(2) National Chengchi University International Master's Program in Asia-Pacific Studies. Sharon Paulette Medina �§Topic:. *�� F1Tlff-:t... 治: 18951f-.f,J20001fI:� �,WJ..� ��M 政€r-J.ff-Jil 大. The Development of People's National Identity from 1895 to 2000 inTaiwan Approved by the Oral Examination Committee. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Oral Examination Committee. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. i n U. engchi. v. IMAS Director/:£.#: Dean/11,t-k. >. 1. 0. 5. 0. 6. 2. 4. E.
(3) Acknowledgments This thesis was able to become a reality through the kind support and help from many individuals. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to all of them for taking part in helping me complete this study. Foremost, I want to offer this endeavor to my parents, Goldie and Luis Medina, for all the support that they have given me, the strength, and love that they bestowed upon me to keep my peace of mind and good health in order to finish this thesis.. 政 治 大. I would like to express my gratitude towards my friends for the encouragement in completion of this paper when I thought that this research was never going to end. My beloved and very supportive boyfriend, Felipe Cornejo who is always by my side in times when I was ready to give up and helped motivate and inspire me to pursue this undertaking.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. I am highly indebted to NCCU’s International Masters of Asia Pacific for their guidance and constant supervision as well as for providing necessary information regarding this research and also their support in completing this endeavor.. Nat. y. sit. n. al. er. io. I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Hans Stockton for sharing his knowledge about Taiwan and his recommendation to apply to the IMAS program, without, I would not have experienced three wonderful years in the island and completed this thesis.. Ch. i n U. v. I would like to also express my special gratitude and thanks to my adviser, Professor Ching-. engchi. hsin Yu 游清鑫 for conveying his expertise and knowledge on national identity and political science, and for his patience in the process of this study. Distinguish members of my committee, headed by Professor Kuang-hui Chen 陳光輝 together with Professor Tsai-Wei Sun 孫采薇教授 for sharing their knowledge and for their approval of my work and exemplary recognition. My thanks and appreciation also go to my classmates and people who have willingly helped me out with their abilities.. ii.
(4) Abstract National Identity, the depiction of a country as a whole, encompassing its culture based on traditions, language and politics. This concept has grown to be common, lectured by scholars from various disciplines. Existing studies have fabricated piece by piece the definition of national identity, to comprehend the complex interaction within individuals, groups and a “Nation”. This paper seeks to provide the importance of the relationship of history on national identity, using the case of Taiwan, also known as the R.O.C (Republic of China). The importance of this research is critical to support how, when, and what variables during the time period of 1895 (Japanese Colonial Period) to 2000 (KMT Authoritarian Rule and Democratic Transition. 政 治 大 national identity refer to? And how 立 do historical experiences such as, the Japanese colonial era, Period) were the main causes for Taiwan’s national identity to evolve. What exactly does. ‧ 國. 學. the 2-28 and White Terror period, and KMT’s authoritarian rule and democratic transition before 2000, can systematically cause change? Prior to analyzing Taiwan, we first conduct a general review on the development of identity; the interconnection between the social, political, and. ‧. cultural identities and how those identities along with historical experiences impact national. y. Nat. identity evolution. At that juncture, we will question other scholarly works on the development. n. al. er. io. sit. of people’s national identity from 1895 to 2000 and its impact in Taiwan.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Keywords National Identity, Historical Experience, .Collective Identity, Identity change, Social Identity, Political Identity, Cultural Identity, Taiwan, Kuomintang Rule, 1895-2000, Japanese Colonial Rule, 2-28 Incident.. iii.
