日本與國民黨統治下的單一語言政治: 1895-1987 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master's Program in Asia Pacific Studies. College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 政治大. 立日本與國民黨統治下的單一語言政治: 1895-1987. ‧ 國. 學. The Politics of Monolingual Language Practices under. ‧. the Japanese and Koumintang Regimes 1895 to 1987. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Student: 羅納德 Advisor: Dr. David Blundell. March 2010.

(2) 1. THE POLITICS OF MONOLINGUAL LANGUAGE PRACTICES UNDER THE JAPANESE AND KOUMNTING REGIMES 1895 TO 1987. By RONALD GRANT VERBRUGGE International Masters of Asian Studies National Chengchi University Taipei, Taiwan 2010. Submitted to the College of Social Sciences International Master's in Asian Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts International Master's in Taiwan Studies April 2010. 政治大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Thesis. ‧. March 2010. er. io. sit. y. Nat. THE POLITICS OF LANGUAGE: MONOLINGUAL LANGUAGE POLICY UNDER THE JAPANESE AND KOUMNINTING REGIMES 1895 TO 1987. n. al. Ch. engchi. Thesis Approved:. Dr. David Blundell Thesis Adviser Dr. Ann Heylen Dr. Albert Chou. i n U. v.

(3) 2. ABSTRACT This thesis explored the use of ideology as defined by Spolsky and Woolard and Schieffelin to explain both the Japanese and Kuomintang regimes use of language policy in Taiwan from 1895 to 1987. In the case of the Japanese, they introduced both educational reform and a new language into Taiwan after 1895. It was their desire to see the Taiwanese become good citizens of the Empire. When the new government first arrived on the island the use of local dialects were still permitted, and local Chinese schools remained open for a time. During the later colonial period in Taiwan the use of the Japanese language became more and more dominant. In the case of the Kuomintang who came to govern Taiwan after 1945, it was their use of Mandarin that defined their form of language policy on the island. The KMT believed that they were the legal government of China and planned for their eventual return to the mainland.. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. To my mother: Isabelle, who gave me life.. ‧. First, I need to thank Professor Blundell for all his comments and suggestions during the process of writing the proposal my thesis on language policy in Taiwan. Thanks must also be given to all the Professors in the International Master's of Taiwan Studies (now International Master's in Asian Studies), with special reference to Professor Chiang's Research Methods class who helped me develop my ideas into a proposal. As well, I must thank Professor Heylen and Professor Chou for their helpful suggestions during the Thesis Proposal Exam.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(4) 3. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Contents ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... 2 HISTORY, MEMORY, CULTURE ............................................................................................... 5 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 5 1.1. The use of ideology........................................................................................................... 5. 1.21.2 A short history of Taiwan ................................................................................................ 6. 政治大 1.3 Language and Politics ......................................................................................................... 10 立 1.5 5 Language policy ............................................................................................................... 10 1.32 The arrival of Koxinga ........................................................................................................ 8 1.4 .2.1 The arrival of the Japanese to the island ........................................................................ 9. ‧ 國. 學. 1.7 Motivation and Scope of the thesis ......................................................................................... 14 1.8 Language ideology .................................................................................................................. 14. ‧. THE BEGINNING OF JAPANESE COLONIALISM AND JAPANESE LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION IN TAIWAN 1895 TO 1945 ............................................................................. 20. y. Nat. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 20. sit. 2.1 The Korean Experience........................................................................................................... 20. al. er. io. 2.1.2 The Korean Education Experience .................................................................................. 22. n. 2.2 Taiwan2.2 Taiwan under Japanese Colonialism ..................................................................... 24. Ch. i n U. v. 2.3 Gradualism .............................................................................................................................. 27. engchi. 2.3.1 The Naitai Yūgō Naichi Enchō Policy 1919-1936 .......................................................... 28 2.3.2 The Kōminka Movement 1937-1945 ................................................................................... 29 2.4 The beginnings of Japanese language teaching in Taiwan ..................................................... 31 2.4 Japanese Language Polices ..................................................................................................... 41 2.5 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 42 LANGUAGE PLANNING AND POLICY IN TAIWAN A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF LANGUAGE PLANNING IN TAIWAN 1945 TO 1987 ............................................................ 44 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 44 3.1 Language in Taiwan ................................................................................................................ 45 3.2 Aboriginal Languages in Taiwan ............................................................................................ 46 3.3 Language erosion in Taiwan ................................................................................................... 47.

(5) 4. 3.4 The arrival of the Nationalist government in Taiwan ............................................................. 49 3.5 The issue of Language Preservation in Taiwan ...................................................................... 57 3.6 The issue of sovereignty and nationalism in Taiwan .............................................................. 59 3.7 The Current language situation: English as a Global Language ............................................. 60 3.8 What is a global language? ..................................................................................................... 61 3.9 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 65 Problems faced while writing this thesis ...................................................................................... 68 4.2 What has been accomplished .................................................................................................. 69 4.3 Some thoughts on further research ......................................................................................... 73 4.4 The historical origins of Southern Min (or Taiwan Southern Min) ........................................ 74. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(6) 5. CHAPTER I HISTORY, MEMORY, CULTURE DEFINING THE MATRIX AND THE BEGINNING OF LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY IN TAIWAN Introduction The focus of this thesis will be that of Japanese and Kuomintang1language policy between the years of 1895 to 1987 when Martial Law was lifted in Taiwan and the country began to experience. 政治大. more political freedom and democratization. Taiwan has had over the centuries several different. 立. regimes that to some extent have influenced language policy in Taiwan. Starting in the seventeenth. ‧ 國. 學. century with the Dutch and Koxinga and the later Ching and Japanese and Kuomintang (KMT) regimes all have influenced language policy on the island.. ‧ sit. y. Nat. 1.1The use of ideology. io. al. er. It was the use of ideology that, that influenced both the Japanese and the Kuomintang regimes when it came to implement their language polices on the island. Following both Spolsky and. n. iv n C Woolard and Schieffelin, language ideology as any specific effort to modify or influence h eisndefined gchi U that practice by any kind of language invention, planning and management, as management; as. well as the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic relationships, together with the loading of moral and political interests. This thesis argues that it was ideology as defined by Spolsky, Woolard and Schieffelin that influenced the language policy that was introduced by both the Japanese colonial government, and the Kuomintang (The Kuomintang is a political party and. 1. For consistency sake Pinyin romanization will be used in this thesis..

(7) 6. the current ruling government in Taiwan.. Taiwan and was formed in 1911 in China after the end of the last Ching emperor) who were later came to govern the island of Taiwan.. 1.21.2 A short history of Taiwan Taiwan has a relatively short historical past, starting with the Dutch colonization in the late 17 th. 政治大. century, its oral past is much longer, some estimates put human habitation as far back as some 30,. 立. 0000 years. It has been occupied many times and, and by many different nations. Next to lay claim. ‧ 國. 學. to the island were the Ching Dynasty bringing to the island its own unique educational system and language. Then Next to come were the Japanese came and implemented whose assimilation polices. ‧. dictating ed the use of Japanese language in newspapers, radio and especially in schools. With the. y. Nat. sit. arrival of the Kuomintang, they took over where the Japanese had left off, (after the Civil War in. n. al. er. io. China the Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan and set up their government on the island. The. i n U. v. Kuomintang believed they were the true and legitimate government of China and planned their. Ch. engchi. eventual return to the mainland from their base in Taiwan) and instituted their own version of monolingual language practices, that is the use of Mandarin to the exclusion of the local languages and dialects of the inhabitants that had been spoken on the island of Taiwan for centuries.. Taiwan through most of the history of China has been considered beyond the importance of Chinese civilization. The earliest Han to come to the island were traders and, and pirates, as there was a maritime ban in effect at the time and, and any overseas trade was considered smuggling. They used the island to rest. Many Chinese thought the island was inhabited by savages who, who.

