Similarly, the transitive comparative such as (50b) provides the meaning ‘exceed’ or ‘surpass’
even though the overt suffix -guo1 can not be found in the sentence.
(50) a. 張三 高過 李四 (三 公分)
Zhangsan gao-guo1 Lisi (san gongfen) Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi thee centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by three centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. 張三 高 (李四) 三 公分
Zhangsan gao (Lisi) san gongfen
Zhangsan tall Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by three centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
Second, only the adjective with [+pole] feature7 or positive value can be the adjective in the guo-comparative. For instance, chang ‘long’ in (51) has [+pole] feature. Hence, it is
compatible with -guo1. On the contrary, duan ‘short’ in (52) does not have such feature. Thus, it is incompatible with -guo1.
(51) 這條 繩子 長過 那條 兩 英吋
Zhe-tiao shengzi
chang-guo1 na-tiao
liang yingchithis-CL rope long-guo1 that-CL two inch
‘The length of this rope exceeds that of that rope by two inches.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(52) *這條 繩子 短過 那條 兩 英吋
*Zhe-tiao shengzi
duan-guo1
na-tiao liang yingchi this-CL rope short-guo1 that-CL two inch(C.-S. Liu 2007)
7
On the other hand, adjectives with either [+pole] or [-pole] properties can be the adjectives of transitive comparatives8. Note that the adjectives in the transitive comparative should be the dimension adjectives. The meaning of dimension adjective is the adjective with
the dimension which can be measured by the standard measure unit such as gongfen
‘centimeter’, gongjin ‘kilogram’, and gongsheng ‘liter’.
As the following instances suggest, the adjective pianyi ‘cheap’ is the dimension adjective. Thus, pianyi ‘cheap’ can be measured by the standard measure unit
yi-bai-kuai-qian ‘one hundred dollars’ and can occur in the transitive comparative. In contrast,
piaoliang ‘beautiful’ is not dimension adjective. Hence, piaoliang ‘beautiful’ can not be
measured by the standard measure unit san du ‘three degree’ and can not present in the transitive comparative.
(53) a. 這本 書 便宜 那本 書 一百塊 錢
Zhe-ben shu
pianyi
na-ben shu yi-bai-kuaiqian
this-CL book cheap that-CL book one-hundred-CL money
‘This book is one hundred dollars cheaper than that one.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
8 The adjective with [+pole] feature such as chang ‘long’ and the adjective e with the [-pole] feature like duan
‘short’ are compatible with the transitive comparative as the following examples illustrate.
(i) 這條 繩子 長/短 那條 一 公尺
zhe-tiao shengzi chang/duan na-tiao yi gongchi
b. *這個 女孩 漂亮 那個 女孩 三 度
*Zhe-ge nuhai
piaoliang
na-ge nuhaisan du
this-CL girl beautiful that-CL girl three degree
‘This girl is three more degrees beautiful than that one.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
Third, in the guo-comparative, only the definite, specific or referential noun phrase can be the comparison standard. On the contrary, only the non-referential constituent can be the differential measure phrase. Besides, the comparison standard should precede the differential measure phrase.9 The following sentences can demonstrate the discussion mentioned above.
(54) a. 張三 高過 李四 十 公分
Zhangsan gao-guo1 Lisi shi gongfen
Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi ten centimeter
‘Zhangsan is ten centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. *張三 高過 兩 米 十 公分
*Zhangsan gao-guo1 liang mi shi gongfen
Zhangsan tall-guo1 two meter ten centimeter (C.-S. Liu 2007)
9 C.-S. Liu (2007) might provide these facts to suggest that the phenomenon that the referential comparison standard precedes the non-referential differential measure phrase in the transitive comparative can also be found in the guo-comparative. In other words, the referential comparison standard precedes the non-referential differential measure phrase in both the transitive comparative and the guo-comparative. The examples can be
c. *張三 高 十 公分 李四
*Zhangsan gao shi gongfen Lisi
Zhangsan tall ten centimeter Lisi (C.-S. Liu 2007)
As revealed in (54), the comparison standard Lisi in (54a) is the definite, specific or referential noun phrase whereas liang mi ‘two meters’ and shi gongfen ‘ten centimeters’ in (54b) and (54c) are not. Therefore, (54a) is grammatical while (54b) and (54c) are
ungrammatical. Besides, the differential measure phrase in (54c) is not shi gongfen ‘ten centimeters’ but Lisi, which is referential rather than non-referential. Hence (54c) is
ungrammatical.