(5) 中文摘要 國家認同指涉的是涵蓋傳統、語言與政治的整體國家文化，經過學者在各學術領域的討論， 此一概念已經變得普遍。既有的研究主要則是對國家認同概念持續建構，以及瞭解個人、 團體以及「國家」之間的複雜互動關係。本論文以臺灣為例，嘗試點出歷史與國家認同關 係的重要性，並從 1895 年日本在臺灣開始殖民政策開始，到國民黨在臺灣威權統治期間， 再到 2000 年臺灣的民主轉型之間，瞭解究竟是哪些因素，以及這些因素如何，與何時，. 政 治 大 含究竟國家認同所指為何？以及歷史經驗，諸如日本的殖民統治時期、228 事件、白色恐 立. 對臺灣國家認同的發展產生影響等問題，提供重要的支持點點。其間重要的研究問題也包. ‧ 國. 學. 怖、國民當的威權統治，以及 2000 年之前的民主轉型等，會如影響國家認同的變化？本 論文在一開始對認同發展的研究進行一總體式的回顧，接著討論社會、政治與文化認同彼. ‧. 此之間如何互動，以及這些認同如何與前述歷史經驗影響國家認同的發展。在此同時，本 文也將評述其他學者對於 1895 年到 2000 年之間臺灣民眾國家認同發展的相關研究與論點。. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 關鍵字：國家認同、歷史經驗、集體認同、認同變遷、社會認同、政治認同、文化認同、 臺灣、國民黨統治、1895 年至 2000 年、日本殖民統治、228 事件. iv.
(6) Table of Contents Acknowledgments _________________________________________________ ii Abstract _________________________________________________________ iii Chapter 1 Introduction ____________________________________________ 1 1.1 Research Background ___________________________________________ 1 1.2 Research Motivation and Rationale ________________________________ 2. 政 治 大 1.4 Methodology __________________________________________________ 3 立 1.3 Research Goals and Questions ____________________________________ 2. ‧ 國. 學. Chapter 2 Literature Review ________________________________________ 4 2.1 Self Identity and the Formation of Group Identity _____________________ 4. ‧. 2.2 Three Perspectives of National Identity _____________________________ 6 2.2.1 Social Identity as part of National Identity ________________________________ 7 2.2.2 Political construct in National Identity _____________________________________ 9 2.2.3 Cultural Identity within National Identity_________________________________ 11. sit. y. Nat. er. io. 2.3 Summary ___________________________________________________ 15. n. 2.4 A Synthesized Perspective 15 a _____________________________________ v. i l C n U h e n gRule Chapter 3 Legacies of Japan’s Colonial c h i_________________________. 18. 3.1 Social Identity _______________________________________________ 18 3.2 Political Identity _____________________________________________ 21 3.3 Cultural Identity _____________________________________________ 23 3.4 Summary ___________________________________________________ 25. Chapter 4 The 2-28 Incident and White Terror Period _________________ 27 4.1 Social Identity _______________________________________________ 27 4.2 Political Identity _____________________________________________ 29 4.3 Cultural Identity _____________________________________________ 31 4.4 Summary ___________________________________________________ 34 v.
(7) Chapter 5 Democratic Transition Before 2000 ________________________ 35 5.1 Social Identity ____________________________________________________________________ 35 5.2 Political Identity __________________________________________________________________ 37 5.3 Cultural Identity __________________________________________________________________ 40 5.4 Summary. _________________________________________________________________________ 43. Chapter 6 Conclusion _____________________________________________ 44 References ______________________________________________________ 50. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vi. i n U. v.