(8) 7. had nothing of interest to the Chinese and did not want to pay tribute or learn of Chinese ways. Not only did the government in Beijing make no claim to the island, they were not interested in colonizing it either. In its earliest history those, those who did try to immigrate to the island faced death by beheading. The court in Beijing could, could not understand why anyone would want to leave the heart of Chinese civilization for barbarian territory. Taiwan did not start to see any kind of real migration to the island until the start of the seventeenth century, and it was not until then that any mass migration to the island really took off. Many of those who did migrate where looking. 治政大living in China, and wanted land They hoped for a better economic future than the one they were 立 for a better life than they had on the mainland, many wanted to find a better life for themselves.. of their own that they could cultivate, they wanted the opportunity to get rich and, and leave behind. ‧ 國. 學. the restrictions that they faced on the mainland. Those who did migrate to the island where men. ‧. originally, at the beginning of the migration exodus to Taiwan men were not allowed to bring any of their families or wives. They originally came to farm for the crop season, or to fish and, and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. then return to their homes after the crop was harvested. They set up only temporary accommodations on the island; it was not a place of permanent settlement at the beginning.. n. al. Figure 1 Map of Taiwan. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(9) 8. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. The court in Beijing did not understand why anyone would want to leave China, the heart of. sit. y. Nat. civilization. By the end of the seventeenth century Chinese immigration to the island grew rapidly.. io. n. al. er. This rapid settlement of the island led to its early economic development.. 1.32 The arrival of Koxinga. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Next to come where soldiers that Koxinga brought with him to settle the island. After Koxinga’s departure the population was around 200,000 to 350,000. (Ho: 1992: 10) Another massive wave of immigrants came under the Ching Dynasty. By 1911, the population had reached 2, 003, 86. Each family had to register under the pao-chia system (Vermeer: 69). The Dutch East India’s rule over Formosa ended when the Ming loyalists Koxinga expelled the Dutch after forty years on the island. Koxinga brought with him soldiers who were encouraged to be self-sufficient in food production. Koxinga insisted that they all become farmers. It was during this period that Chinese.

(10) 9. immigration to the island began. When Koxinga’s reign ended on the island Formosa was promoted to a prefecture of Fukien province in 1683, and only after the Chinese felt threatened by the French did Taiwan become a province in 1887(Ho: 1995:11) Chinese emperors were often indifferent to Formosa and did little to encourage immigration to the island. Others came as well, those who shared his political alliances. Many came for the free land, and the exemption of land tax for three years. Koxinga encouraged his soldiers to be self-sufficient in food production; he also encouraged experienced farmers to settle. This effectively ended Dutch rule over Taiwan.. 政治大. In the late Ming and Early Ching periods Fujian and Guangdong suffered political and economic. 立. setbacks and many from Quanzhou and Zhangzhou districts of Fujian came to settle in south East. ‧ 國. 學. Asia or Taiwan. Those who did migrate spoke the Zhangzhou and Quanzhou dialects of the Southern Min dialect. The Hakka peoples also left at this time and came from the Guangdong. ‧. province and spoke Si-hsien variety of Hakka and joined the others leaving China at the time.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. When these different groups came to the island strife broke out between the two peoples. The Han. i n U. v. people had better farming and irrigation skills, larger numbers and at least a nodding approval of. Ch. engchi. the Ching. The aborigines were soon outnumbered and lost their land to the Han people but were assimilated into Chinese culture.. 1.4 .2.1 The arrival of the Japanese to the island When the Japanese arrived in 1895, the Han were already the dominant group accounting for 82% of the population, the Hakka made up the second largest group accounting for 16% and the rest of the population accounted for the remaining 2% of the inhabitants of the island. population. When the Japanese undertook the first census, the Han accounted for 2,970,000 while the aboriginal.

(11) 10. peoples accounted for 113,000. The Japanese were intent upon incorporating Taiwan into their new and expanding Empire. Empire.. 1.3 Language and Politics I chose the title for my thesis The Language of Politics: Monolingual Language Practices under the Japanese and Kuomintang for the simple reason that all language can be considered political in nature. Moreover, although not addressed in the thesis as such and beyond the theme of language ideology that this thesis argues was the basis for the language policy that was implemented by both. 政治大. the Japanese and Kuomintang governments there still is the position held that language could be. 立. political in nature. referring to the aboriginal peoples in Taiwan. It has been suggested that the. ‧ 國. 學. plains peoples were more assimilated into Chinese culture and language than the mountain peoples who perhaps were more difficult to control or were less assimilated into both Chinese and Japanese. Nat. 1.5 5 Language policy. io. al. er. sit. y. ‧. cultures during the historical past.. n. iv n C Spolsky defines and distinguishes three h different e n gcomponents c h i Uof the language policy found in any given speech community. They are their language practice, that is the habitual pattern of selecting among the varieties that make up the speech communities linguistic repertoire. The second component of a speech community is its language ideology, and beliefs- the beliefs about language and language use; and the beliefs about language and language use; and any specific efforts to modify or influence that practice by any kind of language intervention, planning or management. (Spolsky 2004:5) The problem with his theory is that Spolsky does not adequately define what he means by a speech community. Members of these speech communities often develop their own.

(12) 11. unique jargon or slang to communicate with each other. The problem with definitions is that they are often open to varying degrees of interpretation. For example, speech community definitions often involve varying degrees of emphasis on the following: that speech communities have a shared community and they share linguistic community. More recent thinking into how to define a speech community suggests that we are all part of several speech communities through where we live, and our occupation and other considerations and that we are part of simultaneous speech communities. The idea of a speech community is more generally used as a tool to define a unit of. 治政大 he mean by speech community, and how is it defined? 立. analysis within which we can analyze language variation and change over time. What then does. ‧ 國. 學. Sapolsky’s second component of the language policy of a speech community is its language beliefs. ‧. or ideology, its beliefs about language and language use in that speech community. (Spolsky: 2004:9) Again, with his theory there is no adequate definition of what he means by language. y. Nat. er. io. sit. ideology, and how is it then defined? How do we go about defining language ideology, and how does it affect a speech community? Language ideology, and its meaning, are once more borrowed. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. from sociolinguistics which holds that language ideology is a systematic construct of how. engchi. languages carry, or are invested with moral, social or even political values which give rise to implicit assumptions that people hold about a language or about languages in general. One of the more common types of language ideology would be the idea behind Standard Language Ideologies, which holds that language homogeneity is beneficial, and useful to any given society. Perhaps a better model for the use of Japanese on the island would be the Japanese assimilation polices that were instituted on the island over several decades.. Language ideologies are often political in nature and shape and mold how speakers understand.

