• 沒有找到結果。

Ma Ying-jeou’s pragmatic diplomacy

Implications for the United States in the Post-ECFA Era

3. Ma Ying-jeou’s pragmatic diplomacy

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

During his visit to Taiwan, Burghardt also paid a visit to Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) and Vice President Vincent Siew, who reportedly noted that Taiwan will have a new economic strategic position after the signing of the ECFA while foreign investments in Taiwan will increase. This will enable Taiwan to play a more important economic role in the region, Siew said.

During the meeting, the vice president explained to Burghardt the major elements of the ECFA, including customs tariff concession, protection of the intellectual property rights and the protec-tion of investments. Siew stressed that the products to be placed on an “early harvest list” will include mainly preferential tariff rates for selected Taiwan products. More importantly, Siew said, there will be no further opening of Taiwan markets to more agricultural products from China and Chinese laborers will not be allowed into the island.

Meanwhile, President Ma Ying-jeou made another call urging China not to obstruct Taiwan's efforts to secure free trade agreements (FTAs) with its trade partners. At a meeting with repre-sentatives of Taiwan investors operating in China, Ma said Taiwan simply cannot afford to ig-nore the huge market at its doorsteps as China has now emerged as the world's second-largest economic entity and when Taiwan suppliers ship more than 40 percent of their products to the markets in China and Hong Kong.

3. Ma Ying-jeou’s pragmatic diplomacy

The improved cross-strait relations and diplomatic efforts advanced by civilians and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have successfully raised Taiwan’s visibility, according to Tseng Yung-chuan ( 曾永權 ), president of the World League of Freedom and Democracy (WLFD), Republic of China Chapter (世界自由民主聯盟中華民國總會).50

Speaking with The China Post on Jan. 20, Tseng, who is also the deputy speaker of the Legisla-tive Yuan, stressed that NGOs and Taiwanese expatriates could further engage in “civilian di-plomacy” in countries with which Taiwan has no diplomatic ties, as whilst Taiwan has only 23 diplomatic allies, Taiwanese authorities have established trade offices in 112 countries.

50 Interview with Deputy speaker of the Legislative Yuan Tseng Yung-chuan (2010/1/22). Jamie Wang and Dimitri Bruyas,

“WLFD fosters ‘civilian diplomacy,’” The China Post (2010/1/23), p. 18.

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

According to the WLFD’s president, Yao Eng-chi (饒穎奇), the organization has been working closely with Taiwanese businessmen and expats, and utilizing their connections with influential Chinese officials.

Besides the WLFD and Taiwanese expats’ efforts, Tseng has been advocating the concept of

“parliamentarian diplomacy,” which, he says, has already eased tensions built up during decades of confrontation between both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and “brought countless foreign guests to Taiwan.” Tseng described relations between Taiwan and mainland China as “historically complex and entangled,” but emphasized the need for both sides to deal with them “sincerely, favorably and wisely.”

Since KMT Honorary Chairman Lien Chan’s breakthrough visit to China in 2005, the deputy speaker has led legislative delegations to Beijing 12 times and helped rapidly resume talks with China when President Ma Ying-jeou took office in May 2008.

Tseng summarized his principles of diplomacy as “people-to-people, peace and prosperity,” and his tactics towards the improvement of cross-straits relations as “open, postpone, exchange and cooperate,” – emphasizing the importance of “postpone,” by which he means to “drop emphasis on differences and reach a common ground in negotiations.”

Commenting on the theme of this year’s WLFD convention, “Economic Development & the Promotion of Freedom and Democracy,” Tseng remarked that “it is a very suitable topic for the current situation,” stressing that China’s economic strength could act as the basis for democratic development and such development could advance further economic growth.

He quoted former U.S. President George W. Bush, who remarked in his congratulatory letter to President Ma last year that “Taiwan is a beacon of democracy to Asia and the world.” Tseng also believes that Ma Ying-jeou’s current rapprochement with China could help project Tai-wan’s image on the international stage.

In November 2007, then-opposition Kuomintang (KMT) 2008 presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou first called for “flexible diplomacy” in defending sovereignty and expanding bilateral rela-tions, while he blamed the “scorched earth diplomacy” of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) for utterly isolating Taiwan from the international community.

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

“Taiwan now has fewer and fewer international friends, wins less and less sympathy, and has become more and more marginalized ... under the DPP’s impetuous, rash and confrontational diplomatic strategies,” said Ma during the release of his foreign policy white paper for the pres-idential election.51

“The DPP regime is pursuing ‘de jure independence’ (for Taiwan). It has brought no improve-ment whatsoever in Taiwan’s international standing,” he went on, before noting that mainland China’s tactics in obstructing the ROC diplomacy have been in place for decades. “We must rebuild trust between Taipei and Washington,” he added.