Fourth, the comparison standard is obligatory in a guo-comparative whereas it is optional in a transitive comparative. On the other hand, the differential measure phrase is optional in a guo-comparative while it is obligatory in a transitive comparative. C.-S. Liu (2007) suggests thst the suffix -guo1 is transitive thus the comparison standard such as Lisi in (55a) is introduced by -guo1.
(55) a. 張三 高過 李四 (十 公分)
Zhangsan gao-guo1 Lisi (shi gongfen) Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi ten centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by ten centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. 張三 高過 *(李四) 十 公分
Zhangsan gao-guo1 *(Lisi) shi gongfen Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi ten centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by ten centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(56) a. 張三 高 (李四) 十 公分
Zhangsan gao (Lisi) shi gongfen Zhangsan tall Lisi ten centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by ten centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. 張三 高 李四 *(十 公分)
Zhangsan gao Lisi *(shi gongfen) Zhangsan tall Lisi ten centimeter
‘Zhangsan’s height exceeds Lisi’s by ten centimeters.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
As can be seen the guo-comparative example (55), the optional item is the differential measure phrase shi gongfen ‘ten centimeters’, whereas the obligatory constituent is the
comparison standard Lisi. As illustrated in the transitive comparative instance (56), the optional component is the comparison standard Lisi, while the obligatory unit is the differential measure phrase shi gongfen ‘ten centimeters’.
Fifth, a degree adverb can not modify the adjective in both the guo-comparative and the transitive comparative as (57a) and (57b) suggest.
(57) a. *張三 很/更 高過 李四 三 公分
*Zhangsan hen/geng gao-guo1 Lisi san gongfen Zhangsan very/more tall-guo1 Lisi three centimeter
b. *張三 很/更 高 李四 三 公分
*Zhangsan hen/geng gao Lisi san gongfen Zhangsan very/more tall Lisi three centimeter
(C.-S. Liu 2007)
Sixth, if quantifiers involve in both the guo-comparative and the transitive comparative, neither of them is acceptable as (58) indicates.
(58) a. *張三 高過 其他/這些 人 三 公分
*Zhangsan gao-guo1 qita/zhexie ren san gongfen.
Zhangsan tall-guo1 other/these person three centimeter ‘??Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than everyone else/these persons.’
b. *張三 高 其他/這些 人 三 公分
*Zhangsan gao qita/zhexie ren san gongfen
Zhangsan tall other/these person three centimeter
‘?? Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than everyone else/these persons.’
(C.-S. Liu 2007)
In his paper, C.-S. Liu (2007) raises four questions and answers them afterwards. First, why must the referential comparison standard such as Lisi must precede the non-referential differential measure phrase like san gongfen ‘three centimeters’ in the transitive comparative as presented in the following examples?
(59) 張三 高/矮 李四 三 公分
Zhangsan gao/ai Lisi san gongfen Zhangsan tall/short Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller/shorter than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(60) *張三 高 三 公分 李四
*Zhangsan gao san gongfen Lisi
Zhangsan tall three centimeter Lisi (C.-S. Liu 2007)
To answer this question, C.-S. Liu states that the relationship between the comparison standard and the differential measure phrase is similar to the referential theme and
non-referential theme. Non-referential theme is placed in V’, while the referential them is put in a higher position such as [Spec, VP].
Second, as the following sentences suggest, why is the differential measure phrase such as san gongfen ‘three centimeters’ obligatory in the transitive comparative?
(61) 張三 高 李四 三 公分
Zhangsan gao Lisi san gongfen
Zhangsan tall Lisi three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(62) 張三 高 三 公分
Zhangsan gao san gongfen
Zhangsan tall three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller (than Lisi).’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(63) *張三 高 李四
*Zhangsan gao Lisi
Zhangsan tall Lisi (C.-S. Liu 2007)
According to C.-S. Liu (2007), the semantics of the covert suffix -guo2 in the transitive comparative is bleached thus can not be the predicate to describe or restrict the interval argument of adjectives. Moreover, since the comparison standard such as Lisi in (61) is also not a degree term in the transitive comparative, the differential measure phrase like san
gongfen ‘three centimeters’ in (61) and (62) is the only constituent to restrict or describe the
interval argument of the adjective gao ‘tall’ in (61) and (62). As a result, a differential measure phrase in the transitive comparative is required.