(13) 12. social life, and the assumptions that they hold without any real examinations of the facts involved. Language ideology, then is more about the perceptions that people hold, and how these perceptions are then projected on speakers.. Spolsky’s (Spolsky: 2004) third) third component of language policy is defined as any specific effort to modify or influence that practice by any kind of language intervention, planning or management. This will be the central theme of this thesis in that both Japanese colonial government,. 治政大 in education, and in the media. Japanese and Mandarin as the only languages officially allowed 立. and the Kuomintang influenced language planning and policy in Taiwan by introducing both. While this may be true, once again the lack of any concrete linking theory to practice does leave. ‧ 國. 學. the reader wondering to what extent does language intervention, or planning impact a speech. ‧. community, and without a comprehensive definition of what is a speech community is, and how it functions the reader is left wondering, and not sure how theory is put into practice: especially given. y. Nat. er. io. sit. the importance that Spolsky places on the notion of speech community. Language planning can be defined as any deliberate effort to influence the function, structure, or the acquisition of any. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. language variety within a given speech community. Language planning is more often associated. engchi. within governments, but this can extend to non-governmental agencies as well as grass-roots organizations. Language planning main goal or objective depends upon who is doing the planning, countries, and other organizations often use language planning for the betterment of communication. Language ideology does in fact influence language planning in that one of its ideological goals is linguistic assimilation, which holds that every member of a society should learn and use the dominant language where he lives. In the case of Taiwan, the language polices of both the Japanese and Kuomintang governments there was little or no real choice in language.

(14) 13. learning and planning. For the most, part if any Taiwanese a citizen wanted any kind of government employment, or to receive any kind of higher education then the use of Japanese and Mandarin were mandatory.. 1.6 The Politics of Language John Joseph’s book on Language and Politics suggests, suggests that over the last decades some highly regarded, and influential scholars of the origins of language have been putting forward the view that it began for fundamentally political reasons. It has been suggested that language evolved. 政治大 Hence, it is argued that the state is a creation of nature, and that man is by nature a political 立more of a political animal than bees or any other gregarious animal. Now that man is. as a means of distinguishing allies from enemies, and a way of grooming allies. (Joseph: 2006:1). ‧ 國. 學. animals is evident. Nature, as we often say, makes nothing in vain, and man is the only animal whom she has endowed with the power of speech. [Aristotle, Politics 1, 2, Jowett Trans]. ‧. Joseph goes on to say that all animals are political, but some more political than others, and one is. sit. y. Nat. the most political of all, the reason being language. Aristotle claims that all animals are political,. io. al. er. and whether you agree with this statement or not being able to disagree is one of the fundamental conditions for politics. Man is first, and foremost, the only animal that disagrees, and then in turn. n. iv n C tries to get his own way. Disagreement then as natural to human beings as is speaking. Aristotle’s h eis n gchi U claim raises several different issues, many of them contentious, another issue that is contentious is. the degree to which the gift of speech is bound with politics. Language then, is political in nature and often language and language planning often are influenced by both assimilation and political ideologies as well, which after all is the central theme of this thesis. Both the Japanese and Kuomintang regimes used language ideology to influence language planning, and its implementation on the island of Taiwan from 1895 to 1987, which is the main historical, and political period that is under discussion in this thesis..

(15) 14. 1.7 Motivation and Scope of the thesis This thesis will argue that language ideology, as defined by Spolsky and Woolard and Schieffelin influenced language policy in Taiwan especially during the Japanese and Kuomintang periods which are two main historical periods that this thesis will focus on. Under the Japanese, it was their assimilation polices that influenced language policy in Taiwan during 1895 to 1945. When the Kuomintang arrived in 1945, they too brought with them their own language policy, and in the case of the Nationalist government Kuomintang they introduced Mandarin as a national language policy in Taiwan. Both the Japanese Colonial Government and the Kuomintang influenced. 政治大. language use in Taiwan by their invention, planning, and management of language in Taiwan.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 1.8 Language ideology. Woolard and Schieffelin, (Woolard and Schieffelin: 1994:55-56) argue that ideologies of language. ‧. are significant for social, as well as linguistic analysis because they are not only about language.. sit. y. Nat. They go onto say that such ideologies envision and enact links of language to groups and personal. al. er. io. identity, to aesthetics, to morality. Through such linkages they often underpin fundamental social. n. iv n C by users ashrationalization, e n g c h i orUjustification of perceived language. institutions. They define language (Woolard and Schieffelin: 1994:55) ideology as a set of beliefs about language articulated. structure and use; with a greater social emphasis as self-evident ideas, and objectives a group holds concerning the roles of language in social experiences as members as they contribute to the expressions of the group, and the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic relationships together with their loading of moral and political interests, and most broadly as shared bodies of commonsense notions about the nature of language in the world.. Ann Heylen argues, (Heylen: 2002) that anthropologists and historians are now beginning to pay.

(16) 15. more attention to the role of colonial missionaries in the formation and partition of ethnic and national entities. The Taiwanese people have for some time now been struggling with their sense of nationality and identity, and Heylen’s article places that struggle in perspective quite well. The main argument in her paper is the role of missionaries in the development of writing, and eventually national identity here in Taiwan. After a careful reading of the article how Taiwan’s developed a sense of nationality and identity and its historical perspective now come closer into focus.. 治政大 defines nation as “an imagined In his book, Imagined Communities Anderson (Anderson: 1983:7) 立 political community-and imagined as both inherently limited, and sovereign.” It is imagined. ‧ 國. 學. because most of its members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow. ‧. members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communication. “The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. encompassing perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations. Finally, it is imagined as a community, because regardless of the actual. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep,. engchi. horizontal comradeship. How does the imagined community affect the current situation in Taiwan? The early Dutch missionaries established both medical and educational systems here in Taiwan. As well, politically they formed part of the foreign colonial establishment. Linguistically, they wrote grammars, complied dictionaries and translated Christian doctrine into indigenous languages. The early missionaries introduced a western European phonetic alphabet system, and helped spread vernacular education, and engaged in programs of linguistic standardization. Heylen describes all these activities as “missionary linguistics”. Literacy according to Heylen can help in.

