Policing

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53 immune to corruption and by extension the hosei could and would abuse their positions.

3.2.6. Policing

Rule over the island was enforced by the police. A chief of police (keisatu shochō) located in the central administration presided over districts and sub-districts in a hierarchy. The aforementioned hokō were situated in sub-districts and their respective hosei and kochō were responsible to a police inspector (keibu) and his patrolmen (junsa). Chang writes: “In effect, the police force penetrated into every household”¹⁸⁸. The duties of the police extended from law enforcement to effecting administration policy regarding sanitation, household registration, tax collection, engineering works, water control, planting, and natural disaster prevention. Albeit, as previously mentioned tax collection and the prevention of natural disasters were also delegated to hosei. The police were paid an attractive salary in order to deter corruption.

Taiwanese who were educated in Japanese were recruited from 1901. Chang continues: “Consistent and predicable police action encouraged public confidence and obedience to the administration”¹⁸⁹. In addition, besides general policing, there was also a high level police force (kōtō keisatu) that was responsible for combating subversion¹⁹⁰.

In analysis two points relevant to the thesis can be expressed. The first is that the Government-General was empowered with a significant degree of control over the colonised. The administration could enforce its will though the police, hokō system and Able-Bodied Corps to most families in each kō. It is thought that having not only the local notables but also many men in each kō in each sub-district participate in enforcing the law was an effective means to promote order. This is because participating in law enforcement caused law enforcement to be on the agenda for the concerned individuals. What is more, it was not strictly law enforcement, but also activities that were perceivably beneficial for the community. In agreement with Chang, the effect was that the public would gain confidence in the administration.

That would mitigate rebellion. The second point is in connection with the culture of illicit smoking that shall be shortly discussed below. Zhou thinks that the police could

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54 identify illicit smokers¹⁹¹. This is on the grounds that the police system was so efficacious. The implication being the Government-General allowed illicit opium smoking to continue. Such an implication requires explanation. It is thought there are three possible explanations; namely: a) police corruption; b) social stability; and c) administrative corruption. To begin with the Japanese police who immigrated to Taiwan tended to originate from less developed areas of Japan. Working in a hot and humid colony far from home was not necessarily attractive. Japanese who applied for work as police inspectors there most probably did so for the attractive salary.

Thinking with these points in mind, it is possible some police reached an agreement with illicit smokers or related businesses. Next, social stability was of upmost importance for the colonial regime. Denying something desired by someone may anger them. Allowing an illicit smoker to continue smoking would satisfy them and thus reduce the likelihood of rebellion. Lastly, revenue from the opium monopoly constituted a major part of Government-General income. The retail of opium was not recorded. It was in the administration‟s interest to earn as much revenue as possible whilst generally reducing the number of addicts. With respect to the prior point on social stability, this meant that the police might have been ordered to tolerate or express leniency towards illicit smokers for the good of the administration. However, it is worth remembering that there were few Japanese police compared to the number of Taiwanese. It should not have been too difficult to evade detection whilst smoking secretly.

3.3. Opium and Culture

The focus of this section is the culture of opium in Taiwan under the early period of Japanese rule. Unlike the prior section on its culture during the late Qing dynasty there is a relative abundance of literature documenting such culture. Nevertheless it is worth remembering that opium consumption was not unrestricted in praxis as it was under Manchurian rule. The implication of such restrictions is that any illegal activity regarding opium is unlikely to be reported by offenders for avoiding prosecution by the authorities: there will be less material on illegal opium culture. Another regrettable fact is that all of people who experienced the early twentieth century on Formosa are deceased: they cannot be interviewed. It is therefore thought that a complete picture of

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55 the culture of opium during the 1900s until 1920 is unattainable. However, owing to the wealth of literature on it, an enlightening vignette can be presented.

