Chapter 3 Comparative Constructions in TSM
3.3 The intransitive comparative
In the intransitive comparative, the comparison standard is not present. In this structure, the comparative morpheme is either overt or covert in MC, whereas the comparative
morpheme in TSM must be overt.
(10) 張三 高
Zhangsan gao
Zhangsan tall
‘Zhangsan is taller (than someone known from the context).’ (Grano 2012)
(11) 張三 (更) 高
Zhangsan (geng) gao
Zhangsan even-more tall
‘Zhangsan is even taller (than someone known from the context).’
(12) *阿榮 懸
*A-ing kuan A-ing tall
‘Lit: A-ing is taller (than someone known from the context).’
(13) 阿榮 *(較) 懸
A-ing *(khah) kuan
A-ing more tall
‘A-ing is taller (than someone known from the context).’
As illustrated in (10), Grano (2012) suggests the comparative meaning can be provided by a covert comparative operator in the intransitive comparative in MC. In contrast, the comparative morpheme must be overtly realized as khah ‘more’ in TSM intransitive comparative to show the comparative semantics as revealed in (13).
When the differential measure phrase is added into the intransitive comparative, the overt comparative morpheme geng ‘even-more’ can not be present in the sentence as
indicated in (14). On the other hand, the TSM comparative morpheme can be overtly realized as khah ‘more’ as displayed in (15).
(14) 張三 (*更) 高 三 公分
Zhangsan (*geng) gao
san gongfen
Zhangsan even-more tall three centimeters‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller (than someone known from the context).’
(15) #張三 高 三 公分4
‘A-ing is three centimeters taller (than someone known from the context).’
(17) #阿榮 懸 三 公分
#A-ing kuan
sann konghun
A-ing tall three centimeters
‘A-ing is three centimeters tall.’
4 As mentioned by C.-S. Liu (2007), the intransitive comparative with the differential measure phrase such as (15) can have the comparative meaning ‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller (than someone known from the context)’. The literal meaning of (15) is ‘Zhangsan is three centimeters tall’. This is grammatical but infelicitous because ordinary people can’t be so short. We can make the sentence felicitious by changing the sentence as Zhangsan gao yi bai ba shi gongfen ‘Zhangsan is 180 centimeters tall.’ The situation is the same in the literal meaning of the TSM example (17). Note that it is hard to interpret (17) as A-ing is three centimeters taller (than
3.4 The guo-comparative (X A-guo1 Y (D) comparative)
C.-S. Liu (2007) proposes that the guo-comparative becomes the transitive comparative by grammaticalization as the following sentences (18) and (19) show. In (19), C.-S. Liu suggests that a covert comparative morpheme is placed after the predicate gao ‘tall’. This covert comparative morpheme is a semantically bleached weak version of the overt comparative morpheme guo ‘exceed’. These overt and covert comparative morphemes are respectively written as -guo1 and -guo2 in C.-S. Liu (2007). Similar patterns can also be found in TSM as well as examples (20) and (21) show.
(18) 張三 高過 李四 (三 公分)
Zhangsan gao-guo1 Lisi (san
kongfen)
Zhangsan tall-guo1 Lisi three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(19) 張三 高 李四 *(三 公分)
Zhangsan gao-guo2 Lisi *(san
kongfen)
Zhangsan tall-guo2 Lisi three centimeters‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S. Liu 2007)
(20) 阿榮 懸過 阿狗 (三 公分)
A-ing kuan-kue A-kao (sann
konghun)
A-ing tall-kue A-kao three centimeters
‘A-ing is three centimeters taller than A-kao.’
(21) 阿榮 懸 阿狗 *(三公分)
A-ing kuan A-kao *(sann
konghun)
A-ing tall A-kao three centimeters
‘A-ing is three centimeters taller than A-kao.’
However, Grano and Kennedy (2012) suggest that the notions of ‘weak version’ and
‘bleached’ are not well-defined and not formalized. Thus we assume that the covert
comparative morpheme may not be derived from the overt version of comparative morpheme.
Nevertheless, we suggest that the covert comparative morphemes in both MC and TSM indeed exist because they are required to express the comparative meaning.
Note that the degree adverb geng ‘even-more’ is incompatible with guo ‘exceed’
whereas khah ‘more’ can be placed in the guo-comparative.
(22) *張三 更 高過 李四 (三 公分)
*Zhangsan
geng
gao-guo Lisi(san kongfen)
Zhangsan even-more tall-guo Lisi three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is (three centimeters) even taller than Lisi.’
(23) 阿榮 較 懸過 阿狗 *(三 公分)
A-ing
khah
kuan-kue A-kao *(sannkonghun)
A-ing more tall-kue A-kao three centimeters
‘A-ing is three centimeters taller than A-kao.’
According to Liu (2007), the agglutinated form such as gao-guo1 ‘tall-guo1’ in the
guo-comparative and gao-guo2 ‘tall-guo2’ in the transitive comparative is considered a
variant of the dynamic verb exceed. The degree adverb such as geng ‘more’ can not modify the dynamic forms. Thus, the degree adverb geng ‘even-more’ can not modify the dynamic agglutinated form gao-guo1 ‘tall-guo1’ in the guo-comparative and gao-guo2 ‘tall-guo2’ in the transitive comparative. However, TSM khah ‘more’, the constituent defined as a degree adverb, can modify the agglutinated form kuan-kue ‘tall-exceed’ in the TSM guo-comparative as (23) demonstrates. Therefore, Liu’s analysis is problematic.
From the above observations, it is found that the distribution of the overt comparative morpheme geng ‘even-more’ in MC is narrower than that of the overt comparative morpheme
khah ‘more’ in TSM. For instance, geng ‘even-more’ is incompatible with the bi-comparative
with the differential measure phrase in (24), the repetition of (1), and the intransitive comparative with the differential measure phrase in (14) which is repeated as (25) below.
Besides, geng ‘even-more’ can not be used either in the transitive comparative or the
guo-comparative. This fact can be seen in (26) and (27) below (The same examples can also
be found in (7) and (22)).
However, TSM khah ‘more’ has no such restriction. In other words, khah ‘more’ is compatible in the four types of the comparative constructions (the bi-comparative, transitive comparative, intransitive comparative and guo-comparative.) This phenomenon suggests that some differences between the two comparative morphemes geng ‘even-more’ and khah ‘more’
should be found since they are used in different parts of the comparative constructions. More discussion about the differences between geng ‘even-more’ in MC and khah ‘more’ in TSM can be found in the next chapter.
The bi-comparative
(24) 張三 比 李四
(*更)
高 三 公分Zhangsan bi Lisi
(*geng)
gao san gongfen Zhangsan than Lisi even-more tall three centimeter‘Zhangsan is (three centimeters) even taller than Lisi.’ (C.-S.Liu 2011)
The intransitive comparative
(25) 張三 (*更) 高 三 公分
Zhangsan (*geng) gao san gongfen
Zhangsan even-more tall three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is three centimeters taller (than someone known from the context).’
The transitive comparative
(26) *張三 更 高 李四 (三 公分)
*Zhangsan
geng
gao Lisi (san kongfen)Zhangsan even-more tall Lisi three centimeters
‘Zhangsan is (three centimeters) even taller than Lisi.’
The guo-comparative
(27) *張三 更 高過 李四 (三 公分)
*Zhangsan
geng
gao-guo Lisi (san kongfen) Zhangsan even-more tall-guo Lisi three centimeters‘Zhangsan is (three centimeters) even taller than Lisi.’