(17) 16. the formation of a people’s national identity. Heylen’s focus is that of the early missionary activity and influence in Taiwan from 1624 to 1662.. Judith Irvine writes in, When talk isn’t cheap: language and political economy (Irvine: 1989) that until recently at least, language remained firmly locked in the world of ideas. Signs, she argues stand for aspects of the marketplace they influence but are not part of it. Irvine argues that language has more roles to play in a political economy than it has traditionally held. Political economy, and. 治政 play. Irvine’s focus lies in the conception of language. Irvine 大 argues that language, and speech can 立 its often-problematic definition may indeed offer some clues to the new role that language can. play a role in the political economy, and that these roles are not mutually exclusive. Some of. ‧ 國. 學. Irvine’s main arguments are does linguistic diversity impede social cooperation? In addition, does. ‧. the variety of verbal behavior merely index social groups, divisions, or roles formed on mainly non-verbal performance, or are the variety of verbal performance a pre-condition for the social. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. activity?. sit. division of labor itself- or as the practice of constituting a social role, or as the object of economic. Ch. i n U. v. Friedman (1994) writes that for half a century from the 1930s to the 1980s starting first with the. engchi. Japanese and then the Kuomintang waged aggressive campaigns promoting the use of a national language policy. The Japanese, he writes thought that the Taiwanese should be assimilated into the newly forming Japanese society. This policy was in effect until the 1930s when the war in the Pacific needed loyal citizens of the empire who could speak Japanese. After the war ended, and the Kuomintang came to Taiwan they believed they were the true and only government of China, and that Taiwan was merely a province of China. They dreamed of returning to the mainland to govern. The KMT held onto to this belief until 1978 when the United States formally recognized.

(18) 17. the government in Beijing and the PRC government. The official language of the Republic of China is Mandarin and the KMT government promoted its use especially after the 1950s in Taiwan. Other languages were not permitted especially in schools and the uses of other forms of communication languages other than Mandarin were severely restricted especially in the broadcast media. The younger generation of Taiwanese may understand Hoklo (or sometimes referred to as Taiwanese or Southern Min) but do not speak it.. 1.9 Outline of the thesis. 政治大 and Schieffelin this chapter will argue that the new Japanese colonial government influenced 立. In Chapter Two this thesis will discuss Japanese language policy. Following Spolsky, Woolard. ‧ 國. 學. language policy in Taiwan by introducing Japanese as the language of instruction in schools and in the media. The Japanese were eager to set up a model colony in Taiwan, this was their first. ‧. overseas colony and wanted to be seen like there European predecessors as a colonial power. This. sit. y. Nat. chapter will include the Korean Colonial experience for comparison purposes, the Korean. io. al. er. experience was completely different from the Taiwanese colonial period and many see this experience in a very different light, the Korean colonial experience was not as successful as the. n. iv n C Taiwanese one. The measures taken in Korea far more severe than those of the Taiwanese h e nwere gchi U. colonial experience and will be developed further in that chapter. The Japanese implemented several educational changes in Taiwan, the first being the establishment of common schools on the island. The use of Japanese was to become the language of instruction in Taiwan during the latter Japanese colonial period. The Japanese not only colonized Taiwan but they e Japanese also colonized other areas in South East Asia during this same period. They Japanese wanted to be an imperial and great power like many of the European nations before them and saw the acquisition of Taiwan as an opportunity to expand their territory and become one of the great colonial nations.

(19) 18. like England, France and Germany. The Japanese had travelled to Europe, and to America, and saw that education was to be an important element in the countries modernization process and wanted to implement educational changes in Taiwan as well.. The focus of this and all the other chapters is the language policy of Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period and the Kuomintang regimes. Once again, language ideology will be used to explain the shift in language policy that was introduced into Taiwan after the Japanese colonial. 治政大other languages that were present national language in Taiwan, to the exclusion of Japanese, and 立. period. The Kuomintang influenced language policy by their introduction of Mandarin as a. on the island before the new government Japanese arrived in 1895. After 1945, Taiwan once again. ‧ 國. 學. came under the political control of the Republic of China, and the Kuomintang and set up a military. ‧. style government on the island with the hope of returning to the mainland and taking back their rightful place as the government of China. The Kuomintang government thought that the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Taiwanese had taken on too many Japanese traits, including language, culture and religion, become too Japanized and needed to be reeducated after over 50 years of Japanese rule on the island. With. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. that in mind, Mandarin became the official language on the island. Mandarin became the one and. engchi. only language that was to be used in education, and in government and became the official or national language of Taiwan.. In the final chapter, this thesis will offer some conclusions about language planning and policy as found in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period and the Kuomintang rule here in Taiwan. Shortcomings and ideas for further research will be discussed. I hope to pursue the idea of language in further studies and look at the situation of language preservation here in Taiwan, and more.

(20) 19. specifically look at Southern Min as a language group and look at some of the current research into that language, and how it might be preserved. Southern Min is an important language group in Taiwan, and in my further research; I hope to add to the discussion of its preservation as a language group.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(21) 20. CHAPTER II. THE BEGINNING OF JAPANESE COLONIALISM AND JAPANESE LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION IN TAIWAN 1895 TO 1945 Introduction As outlined previously in the last chapter this one in the last chapter, this one will argue will argue that language ideology and belief as set out by Spolsky, Woolard and Schieffelin’s theory of ideology, and a speech community that any specific effort to modify or influence language policy. 治政 by any kind of language intervention, planning or management 大 is a form of language ideology. 立 The Korean colonial experience will be included in this chapter for comparison purposes; the two ‧ 國. 學. experiences could not have been different and, and this concept will be developed further later in. ‧. the chapter, the two colonial experiences though similar had completely different outcomes.. sit. y. Nat. 2.1 The Korean Experience. n. al. er. io. When thinking about Japan’s early seizure, and control of what were to become its two most. i n U. v. important colonies- Taiwan and Korea, one must place the experience into what historians have. Ch. engchi. called the “new imperialism” that emerged in the late nineteen century. (Gunner: 1) The West had come to believe that a measure of a nation’s strength could be determined in its ability to control territories outside its own sphere of influence. Elites in Meiji Japan were quick to adopt this new idea of imperialism. The elites in Japan saw that with their countries recent technological, economic and educational reforms and changes that they too could be part of the colonizing world and this new power could be projected outwards. The elites in Japan believed that they had finally escaped the lot of the colonized and with their recent advancements; they too could join the ranks of the modern developed world. The Japanese believed that with their.

(22) 21. newfound strength were quick to act on the rhetoric of colonizing other nations and this proved to be a popular motivation for expansion of their territory near the end of the nineteen century. The Japanese as it turned out were rather late to come to the colonizing table and because of western colonization, there was little available land left to colonize. Japan’s recent modernization and economic strength was not as great as the west and as a result, they had to look closer to home if they wanted to expand their territory. The Japanese earliest colonial possessions were an island due south to the main Japanese islands and off the coast of China, and its second. 治政 conquest in the area. As it turned out both Taiwan and Korea大 were close to Japan, which meant 立 acquisition was a peninsular nation near Japan and this proximity proved crucial for Japanese. that long supply lines were not necessary. Taiwan and Korean proximity meant that they were. ‧ 國. 學. geographically close to the main islands and their colonization was at least partly since they were. ‧. so close and that there was little available territory in the region that was left. Also, by this time, Japan had reached its apex of both its desire and ability to acquire colonies in the first place.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Taiwan and Korea were acquired for security reasons as well. This was especially true of the. i n U. v. situation of Korea, where the Japanese took over control of the peninsula in a move to secure the home islands.. Ch. engchi.