To begin with negative attitudes towards opium were ubiquitously promoted across the island. The instrument was negative ideas regarding opium. The media for the dissemination of those attitudes were common schools, newspapers, the hōko system, public lectures and mass movements. The degree to which one was exposed to those attitudes was contingent on the environment in terms of the extent to which your locality was developed and agents within it discussed such attitudes. But it is arguable that a majority of the population under Japanese rule was aware of the negative attitudes. These attitudes are important because they can change how you would regard opium, and by extension how you would react to those that indulge in it and whether you would consume it. Such attitudes are evidenced in the following examples.

First of all in 1903 a Japanese physician published an article in the Journal of the Medical Association of Formosa (Taiwan igaku zasshi) indicating that smoking opium made you unhealthy. He observed that although opium smokers in Taiwan were taller than the average Japanese male their weight and chest circumference were smaller. He concluded that “opium smoking would lead to an inferior physique and make smokers more prone to diseases”¹⁹². This idea when publicised could influence those who receive it to regard smoking opium to make you more likely to become unhealthy. The fact such a conclusion is reached by one who is scientifically trained should strengthen the impact in that it is more believable. Albeit, personal experience contradicting such a conclusion should negate the effect of the idea. The matter of who was most likely to have such experience will be discussed below.

Next the 1905 Provisional Household Survey (Rinji Taiwan Kokō Chōsa) produced evidence that construed opium smokers negatively. The survey was actually a population census. It was the first that was conducted in the Japanese Empire; the first census of Japan was held in 1920. The contents of the survey reveal many interesting facts. Opium smoking was included in the questionnaire for instance. Hsu writes: “It was regarded as a matter of fact that opium would bring down the vitality of the population and waste national resources”¹⁹³. With respect to that it is apprehendable why it was included. Another interesting fact is that the survey merely framed

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56 habitual and occasional opium smokers under the rubric of opium smoker. In reference to that Hsu therefore asserts that it “homogenised” opium smokers. The effect being only a one sided rather than a two sided or even more complex notion of opium smoking was presented in the results. The results illustrated that opium smokers had a higher mortality rate, lived in urban areas, and were five times more likely to commit a crime¹⁹⁴. Hsu continues that the census “propagated the Japanese mindset, expelling the category of moderate or occasional smoker from the thinking of every inhabitant on the island”¹⁹⁵. Hsu does not explicate how or evince that it was achieved but the author hypothesizes that an ideational force aiming to that effect was manifest because: a) the survey, being a government survey, was convincingly respectable; b) it was disseminated through newspapers to the islanders; and c) the literate and those with an interest in opium are likely to have discussed it¹⁹⁶. Nevertheless such an ideational force was able to be contended by those with personal experience indicating otherwise.

Lastly, in accordance with Gotō Shinpei‟s intention to educate children as per the deleterious effects of opium lessons instructing that featured in Japanese language readers and Chinese textbooks. Two lessons titled “hygiene” and “opium” appeared in Japanese language readers from between 1901 and 1903¹⁹⁷. In the lesson on hygiene it was written: “In Taiwan, there are people who smoke opium. Opium contains fearful harm. Even though they pay attention to their foods and drinks, clean their bodies and do a lot of exercise, the harm will not disappear. Their bodies will gradually become weak, and, in the end, they will become the kind of people who cannot do any job”¹⁹⁸. In the lesson on opium the substance was described as poisonous and addictive. In addition, addicts were regarded as “opium ghosts” who could not work, would spend their wealth on the habit, ruin their families and be despised by everyone¹⁹⁹. That suggests opium smokers were demonised. These ideas should influence children to deem opium smoking as not only unhealthy, pathetic and miserable for them as individuals but also as ruinous to their future families. It is thought that such negative ideas connected to opium smoking would present reasons to discourage them from smoking opium as adults. Nevertheless, akin to the preceding paragraph, personal experience and peer pressure could present reasons to encourage opium consumption.

In addition, to further qualify the assertion at most only 21 percent of school aged Chinese children attended common schools (kōgakkō) by 1920²⁰⁰. Generally speaking

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57 In the initial half of Japanese rule more than 80 percent of such children were not educated in common schools. That suggests that education presenting opium as a deleterious habit would not have reached almost all of the children during that period.