(8) Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 Research Background Taiwan national identity has been a continuous debate during the past few decades. This ongoing debate has become the main focus of many scholars in such ways, that not only do they explore the causes of national identity in Taiwan, but also create waves of research towards defining national identity formation itself. In fact, Taiwan has been an island which has continuously experienced historical, cultural, political and social change. Ever since the era of the Ming Dynasty Taiwan was an anonymity country. 政 治 大. used as a temporary place. Due to this, Taiwan experienced temporary eastern social and cultural experience by the Qing Dynasty and western influences through the Dutch and. 立. Spanish colonization. After the Qing Dynasty was defeated by Japan in 1895, Taiwan. ‧ 國. 學. was subjected to Japanese colonial rule for 50 years, making it the first time ever in Taiwan to have an established government. As Japan was defeated in the Second World War, the Kuomintang (the KMT, or the Nationalist Party, here after the KMT). ‧. government from China came to Taiwan and began another period of new rule on the. y. Nat. island. It is witnessed that, Taiwan has experienced various foreign regimes in the last. sit. three centuries. These experiences have delivered significant impacts on the development. er. io. of people’s national identity on the island. In particular, the fluctuating relationship. al. n. iv n C unique pattern of national identity among hthe i U e nislanders. h c g As Huges indicates, “Taiwan possesses [most of] all the attributes of a separate between Taiwan and China, sometimes marriage and sometimes divorce, have engraved a. state [without diplomatic recognition] and additionally plays a role in the world economy. The government in Taipei maintains, however, that the island and its inhabitants are part of the Chinese nation and by implication an expression of Chinese identity” (Hughes, 1997: 2).Enhanced by the rapid sociopolitical changes in the past half century, the initial belief of Chinese identity has through recent decades taken a twist to what the people of the island calls Taiwanese identity. This development has strongly refuted and criticized by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which does not view this identity as a national identity. Instead, the PRC sees this new concept of “Taiwanese” identity as a provincial identity (Hughes, 1997: 3). It is therefore, the development of national identity in Taiwan 1.
(9) has been pungently encountered with opposition from the PRC. These changes that have occurred throughout different eras in Taiwan have become guidelines towards seeking whether dramatic experiences in history have any or no effect on the development of people’s national identity on Taiwan.. 1.2 Research Motivation and Rationale It is true that the accumulative effects of interaction between people carry a strong, lasting impact in the way in which people view the world, their society surrounding them, and themselves. Even migration movements and globalization have also created a sense of imagined communities that people identify themselves with. In the study of identity,. 政 治 大 territorial attachment, and political ideology, in order to find a more accurate description 立. many researchers have used elements such as blood ties, culture, social influence,. of the development of national identity. Equally important, it is imperative to consider the. ‧ 國. 學. effects exerted by history in the process of identity evolution. An examination of these elements along the line of historical developments would be certainly contributive to the. ‧. understanding of Taiwan’s national identity.. y. Nat. This thesis is framed by examining the perspectives of historical sociology (the. sit. study of development in societies through history) and its effect on the development of. al. er. io. national identity. In particular, it intends to explore the factors for an identity evolution. v. n. and the interrelation between personal identity, collective identity and finally, national. Ch. i n U. identity. The factor to be observed is history and the role it plays when shaping national. engchi. identity, using Taiwan as our case study. Special attention will be paid to the awareness of this identity change in Taiwan throughout the timeframe of 1895 until 2000, viewing the social, political, and cultural changes during different historical events in this time.. 1.3 Research Goals and Questions The thesis presents the impact that the historical presence from 1895 to 2000 had on people in Taiwan, as an important factor worthy of consideration for the evolution of Taiwan’s national identity. This thesis will contribute to national identity research by finding whether there is an interconnection between social, political, and cultural identities as factors to form a national identity. It seeks to achieve the following goals: 2.
(10) 1. To present the collective experiences from 1895 to 2000 in Taiwan, has caused an impacting change in the formation of individual’s social, political and cultural identities, guiding them to believe and create their own national identity. 2. Look into Taiwan’s historical background and analyze historical content from Japanese colonial rule (1895) and KMT’s rule up to the year 2000, to find what brought about such social, political, and cultural identity evolutions in Taiwan.. Based on the above research goals, this thesis will also seek to answer the following questions: 1. What does national identity refer to? What are the factors for development of. 政 治 大 How does the formation of a personal identity impact the way an individual 立 national identity in general?. 2.. identifies him/herself as a collective? How does the collective identity affect their. ‧ 國. 學. identification with their nation? 3. How can historic experiences influence change?. ‧. 4. Do impacting events during the Japanese (1895) and KMT rule until 2000 shaped national identity for the people in Taiwan?. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 1.4 Methodology. v. n. In order to answer the questions and address the above stated goals, this thesis. Ch. i n U. comprises of a literature review on national identity combined with an analysis of Japan’s. engchi. 50 years influence and KMT’s rule until 2000 in Taiwan’s history. The thesis will utilize a social-historical approach to observe these events in order to see the impact it had on the people of Taiwan’s social, political and culture identity and how this created a change in their national identity. We will also use a documentary analysis to obtain data from existing refereed and peer-reviewed data regarding the Japanese colonial rule and KMT’s rule in Taiwan. Documents are often tangible materials in which facts or ideas have been recorded and are useful ways to collect data for a qualitative research such as this research. Secondary data will be also reviewed initially through the university libraries using a range of information sources such as historical books, academic journals and bibliographic databases, and internet search engines. 3.