(23) 22. 2.1.2 The Korean Education Experience The Japanese annexed Korea as a protectorate in 1910, and as soon as they did they introduced similar educational goals and directives that were to be found in Taiwan. Like their Taiwanese counterparts, the Koreans were to be educated for a modern world of work, and like in Taiwan, any kind of higher education for at least most of the population was actively discouraged. Like the Taiwanese, the Koreans were to become loyal, obedient subjects of the empire as well. Like the system in Taiwan, the Korean educational system aimed to broaden and strengthen basic elementary schooling.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Despite their best efforts in Korea and Taiwan, the educational system that they ended up with was a poor copy of the educational system found in Japan. Like in Taiwan at the beginning. ‧. of the colonial period in Korea, some allowances were made to Chinese style schools and. sit. y. Nat. Confucian scholars were granted some accommodation and leeway. The ordinary schools were. io. al. er. like the common schools that were found in Taiwan at the time, secondary public and higher. n. educational systems shared many of the same properties that were also in Taiwan.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. This chapter will argue that it was ideology that influenced Japanese educational policies in Taiwan, especially the use of Japanese as the language of instruction in common schools. Taiwan became a colony of Japan when the Chinese lost the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. When the Japanese first arrived in Taiwan there were no clear goals or directions regarding what colonial polices were to be implemented on the island. Between the years 1895 to 1897 the Governor Generals of the island were more preoccupied with pacification of the Taiwanese rebels on the island. When Governor-General Kodama Gentarō arrived in 1852 1852, one of his first tasks was.

(24) 23. to implement concrete colonial policies. Japanese colonialism in Taiwan can be divided into three distinct and separate eras: 1898-1918 Gradualism; 1919-1936 Assimilation; and finally, 19371945 Japanization. When the Japanese acquired Taiwan, they knew very little about its culture or languages. The local Taiwanese did not know what their future under Japanese control would be like either. There were attempts at resisting the Japanese at first and the short-lived Taiwan Democratic Nation was one such attempt. (Fewings: 2004:9) This move towards Taiwanese independence lasted only eleven short days. For the first five months of Japanese occupation of. 治政大signing ceremony of the Treaty of Hung-chang who represented the Ching government during the 立 the island there were scattered attempts at resistance, but the Japanese eventually prevailed. Li. Shimonoseki in 1895 tried to warn the new Japanese government that the Taiwanese were difficult. ‧ 國. 學. to manage and well beyond the control of Chinese civilization. (Fewings: 2004:9: 2004:9). ‧. Taiwan’s colonial and imperial past is long and varied; one group of settlers after another claimed. y. Nat. er. io. sit. the island as their own, even though the Austronesian speaking peoples had already colonized the island for over 8 000 years. Spanning the centuries starting from the Dutch to Koxinga and the. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. later, Ching Dynasties, the Japanese, and the Kuomintang all have shaped the sense of Taiwanese. engchi. identity and nationality. Taiwan has never been an easy island to rule and there have been major uprisings and rebellions over the years. Japanese colonial policy advocated an official plan of assimilation and loyalty to the emperor.. The various groups that had come to occupy Taiwan the Hakka, Han Chinese and the indigenous population had over the years several feuds and disputes over land. Between the years 1683 to 1895 there were a total of fifty-two conflicts between the various factions on the island. After nearly two centuries of Chinese rule law and order was never fully established on the island..

(25) 24. During the early years of Japanese rule there were several incidents and unrest on the island. As the saying went: unrest every three years, an uprising every five years. This is the situation that the Japanese found themselves in when they took control over the island in 1895. When Governor General Gentarō arrived in Taiwan he instituted oppressive measures to bring the rebels under Japanese control and with his powers of passing legislation for the colony he effectively had the power to implement laws in Taiwan.. 政治大. 2.2 Taiwan2.2 Taiwan under Japanese Colonialism. 立. The local Taiwanese reacted negatively to the change in government at first. Some of. ‧ 國. 學. them felt betrayed by the mainland and many were both shocked and dismayed by the recent changes. When the Japanese first arrived, there were isolated rebellions against the new rulers, but. ‧. all these uprisings were eventually put down by the Japanese. By all accounts Japanese colonial. y. Nat. sit. rule in Taiwan lasted a long time, Japanese colonial rule lasted some 50 years in Taiwan from 1895. n. al. er. io. to 1945. The local Taiwanese came to find themselves cut off from the mainland and all contact. i n U. v. with Chinese culture and traditions and eventually came to the realization that their situation may in fact become permanent.. Ch. engchi. There is little doubt that for the most part colonial rule in Taiwan was harsh, but there were several benefits that the Japanese introduced into the island. The Japanese constructed better communication systems, roads and railways were built and hospitals and schools were built. The Japanese introduced new and improved agricultural techniques as well as a public health program that benefitted all Taiwanese. (Simpson: 239) In the area of educational reform the Japanese introduced an island wide system of elementary schools which eventually had the highest enrollment rate in all of Asia. There were several benefits brought by colonial rule, but there were.

(26) 25. also negative consequences as well. Although officially recognized as Japanese citizens the local Taiwanese were often discriminated against especially in the employment arena. Many found it impossible to get high ranking jobs in the government, education or the state-run industries. All major posts within these organizations went to newly arriving Japanese citizens. (Simpson: 239). In 1895 the Ching Dynasty was defeated by the Japanese army which had recently become modernized and because of this loss the Chinese ceded the island of Taiwan to the Japanese Empire after the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The Japanese made every effort to assimilate the. 政治大. Taiwanese population and make them as much as possible like Japanese citizens. During the 1930s. 立. these assimilation policies became more widespread by effecting the culture and language spoken. ‧ 國. 學. by the Taiwanese. The people were encouraged to adopt Japanese family names and culture and follow the Japanese state religion Shinto instead of local Taoist religions. Japanese language. ‧. practices were promoted over local Southern Min and Hakka dialects and aborigine languages.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Japanese colonialism is seen as an administrative dependency; they were not part of a mass. i n U. v. migration but acted as administrators over an already existing population. Imperialism and. Ch. engchi. Colonialism are different sides of the same coin. Imperialism can be described as the forceful extension of a nation’s authority by territorial conquest establishing economic and political domination of other nations that are not its colonies. It is the domination of one people over the other.. We have admirably transformed this chaotic situation, restored peace, established order, realized financial independence, attended to the development of natural resources, promoted industrialization, and secured the livelihoods and properties on this island…The reason for our distinguished record in colonization is the result of the Japanese race’s unique ability to rule another people and our skill in colonial management. It also speaks.

(27) 26. to the grand efficacy of managing a tropical colony. Tōgō Miroru and Satō Shirō, Taiwan skokumin hattatsushi [The development of colonial Taiwan], 1916. In Becoming Japanese Colonial Taiwan and The Politics of Identity Formation, Leo Ching (Ching: 2001) adds to the discourse on Taiwan’s post-colonial situation. He argues that Japan’s aggression was to unseat the Chinese dominance over Korea and southern Manchuria. No actual wars were fought in Taiwan or in Japan for that matter. Taiwan’s annexation to Japan was part of the “new imperialism” where western nations sought to claim any unclaimed territories in the world. This. 政治大. created the modern colonial system. Japan could ill afford the luxury of the acquisition of Taiwan;. 立. it was an” imperialism without capital.” Large expenditures at the beginning of the Japanese period. ‧ 國. 學. were a nuisance and a heavy burden to the Japanese. The Japanese considered selling Taiwan or giving it back to the Chinese. The Japanese were not accustomed to running a colony. Taiwan was. ‧. their first colony and was a model for further expansion in the area. Korea too eventually became. Nat. sit. y. a Japanese colony, but its colonial experience was different to the Taiwanese. Many in Taiwan. n. al. er. io. still have a fondness for all things Japanese, food, culture, and language.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The Japanese in the pre-war period were motivated by the desire to expand their territory in order to gain access to resources in neighboring territories. The Japanese colonized Taiwan (1895-1945), Korea (1910-1945), Micronesia (1914-1945), China (1931-1945) and southeast Asia (1942-1945) in such areas as the Philippines, Malay/Singapore, Indonesia, Burma and other areas in the region. In the time that has passed since Japan colonized these regions little research has been conducted into the area of actual Japanese rule, especially in linguistic imperialist policy that the Japanese pursued..