Mochiji Rokusaburō, chief of educational affairs in the Government-General between 1903 and 1910 explains: “The aim of ordinary education is to educate the children of the middle and upper classes”²⁰¹. In other words “ordinary education” is in fact “elite education”²⁰². Though their elite education should be hardly comparable with elite education in Japan. It is further explicated that: “it is indeed regrettable that the production of unemployed intellectuals in the mother country is so conspicuous in the mother country itself;” and: “it is of utmost importance… that we take care to see that similar results do not come out of the education facilities in the colony”²⁰³. This means it should be the middle and upper class children who should be affected by education on opium. It moreover implies that these children were not educated to the extent they became intellectuals. In other words, they were not immersed in a world where they would question knowledge. That suggests they should accept teachings on opium as truth. Yet akin to the above personal experience should contest that truth.

There will be further comments made in connection to this below.

According to the 1905 Provisional Household Survey the typical opium smoker was a Chinese male who worked in professions where he could manage his time freely such as a writer or lawyer (jiyūgyō)²⁰⁴. This must be accurate. However we should not allow this stereotype to make us neglect the diversity of opium consumers that existed during the early period of Japanese rule. Interviews conducted on the island by members of the Philippine Commission organised by the United States of America reveal a more detailed picture of who consumed opium on the island in 1903.

Reverend Terada, who was a priest resident in Taipei, wrote that: “there are more young woman [sic] than young men who illegally use opium, and most of the former are found in houses of ill-fame”²⁰⁵. Those women were prostitutes. Doctor Arranz, who was also a priest living in Taipei, said that: “… the savages in one of the districts of Central Formosa, Polisia… and the civilized natives, use it in about the same proportion of the Chinese”²⁰⁶. He continues that opium was smoked as a remedy rather than taken as a cure for medical complaints such as malaria and rheumatism²⁰⁷. Iwai Tatsumi, who was the director of the Monopoly Bureau, enlightens that Chinese mothers who are addicts and give birth to addicted children blow opium in their

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58 baby‟s face or give them opium to swallow to settle them²⁰⁸. He furthermore states that: “a man prefers to smoke in his own home, where not only he but his wife and often his children also smoke; this is the way in which they pass the evenings”²⁰⁹. He lastly mentions coolies, meaning the labourers, were also smokers. Mr Yeap Song Kee, who dwells in Danshui, explains that teenagers can smoke by “misrepresenting their ages” and smuggling opium²¹⁰. He adds that “the rice women smoke much”²¹¹. Taiwan had for a long time had “rootless males” who with no fixed abode wandered here and there. Some of whom were also opium smokers. The 1908 “Regulations on the Management of Rootless Males in Taiwan” expelled such men from urban centres and some were kept in detention where they learned new skills helpful for integration into working society and quit opium²¹². Unlicensed “secret smokers” also existed²¹³. Some licensed smokers actually did not smoke opium: they applied for them to avoid prosecution from police inspectors who suspected they were smoking without licences when in the company of smokers²¹⁴.

The type of opiate consumed was restricted under Japanese rule. The Gradual Prohibition policy and The Opium Monopoly System meant only Government-General opium paste could be purchased: morphine pills and injections were no longer legal. It is thought they could only be obtained from smuggling. The official opium paste was not necessarily taken as intended. The Philippine Commission reported that government opium paste is mixed with opium smuggled from the mainland and the ashes of smoked opium²¹⁵. One reason for doing that is explicable by Mr Yeap Song Kee who maintains “… the opium is not so pure when the government prepares it”²¹⁶. Taste aside, it could also have been mixed or not mixed for other business reasons.

Opium was smoked for pleasure as an aphrodisiac and for euphoria, as well as a tranquiliser for ailments and boredom. Since the inset of the opium law and hokō system people became less likely to treat opium to guests. It is thought probable it was still consumed to conduct business although there is no record of it.