Third, why can’t the adjective such as gao ‘tall’ in (64a) be modified by the degree adverb like geng ‘more’ in (64b) in the transitive comparative?
(64) a. 張三 高 李四 三 公分
Zhangsan gao Lisi san gongfen Zhangsan tall Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. *張三 很/更 高 李四 三 公分
*Zhangsan hen/geng gao Lisi san gongfen Zhangsan very/more tall Lisi three centimeter
(C.-S. Liu 2007)
In order to answer this question, Liu discusses the structure of both the guo-comparative and the transitive comparative in (65) and (66) below to account for this phenomenon.
The guo-comparative
(65) 張三高過李四三公分
Zhangsan [GuolP [Guo1’ [Guo1 gaoi-guo1] [AP Lisi [A’ [A ti] [san gongfen]]]]]
Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
The transitive comparative
(66) 張三高李四三公分
Zhangsan [Guo2P [Guo2’ [Guo2 gaoi-guo2] [AP Lisi [A’ [A ti] [san gongfen]]]]]
Zhangsan tall-guo2 Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
In the above structure, the overt suffix -guo1 and the covert suffix -guo2 are three-place predicates that take the adjective phrases as their complements. The comparison standard Lisi in both of these comparatives occupy the [Spec, AP] position. The differential measure phrase
san gongfen ‘three centimeters’ in these two structures are placed inside A’.
Because of the affixal property of the suffix -guo1 and -guo2, the adjective gao ‘tall’ is raised to the guo head positions that are respectively occupied by -guo1 in the
guo-comparative and -guo2 in the transitive comparative. According to C.-S. Liu, the suffix
-guo1 has the full-fledged meaning ‘exceed’, making the comparison standard be obligatory.
Moreover, -guo1 can be the predicate to restrict or describe adjective’s interval argument.
According to C.-S. Liu (2007), the adjective gao ‘tall’ moves from AP head position to
the guo head position and combines with it, creating the agglutinated form gao-guo1
‘tall-guo1’ or gao-guo2 ‘tall-guo2’which is considered the variant of the dynamic verb exceed.
The degree adverb such as geng ‘more’ can not modify the dynamic forms. Thus, the degree adverb geng ‘even-more’ can not modify the dynamic agglutinated form gao-guo2 ‘tall-guo2’
in the transitive comparative. Note that Grano and Kennedy (2012) point out that C.-S. Liu (2007) does not provide sufficient evidence for the dynamic reading for gao-guo1 ‘tall-guo1’
in the guo-comparative and gao-guo2 ‘tall-guo2’ in the transitive comparative.
Fourth, what’s the syntactic and semantic difference between a transitive comparative and a bi-comparative?
To begin with, the comparison standard is respectively introduced by the bi-phrase in the
bi-comparative and by the differential measure phrase in the transitive comparative. The
following example demonstrates this fact.
(67) a. 張三 比 李四 高 三 公分
Zhangsan bi Lisi gao san gongfen
Zhangsan than Lisi tall three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
b. 張三 高 李四 *(三 公分)
Zhangsan gao Lisi *(san gongfen)
Zhangsan tall Lisi three centimeter
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
Second, in the transitive comparative, the covert comparative morpheme -guo2 is too weak and can not restrict the interval argument of adjectives. Also, the comparison standard is not a degree term thus it can not do this job. Thus the differential measure phrase can
restrict or describe the interval argument of adjectives. On the other hand, in a bi-comparative, not only the differential measure phrase but also the bi-phrase can restrict the interval
argument of adjective because they are degree terms.
Third, the affixal feature of -guo2 can make the adjective move from the head of AP to the -guo2 position. In this way, the adjective in the transitive comparative must precede or c-command the comparison standard. In contrast, the bi-phrase in a bi-comparative must precede the adjective in that bi-phrase is the adjunct and should be placed before predicate in Mandarin.
Grano and Kennedy (2012) indicate three disadvantages of C.-S. Liu’s (2007) analysis.
First, C.-S. Liu has no well definition on the concept of ‘weak’ and ‘bleached’.