(28) 27. The main goal that the Japanese were concerned with was to use cultural/ educational policies to linguistically, culturally and morally Japanize the local population by means of school education. Two of the main instruments of Japanese colonial policy in Taiwan were education and assimilation of the island’s native (Chinese speaking) Taiwanese population. Assimilating the native population was one of their most important goals and how they achieved this goal was through education. The Japanese ruled Taiwan for a period of 50 years from 1985 to 1945. During this period Taiwan’s rulers changed and modified their views of assimilation and accordingly. 治政大as a major tool in its assimilation the government had intended to use education of the islander’s 立. changed their educational policies as well. From the very beginning of Japanese rule on the island. policy. The policy was consistent in nature but not a static one.. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.3 Gradualism. sit. y. Nat. The first period of Japanese colonialism is often referred to as the Gradualism Policy 1898-1918.. io. er. From 1895 until the arrival of Gentarō there were three successive Governor-Generals before him. It is hard not to believe that with so many Governor-Generals that implementing any kind of. al. n. iv n C consistent polices on the island were difficult. (Fewings: 2004: h e n g c h i U 12). The Japanese colonial government established a Taiwanese language course at the Kokugo Gakkō or National Language School. Both Taiwanese and Japanese languages were studied at the school. In 1901, Gōto Shimpei established the official Rinji Taiwan Kyukanshu Chōsaki or, or the Provincial Taiwan Old Customs Investigation. The association’s main goad and purpose was to study existing Taiwanese customs and practices. Such areas as private Taiwanese law and practices, Qing administration, aboriginal affairs, the economics of the island as well as land management.

(29) 28. were all studied in the association. Between the years 1903 to 1914 the Japanese published a total of eleven reports all together. Gōto Shimpei’s policy of gradualism dominated Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan all the way up to his departure from the island in 1905. After Shimpei’s departure Inazo (1862-1933), Minoru (1881-1959), Rokusburō (1867-1923) and, and finally Ryūtaro (18811944) all had a hand in shaping colonial policy in Taiwan.. 2.3.1 The Naitai Yūgō Naichi Enchō Policy 1919-1936. 政治大. From 1898 onwards, a Japanese- Taiwanese segregated education system was established by the. 立. Governor-General. Kōgakkō or common schools were established for local Taiwanese students,. ‧ 國. 學. while Shōgkkō or elementary schools were established for Japanese students. (Fewings: 2004: 19). By 1907, the first high schools exclusively for use by Japanese students were established. By 1915,. ‧. there were no high schools for Taiwanese students. Local Taiwanese parents had few options open. y. Nat. sit. to them; one of them was open to rich parents though. They could afford to send their children to. n. al. er. io. Japan for further educational opportunities. The colonial government feared that these children. i n U. v. would return with so-called “corrupted minds” and realize just how inequitably they were being. Ch. engchi. treated by the colonial educational system. There were some positive outcomes by this realization, by 1915 the Taichū Chugakkō was established in Taiwan with private funding and became the first public high school on the island.. Japanese assimilation policies were introduced in both Taiwan and Korea and were based upon the Japanese’s belief that these three peoples were dōbun dōshu, or shared a common script, were of the same race and all shared a common cultural (Chinese) heritage. (Fewings: 2004:21) The Japanese assimilation policies goals and intentions were to create harmony between the colonizer.

(30) 29. and the colonized but the intention of enhancing the status of the latter. This self-justified policy where Japan would have the role of parent and believing in their cultural and ethnic superiority would lead her inferior siblings to betterment. This ideology would go a long way in explaining later Japanese aggression and expansionist policies in Asia and would help set up Taiwan as a base for further expansion into the South East Asian region.. 2.3.2 The Kōminka Movement 1937-1945. 政治大. With the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 Taiwan experienced a further. 立. intensification of Japanese assimilation polices from the years 1937 to 1945. Taiwan’s strategic. ‧ 國. 學. importance soon became apparent to the Japanese and as the war lingered on Taiwan was to become a base for further expansion into the South East Asian region. (Fewings: 2004:24) When. ‧. the Kōminka Movement was established on the island the Taiwanese were to be transformed into. y. Nat. sit. loyal subjects of the emperor and be mobilized for war at any moment. The first Taiwan Kyōiku. n. al. er. io. Rei (Taiwan Education Ordinance) was issued in 1919 and its main goal and purpose was in. i n U. v. cultivating imperial subjects and was to become the ultimate principal for public education in. Ch. engchi. Taiwan. When the Kōminka Movement was introduced all Classical Chinese teaching came to a stop and was eventually disallowed all together in all common schools and in newspaper columns as well. All Taiwanese style of dress and clothing were banned as was indigenous opera. The goal of this movement was in effect to erase all traces of Taiwanese ethic consciousness and to disconnect them from their traditional way of life. The most striking feature of this movement was religious reform that was carried out throughout the island. Jimyō or religious reforms aims were to build a Shinto shrine in every village in the country, Chinese deities were destroyed, and temples were converted into language education centers. This policy of religious reforms was eventually.

(31) 30. abandoned by the eighteen Governor-General of the island, Kiyoshi (1883-1970). Kaisiemi Undō or name changing policy was aimed at wiping away all sense of Taiwanese consciousness as well; the Taiwanese were encouraged to take on Japanese family names instead of Chinese ones. The Japanese language was held as the essence of being Japanese and to think and act like the Japanese it was believed that the local population should think and speak like the Japanese. And to that end in 1895 the Japanese colonial government placed great value on the education of the Taiwanese in Japanese. From 1898 and onwards with the establishment of. 政治大. common schools or Kōgakkō for the education of Taiwanese students and until 1922 when the. 立. Japanese/Taiwanese segregated system of education was abandoned Japanese language instruction. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. made up to 50 percent of the curriculum for Taiwanese students.. Taiwan became the first place where Japanese language instruction was first promoted overseas. Nat. sit. y. through government efforts. Japanese language instruction was to play an important role in. n. al. Izawa Shuiji (1851-1917). (Fewings: 2004:29). Ch. engchi. er. io. Japanese education as outlined in Kokka Kōiku or the national educational policy introduced by. i n U. v. Taiwan was Japan’s new colony and great emphasis and value was placed on cultivating loyal citizens of the empire and this was to be accomplished through Japanese language instruction and education. Japanese language education was to become a focal point for colonial education in Taiwan and over time came to dominate Japanese socio-cultural policies that the colonial government introduced on the island.. In 1905, the Japanese colonial government conducted its first census and found that 76 percent of.