The DPP government at that time drew criticism from the U.S. and China with a planned refer-endum on seeking United Nations membership under the name “Taiwan” instead of its formal name, “the Republic of China.” US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte said in August 2007 that Washington opposed any such referendum because it would be a step to declaring full independence – a highly sensitive issue, with China insisting Taiwan is part of its territory.

“Our future diplomatic policy will be a pragmatic policy based on the 1992 consensus on One China,” Ma said, referring to the consensus both Beijing and Taipei allegedly reached in 1992, which means both parties agree that there is one China, even though both parties have their own interpretations of the meaning of China – PRC in China, ROC in Taiwan.

Ma added that he would hold peace talks with China provided that both Taipei and Beijing rec-ognize each other’s existence, in search of a mutually beneficial equilibrium, or modus vivendi, pending a permanent settlement. “On the premise of dignity and common interest ... we can begin pragmatic negotiations with the other side of the Taiwan Strait ... (Taiwan’s) efforts ex-panding foreign relations and joining international organizations do not have to worsen confron-tation with China,” Ma continued. “We are convinced we can create a win-win win situation in which both sides of the Taiwan Strait and the world community can coexist and prosper.”

Since Ma took office in May 2009, former Vice President Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) argues that more and more people have been disappointed in the government.52

51 Interview with Ma Ying-jeou (2007/11/19). Dimitri Bruyas, “Ma unveils foreign policy paper, departs for Japan,” The China Post (2007/11/20), p. 1.

52 Interview with Annette Lu (2009/2/15). Dimitri Bruyas, “Formosa Post is everybody's newspaper: Ex-VP Annette Lu,” The China Post (2009/2/17), pp. 19-20.

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

At the same time, she expressed worries that authorities in Washington could further “misjudge the situation in Taiwan,” if local media eventually fail to give voice to “the growing opposition to closer ties with China.”

During former President Chen Shui-bian’s tenure in office, she remarked that the DPP tried its best to enhance human rights in Taiwan. Yet the visit of China’s top envoy in November 2008 and the series of judicial proceedings launched against several former elected DPP officials have marked an “incredible retreat of the human rights situation,” she noted.

Aside from human rights, the outspoken supporter of Taiwan independence argued that “the sovereignty of Taiwan has been step by step weakened under the Ma administration.”

Despite the president’s repeated gestures of goodwill, “Beijing authorities have never given up [their] insistence over the sovereignty of Taiwan,” she said.

“So internationally, whenever possible, they try to prevent Taiwan from entering the interna-tional community,” she added. “China will never give up its insistence on the ‘one China Poli-cy,’ no matter how goodwill Ma tries to demonstrate toward China.” On the other hand, she further questioned the government’s ability to face the countries’ growing economic woes in spite of the worsening international financial crisis.

With the ruling Kuomintang in control of the executive and legislative branches of power, she warned that public protests have become the last resort of DPP supporters for venting their

“frustration.”

“I certainly don't want to see that happening,” she indicated, urging the government to take into account the opposition’s reservations about closer ties with China. “Only when the due process is done, there is true justice,” said the former political activist, who was arrested, interrogated and sentenced to 12 years of prison for sedition in 1979, after speaking at the rally that precipi-tated the Kaohsiung Incident. “I certainly, do not support any corruption, but if there is corrup-tion, there is a system to take care of it,” she continued.

In the mean time, Lu noted at that time that several members of the U.S. Congress, scholars and policy experts are also concerned with recent developments in Taiwan, ranging from the gov-ernment’s China policy to the corruption allegations against Chen Shui-bian.

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

During her trip to Washington for the inauguration of U.S. President Barack H. Obama, she re-called her “impression that the voice of the Taiwanese in general is not clearly heard.”

“Many people in Washington D.C. got the impression that since Mr. Ma was elected by the Taiwanese people, his policies must be supported by the majority of the people here,” she said.

“Therefore in accordance with the TRA, the United States should not play any role in the Tai-wan issue,” she added.

Yet, she contended that the voice of the people is not clearly heard in the U.S. at the moment, and vowed to include daily English briefs on Taiwan politics, economy and social affairs in the

“Formosa Post” to make the voice of the Taiwanese people heard “clearly enough to the world.”

“The more Taiwan tilts toward China, the more potential problems and even crises can arise,”

she forecast, before drawing a comparison between Taiwan and other democratic states in Cen-tral America. “In the past decade, it was Taiwan, who helped maintain democracy and liberty in Central America. With the exception of Mexico, all other countries located in Central America chose Taiwan to make friends instead of China,” she said.

“In that way, Taiwan helped prevent communism from spreading in that area,” she concluded.

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

Chapter 5: Conclusion