(11) Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.1 Self Identity and the Formation of Group Identity Copper suggested that “Taiwan’s culture and society connect intimately to the issue of Taiwan’s identity and whether Taiwan is essentially China or is different and whether its future is with China or separate” (Copper, 2009: 67). The issue of “Taiwanese versus Chinese complex controversy” has long been a source of social cleavage in Taiwan, which has lingered throughout time, affecting the formation of each individual’s national identity and the concept as a whole in society. Hence, the first component to this. 政 治 大 and the evolution these identities come upon towards a political, and cultural identity, 立. thesis is to examine the development of self-identity through the interrelation of social,. ‧ 國. 學. collective identity. Then, the transformation into national consciousness and the impact it has on national identity.. In order to understand the definition of the concept of national identity, we have. ‧. to first examine what are the factors that form such identity. It is true that “The concept. y. Nat. ‘nationalism’ has different meanings relating to various levels of analysis: nationalism as. sit. an ideology, a movement, the process of “nation” building, and an individual’s political. er. io. orientation” (Dekker, Malova and Hoogendoorn, 2003:345). This thesis will examine the. al. n. iv n C impacts this collective identity had, whether this influencedU h e n g c h i individual’s understanding of their own identities (social, political and cultural), developing a change in their concept. experiences within the people on the island during the KMT rule, and the possible. of national identity. Identity is a commonly known concept throughout the social sciences to describe a person and/or group’s conception and expression of their individuality or group affiliations (Grosby, 2005:1). These criteria can be broken down into describing various types of identities such as political identity, cultural identity, social identity, and national identity. Meanwhile, these terms are often used to describe a person’s sense of belonging to one group with similar belief systems, one country, one specific party with equivalent political beliefs or one nation. They are “[S]urrounded by concentric layers of lived space, this lifeworld shapes our sense of place, constructs our identity, and provides a roadmap 4.
(12) to understand the outside world. Thus, people’s sense of identity is heavily influenced not only by where they are positioned geographically, socially and culturally, but also by their perception of their ‘place in the world” (Chang, 2015: 1). Despite the numerous studies that have been conducted on this topic, a conclusive decision on the dominant factor towards change in national identity has yet to be established. What factors cause a change in the people’s mindsets towards finding their national identity? In this section we will establish the steps in which each individual sees the self and the way in which this self plays a role in society. Identity will be observed through a social-psychological approach1, and the ways that social, political and cultural identities affect individual’s mindsets. Through social-psychology the variables that were. 政 治 大 commitment, where the bonds between individuals and nations are rightly regarded as 立 tested in the literature are listed as follows “feelings of membership, inclusion, and. essential components in the development and maintenance of ethnic and national. ‧ 國. 學. communities” (Davis, 1999: 26). Such feelings of attachment can embrace a form of loyalty of the individual to certain group which can become the individual's’. ‧. characterization of themselves. To know where one is positioned in the world is crucial to the development of a sense of self and the formation of identity.. y. Nat. sit. Once a sense of identity is established for the individual a natural phenomenon. al. er. io. takes action in human beings. We call such phenomenon “grouping”, for hundredths of. n. years human beings have always endowed the sense of belonging with others. Groupings,. Ch. i n U. v. according to Davis, occur based on, “The need for belonging, reinforced by an. engchi. unconscious positive emotion associated with membership in collective (tribes, villages, family, ethnic groups, or nations) [that] represent an emotional attachment by which an individual seeks inclusion not only for personal benefit but also because the alternative of solitary existence is something to be avoided” (Davis, 1999: 29). To some extent, the factor of avoiding solitary existence urges individuals to become members of groups with people who share similar views and beliefs, a sense of union that creates a collective identity (Chang, 2015:2). Based on the perspective of the individual, the collective identity forms as a part of his or her personal identity. 1. A study of how people's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of others. Allport, G. W (1985). "The historical background of social psychology". In Lindzey, G; Aronson, E. The Handbook of Social Psychology. New York: McGraw Hill.p.5. 5.