(32) 31. the population was made up of Hoklo speaking peoples who had originally migrated from the Quan and Fukien provinces in China as early as the seventeenth century. These peoples traditionally resided in the agricultural areas of the island, while the Hakka speaking population who had migrated to the island later came to settle in the hills of north-western, central and southwestern regions of Taiwan. For the arrival of these new comers the Austronesian speaking peoples lived on the island for millennium. The Japanese had conducted an anthropological study on these peoples and had placed them into nine different groups. Besides the indigenous peoples and the. 治政大 of the population. speakers were in fact the minority, they comprised of 2.1 percent 立. Hakka, Taiwanese or Southern Min was the dominant language on the island at the time. Japanese. ‧ 國. 學. Izawa Shūji was the Japanese government’s appointed educator responsible for education in. ‧. Taiwan during the early colonial period. Shūji educated in the United States became a strong supporter and advocate of Kokka Kyōiku or national education which had emphasized the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. cultivation of loyal imperial subjects through the use of Japanese language education. The concept of national education had its roots in Meiji Japan and was used in nation building in Japan. When. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Izawa came to Taiwan he brought with him his new ideals for educational reform based upon the. engchi. model that he introduced in Japan after his arrival back from America. (Fewings: 2004:29). 2.4 The beginnings of Japanese language teaching in Taiwan The new leaders of Japan had travelled to Europe and North America at the beginning of the Meiji period and came to realize that widespread education was an important factor that made these societies strong. (Tsurumi: 1984:275) The new leaders concluded that education in Japan needed to be modernized if Japan was to take its place as a great power. Japan needed to train elites in.

(33) 32. technical and managerial skills that would be needed to direct policy and the economy. At the end of the Tokugawa period many commoners and the samurai saw learning and schooling as a force for material as well as spiritual betterment. The samurai were among the first of the elites that were to be trained, but unlike the situation they found in the west lower orders were trained as well.. Japan at the end of the nineteen century saw the introduction of a number of changes in its society, new laws were being introduced, new institutions appeared, and the Japanese leaders were making. 治政 wanted to create a state where the unequal treaties that Japan大 had entered would be a thing of the 立 great strides in creating what they hoped would be a modern nation-state. The Japanese leaders. past, and they had even greater goals in mind. They wanted to match or even exceed the western. ‧ 國. 學. nation’s military, industrial and colonial achievements. Foreign Minister Kaoru (1835-1915). ‧. wanted to create a western style empire on the edge of Asia. The Japanese soon realized this goal of outward expansion when they acquired Taiwan at the end of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Taiwan was on the very edges of Chinese civilization but was still considered part of the Chinese empire. Taiwan did possess a small but influential number of literati who supported education,. n. al. Ch. i n U. teachers and those who were to sit for the Imperial Examinations.. engchi. v. In Meiji Japan education and more importantly higher education was one of the means of acquiring Western technologies and managerial skills that any would be nation-state would need to acquire. Elementary schools were a means of achieving their new goals and introducing new lifestyles and occupations into Japanese society.. The Meiji educational system consisted of two main types of schools. Firstly, there were the upper level schools consisting of a small number of secondary schools, and an even smaller number of.

(34) 33. higher educational schools. These lower level schools which the Japanese used to indoctrinate, enlighten and discipline their population were the model that was eventually introduced into Taiwan when the Japanese took over control of the island in 1895. The Japanese government felt that there was a need for basic elementary schools in Taiwan when they arrived. The Taiwanese were to receive a basic education which main function was to train and educate the Taiwanese for life and work in a new world; and above all the educational system was to make the local population loyal to the empire. The overall goals of the educational policy in Taiwan under the. 政治大. Japanese government were to transform a segment of traditional Chinese society into an important part of modern Japan.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The new Japanese colonial government in Taiwan was not all that supportive of the traditional. ‧. local gentry’ schools and or their teachers for that matter. The new government may have thought that these gentry schools reminded them of their own simple or temple schools that existed in. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Japan’s past. The new Japanese government wanted to introduce modern educational techniques in Taiwan. The government wanted to replace what they saw as a backward Chinese educational. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. system with a new and modern system that was being introduced in Japan at the time. The Chinese. engchi. and Japanese educational systems did have shared values, like the written word, teachings of the sages, and several Confucius values: including benevolent rule, loyalty and hierarchical status relations and family morality. The new rulers thought with the correct amount of manipulation this shared cultural heritage might help them win over the support of the Taiwanese.. Izawa was faced with a new challenge upon his arrival in Taiwan and that was how to educate the children of the gentry’ class in Taiwan. The Japanese Ministry of Education had sent him to America in 1875 and he came back to Japan with new ideas about education and he introduced.

(35) 34. these changes into the Japanese educational system upon his return. Izawa introduced western style educational reforms like gymnastics and Western music to Japanese students. Izawa thought that education should serve the needs of the nation and unlike others in the Japanese government he supported the public financing of education in Japan, others in the government did not agree with his new stance. Izawa’s attempts at getting public funding for education were not successful at all, the government was faced with more pressing issues like the new nation building plans that it had recently undertaken. Izawa saw an opportunity to implement his education plans when Japan. 政治大. acquired Taiwan in 1895 and he believed that his goals may be achieved in Taiwan.. 立. Izawa’s reforms in Taiwan were successful and by the time that Lieutenant General Gentarō. ‧ 國. 學. arrived in 1898 his reforms were realized in a series of schools, curricula, pupils, teachers and. ‧. administrators. When the new Governor-General and Goto Shimpei arrived, there were sixteen Japanese Language Institutions and 36 branch institutions up and functioning on the island. Eight. y. Nat. er. io. sit. years later there was a well-developed educational system operating in Taiwan. The new educational system had several goals including winning support for the new government,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. developing an educated class capable of serving the administrative and clerical needs of the new. engchi. colonial government. As well, educating Japanese citizens who lived on the island was one of educational systems goals, and making educating girls more popular, to train medical professionals and teachers and to make the educational system in Taiwan as financially viable as possible. To achieve these goals, the Japanese government established common, medical and normal schools. All private schools whether they were Chinese, Christian or Japanese were encouraged to stop teaching students and instead join the main stream public school system that the government encouraged. Girls were to be educated and a revenue stream was created to support the new.