It is thought that collective responsibility and the “Bandit Punishment Ordinance”

(hito keibatsu-lei) served as stimuli to discourage illegal smoking. The former, which was a part of the hōkō system, would mean that the entire kō would be punished were a secret smoker to be discovered. That should discourage people from smoking

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59 illegally lest their neighbours be punished by the police and thereafter treat the offender poorly. The latter empowered a police inspector with the permission to freely execute those who incited and enacted violence against Japanese²¹⁷. That and incidents connected to it are likely to impress the Chinese with the power of the police.

That should thus disincline them to offend their local police inspector who had the power to impose heavy fines and prison sentences on the community for catching a secret smoker.

Opium was both smuggled from the island to the mainland and from China to Taiwan.

It is thought smuggling should have been difficult to prevent considering the length of the island‟s coastline. This is indicated in Mr Iwai‟s description of smuggling into the island²¹⁸. It is further indicated in Ts‟ai‟s reference to smugglers who frequently shipped opium from Tainan via Japan in 1916²¹⁹. According to the Philippine Commission‟s report the price of opium paste manufactured by the administration compared to the market price of equivalent quality was favourable: it was much cheaper²²⁰. That is expected to incline the smokers to purchase it. Yet the “not so pure”

flavour would provide smokers and retailers an incentive to create new blends of opium. That would include opium smuggled in from China. In addition, throughout Japanese rule the price of opium was gradually increased. Ts‟ai maintains opium was taxed heavily, for instance²²¹. With that in mind it is likely the price of domestic opium rose above the market price of such opium. That should encourage smuggling.

Such a market for illegal opium paste would thus explicate smuggling to the island.

However, it is difficult to explain why opium was smuggled from Taiwan via Japan to elsewhere. In World War One there was a global shortage of opium: it was required by governments for morphine for their soldiers. There was thus a market amongst addicts who were affected by the shortage. It is therefore expected the Tainan smugglers had discovered a market for it.

Last of all it was not only the Government-General that promoted negative attitudes towards opium consumption. The aforementioned “Soaring Phoenix Descends to Write Society” was the first native mass movement to eliminate the habit. It was largely successful as illustrated by 92.7 percent of the 37,072 people who quit opium in 1901 attributed the society as the reason for their action²²². Nevertheless the society was suppressed for harbouring subversive ideas by the authorities. Mr Yeap Song Kee moreover states: “every wise man teaches his children that the use of opium is bad”²²³.

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60 What is more it is thought that in order to succeed in Taiwanese society as a middle or upper class Chinese it was necessary to conform to Japanese norms. It should be unlikely that the Government-General staff that thought opium was “evil” would hire an addict as an interpreter or translator for example. The parents of such children indubitably pressured them to avoid opium. As seen here, it was therefore not only the Japanese administration which disdained opium.

3.4. Opium and Economy

Under Japanese rule the Taiwanese economy developed rapidly. According to Chuang between 1903 and 1940 the growth rate of per capita output was approximately 19 percent per decade. As for total employment, 70 percent and 30 percent of the labour force was engaged in agricultural and non-agricultural activities respectively. Such infrastructure as roads, railways and harbours were developed to facilitate the commercialisation of agriculture. Modern banking and financial institutions were established. New technology and techniques were introduced. Public health was improved. Compulsory education was increasingly provided to children²²⁴. Ho states that “…Japan regarded Taiwan as an agricultural appendage and a market for its industrial products…”²²⁵. Net domestic product in terms of 1937 prices (1937 prices

Under Japanese rule the Taiwanese economy developed rapidly. According to Chuang between 1903 and 1940 the growth rate of per capita output was approximately 19 percent per decade. As for total employment, 70 percent and 30 percent of the labour force was engaged in agricultural and non-agricultural activities respectively. Such infrastructure as roads, railways and harbours were developed to facilitate the commercialisation of agriculture. Modern banking and financial institutions were established. New technology and techniques were introduced. Public health was improved. Compulsory education was increasingly provided to children²²⁴. Ho states that “…Japan regarded Taiwan as an agricultural appendage and a market for its industrial products…”²²⁵. Net domestic product in terms of 1937 prices (1937 prices

在文檔中 Early twentieth century narcotics control: international conferences on opium under the league of nations and narcotics control on Taiwan under Japan (頁 53-65)