Second, C.-S. Liu’s analysis of the overt guo ‘exceed’ will predict that and guo ‘exceed’
and the word chu ‘surpass’ pattern together and they are different from the covert guo ‘exceed’
in the transitive comparative. However, Grano and Kennedy (2012) suggest that guo ‘exceed’
and chu ‘surpass’ can not pattern together in that the differential measure phrase is optional in the guo-comparative, whereas it is obligatory in the chu-comparative. This contrast can be seen in the following paradigms.
(68) 張三 高 過 李四 (兩 吋)
Zhangsan gao guo Lisi (liang cun) Zhangsan tall exceed Lisi two inch
‘Zhangsan is (two inches) taller than Lisi.’ (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
(69) 張三 高 出 李四 *(兩 吋)
Zhangsan gao chu Lisi *(liang cun)
Zhangsan tall surpass Lisi two inch
‘Zhangsan is two inches taller than Lisi.’ (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
Unlike C.-S. Liu’s (2007) analysis, Grano and Kennedy (2012) claim that a transitive comparative can pattern with a transitive comparative with chu ‘surpass’. In other words, the covert morpheme μ can pattern with chu ‘surpass’. As the following sentences indicate, the presence of chu ‘surpass’, like the covert morpheme μ, requires the appearance of the differential measure phrase. That is to say, chu ‘surpass’ is acceptable only when the differential measure phrases liang cun ‘two inches’ is present.
(70) a. 張三 高 出 李四 兩 吋
Zhangsan gao chu Lisi
liang cun
Zhangsan tall surpass Lisi two inch
‘Zhangsan is two inches taller than Lisi.’
b. *張三 高 出 李四
*Zhangsan gao chu Lisi
Zhahgsan gao surpass Lisi (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
(71) a. 張三 比 李四 高 出 兩 吋
Zhangsan bi Lisi gao chu liang cun
Zhangsan than Lisi tall surpass two inch
‘Zhangsan is two inches taller than Lisi.’
b. *張三 比 李四 高 出
*Zhangsan bi Lisi gao chu
Zhahgsan than Lisi tall surpass (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
Third, C.-S. Liu doesn’t account for the reason of using the differential measure phrase but not the differential expression in his analysis. Grano and Kennedy indicate that the differential measure phrase is a larger sub-category of differentials thus a differential
expression is a more general term. Therefore, we can not explain why (72a) is ungrammatical while (72b) is grammatical.
(72) a. *張三 聰明 李四 一 點
Zhangsan
congming
Lisi yi dian Zhangsan smart Lisi one dot‘Zhangsan is (a little) smarter than Lisi.’ (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
b. 張三 高 李四 一 點
Zhangsan
gao
Lisi yi dianZhangsan tall Lisi one dot
‘Zhangsan is one meter / a little taller than Lisi.’ (Grano and Kennedy 2012)
2.4.2 The comparison between a bi-comparative and a guo-comparative
C.-M. Liu (2010) suggests that guo ‘exceed’ can introduce a comparison standard to its complement in the guo-comparative. Also, C.-S. Liu (1996) states that bi ‘than’ can introduce the comparison standard to its complement. From these two arguments, C.-M. Liu (2010) predicts bi ‘than’ and guo ‘exceed’ can not co-occur in that only one comparison standard can be allowed in the comparative construction. The following examples can prove these facts.
(73) a. *約翰 比 瑪莉 高 過
*Yuehan bi Mali gao guo John than Mary tall VSUR
“John is taller than Mary.” (C.-M. Liu 2010)
b. *約翰 比 過 瑪莉 高
*Yuehan bi guo Mali gao
John than VSUR Mary tall
“John is taller than Mary.” (C.-M. Liu 2010)
c. *約翰 過 比 瑪莉 高
*Yuehan guo bi Mali gao
John VSUR than Mary tall
“John is taller than Mary.” (C.-M. Liu 2010)
C.-M. Liu claims that bi ‘than’ and guo ‘exceed’ are both base-generated and occupy the same position. This suggestion can account for why these two elements can not co-occur in the sentence. On the other hand, bi ‘than’ and chu ‘surpass’ are placed in different positions thus they can co-occur in the sentence. This phenomenon can be seen in (74) below.
(74) 約翰 比 瑪莉 高出 五 公分
Yuehan
bi
Mali gao-chu wu gongfen John than Mary tall-VEXC five centimeter“John is 5-cm taller than Mary.” (C.-M. Liu 2010)