(36) 35. educational system. Kodama opened what he hoped would be a more permanent style of elementary school: that is the common school. Kodama’s approach was like that of Izawa’s Japanese Language Institutes, and Kodama had two main goals in mind for these common schools. The first goal was to give the Taiwanese students a good command of the Japanese language and secondly to educate them in ethics and practical knowledge to generate in these students the qualities necessary for Japanese citizens.. 治政大 Taiwanese men of letters. did end up respecting it. Kodama and Gotō both came to recognize 立. Kodama and his administration did see the value and prestige that Chinese learning held, and he. Kodama started to hold banquets once again that honored the elderly and even went so far as to. ‧ 國. 學. sponsor Chinese poetry readings-where both Japanese and Taiwanese men who had trained in. ‧. Classical Chinese education came together. There were some Taiwanese who did not fully support Kodama, and his policies and they felt that they were being asked to participate in cultural change. y. Nat. er. io. sit. rather than seeing their old places of cultural dominance exist. Some Taiwanese saw the banquets for the elderly as positive and these events were popular with many. The Governor-General’s. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. presence at these banquets was often well received. Taiwanese men of letters were employed in. engchi. the common schools and gentry parents would often send their children to these schools because they offered a Classical Chinese education. Although these common schools offered Chinese training that does not mean that Japanese language was completely ignored. A great deal of attention was given over to both written and spoken Japanese in the common school’s curriculum. Officials from the Government-General’s office complied textbooks and other teaching materials for the common schools and were interested in finding new ways and methods that would help improve Japanese language instruction in the common schools. Gotō was especially interested in.

(37) 36. recruiting students from the gentry and merchant class. Bright and serious students were sought out for the common schools. Children from homes that encouraged learning and who provided the necessary leisure time were encouraged to enroll in the common schools. Older children and even young adults were also encouraged to enroll in the common schools.. These older students could be trained as clerks and translators, but some in the government felt that these older students may prove to be not as malleable as the younger students. The main goal. 治政大 students out the private Chinese the unschooled, but rather its main function was to get Taiwanese 立. of the Japanese educational system especially in the early years of colonial rule was not to train. schools and get them into the common schools instead. The common schools hoped they could. ‧ 國. 學. enroll all the younger boys into their schools before they had the chance to enroll in the Chinese. ‧. schools. But their more immediate goal was to lure the older students away from the Chinese schools and get them into the common schools instead. In 1896 the colonial government in Taiwan. y. Nat. io. sit. offered 15 sen a day as an allowance to draw older pupils into the common schools and away from. n. al. er. the Sobō (Shu-fang) or Chinese schools. During that same year all private Chinese schools came. Ch. i n U. v. under the direct control of the colony’s regional administration, and all sobō teachers had to attend. engchi. summer schools that were set up for them and the hours of instruction in these schools were set. Only government-general textbooks were allowed in these schools. Japanese language instructions as well as lessons in arithmetic were to be offered as well. Despite repeated attempts to close these schools and Japanizing them and influencing their curriculum and the stealing of their students many of these private Chinese stayed opened and thrived. These private Chinese schools offered supplementary classes in Chinese learning, and many students who were enrolled in the common schools would attend classes at these Chinese schools once school was out at the common schools..

(38) 37. Sobō, missionary schools and the schools that catered to the Japanese nationals all came under increasing pressure during the first ten years of Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan. This policy was like the one found in Meiji Japan where private schools were second best to the public government schools and should be replaced as soon as possible. Private schools were never fully recognized as an alternative to government funded public schooling. These schools were a temporary measure and often did not receive any kind of public funding. By the 1880s to 1890s the government took over more and more control of these private schools and with that tighter control and more. 政治大. regulations came into effect for the private schools.. 立. In 1890 the Imperial Prescript on Education came into effect, and with that edict the Ministry of. ‧ 國. 學. Education officials came up against more and more pressure and opposition from the Christian schools who rejected the idea that private schools were mere substitutes for public education. In. ‧. effect, all religious education in private schools was banned, but the edict also affected other non-. Nat. sit. y. religious schools as well. Because of this new edict all private schools were in effect to be sub-. n. al. er. io. contractors to the public schools. All their textbooks needed government approval and their. i n U. v. teachers came under closer and more direct supervision by the government. Any teaching that. Ch. engchi. criticized Shintoism, Buddhism, the Japanese government or any of its allied governments or the Japanese people themselves was not tolerated. Contemporary political events could not be discussed in the private schools as well. What was to emerge from these new policies and reforms was one of funding; only public schools were to receive any kind of government funding.. By the final years of Gentarō’s regime in 1906 there existed a distinct two-tiered system of education in Taiwan. On the lower level were the common schools for Taiwanese students that existed island wide. And on the upper level were the schools intended for children of Japanese.

(39) 38. nationals only. The common schools enrolled 5.31 percent of all Taiwanese school aged children, while on the other hand the Japanese schools enrolled 68.61 percent of the colonies Japanese school aged children.. The Taiwanese track was the vision and dream of Izawa but both Kodama and Gotō did manage to place their own unique stamp on educational policy in Taiwan during their tenure. In the common school’s Chinese language instruction and the tolerance of sobōs were attempts to accommodate the traditions and customs of the Taiwanese population. Gotō believed that if. 治政 Japanese assimilation polices were to be effective in Taiwan 大 some accommodation must be given 立. to the Taiwanese. He did this by investigating local laws and customs which the colonial court was. ‧ 國. 學. quick to implement in the case of disputes when they arose among the local population. The. ‧. Japanese also resurrected the Ching Dynasties pan chia system of collective security. This practice became known as hokō which acted as a supplement to the Japanese police system and was a. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. means of social control throughout the period of Japanese colonial rule on the island.. i n U. v. Izawa was after all a strong supporter of Japanese assimilation policies on the island, and he. Ch. engchi. believed that the local population should be assimilated. Izawa believed that the Japanese would be successful in assimilating the Taiwanese despite the failure of other colonial governments to assimilate their populations. Izawa held onto the belief that that Japanese and Taiwanese shared a common race and script and believed in similar Confusion teachings. He believed that because of all these reasons that the Taiwanese could be assimilated into Japanese society. Izawa did not follow a gradualist approach to assimilation policies, nor did he believe that education should be available to all that could afford it or limited to such a degree as not to over-educate the local population..

(40) 39. Education and assimilation were two key components of Japanese colonial policy in Taiwan. Assimilation of the native population (that is the native Chinese population) was an important goal, and education was the means of accomplishing that goal. (Tsurumi: 1979: 617) Japanese colonialism lasted for 50 years in Taiwan and when the colonial government altered or changed its assimilation polices educational policy changed as well to reflect these new changes in assimilation policy. Education then was a major factor in the assimilation policies of the Japanese,. 政治大. these assimilations polices were consistent if not static in nature.. 立. Izawa Shūji was the driving force behind and the visionary for education reform in Taiwan. He. ‧ 國. 學. came to Taiwan with an already impressive resume as an educational reformer in Meiji Japan. One of his first goals when arriving on the island was to use the existing school network to educate the. ‧. entire population of the island. For those students who were about to graduate from the elementary. Nat. sit. y. schools Izawa planned to send them to post-primary schools after their graduation. However, his. n. al. er. io. educational goals and visions were soon met with a number of different obstacles including. v. budgetary and policy ones. Izawa’s goals for educational reform came into conflict with the new. Ch. engchi. i n U. Government-General Gentaro who believed that Izawa’s educational goals were long-ranged and that elementary schools should only be established sparingly and only in areas where wealthy parents would be able to cover the costs of educating their children. Many Taiwanese elementary students were not encouraged to pursue further education; rather the government only provided secondary teaching for those students who were going to pursue teaching or medical professions. The colonial government believed that training such professionals as doctors or teachers locally could be a faster and better alternative than getting these professionals from Japan..