(13) 2.2 Three Perspectives of National Identity From self-identity to group/collective identity, scholars have broken down the concept of identity in three different ways, 1) Identity creation based on social construct2, 2) Identity change as a political movement/affiliation, and 3) Identity influence through cultural practice (experience). In this thesis, these identities will be used as the influential factors towards the formation of national identity and will be discussed accordingly. The interaction that occurs between the three identities social, political, and cultural is seen as to not exist or have a clear connection, but even though it is not a progressive connection it does occur. We can say that the connection that exist within these three identities are inter-looping, not one identity can completely form before the. 政 治 大 different patterns. These patterns may cause one or two identities to become more 立. other and its dependent on the historical context in which they form in, which can create prominent within a society’s national identity formation based on collective experiences. ‧ 國. 學. and the impact of events within different time periods.. Developments within one identity can cause an effect on the development of the. ‧. other two identities and vice versa. If we take social identity for example, social identity. y. Nat. development deals with the way that people perceive or think about themselves and. sit. others. This takes place when the process that people have with information about their. al. er. io. own group (in-group) and other groups (out-group) begins to emerge. Ethnic and cultural. v. n. identity development is affected because these identities form the core of conceptual. Ch. i n U. frameworks which links self-definition to group membership acculturating individuals in. engchi. the recognition of oneself as a member of an ethno-cultural group. This membership and recognition to a group gives a sense of pride and positive views towards one’s group. The impact of political identity comes into play when, broad identity changes occur as a result of intercultural contact between individuals from different societies or social construct. At the process level. Social identification involves social categorization and comparison, being able to recognize that various in/out group exists and that there can. 2. Social constructionism or the social construction of reality (also social concept) is a theory of knowledge in sociology and communication theory that examines the development of jointly constructed understandings of the world that form the basis for shared assumptions about reality. Leeds-Hurwitz, W. (2009). Social construction of reality. In S. Littlejohn, & K. Foss (Eds.), Encyclopedia of communication theory. (pp. 892-895). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.. 6.
(14) arise favorable/unfavorable comparisons that have consequences for the self. A relationship between the self-identity and cultural/ ethnic identity ensues in the case when an individual consciously perceives ethnicity or culture as a central, salient feature of identity. Naturally, group formation brings forth group favoritism as individuals are more likely to make internal attributions for positive behaviors by in-groups and external attributions for the same behavior by out-groups based on circumstances, out-group derogation increases once it is felt that the group identity is under threat, this begins to loop into the political identification of the group. This situation can be played out vice versa and will be demonstrated later in the following chapters.. 政 治 大 The first groups of scholars defined identity as a group which they called social 立. 2.2.1 Social Identity as part of National Identity. identity. They argue that in order to define national identity, the identification of self. ‧ 國. 學. would have to be measured by observing the individual's interaction in their society and the changes within the community as a collective body. Brewer, for instance, categorizes. ‧. identity as a social identity and reviews the several definitions of identity through the. y. Nat. process of distinguishing between “person-based identities, relational (role-based). sit. identities, group-based identities, and collective identities” (2001: 115). The breakdown. al. er. io. of social identity within this group enables her to demonstrate how certain circumstances. v. n. within social structure, social movements and the relationship which the individual has. Ch. i n U. with his/her society can determine a level of attitude towards their nation, emerging a. engchi. concept of self-consciousness or identity awareness in regards to national identity. Brewer elaborates the concept that the individual has towards the self within a particular influence of the “membership in specific social groups or categories and the shared socialization experiences that such membership implies” (Brewer, 2001: 117) In this category of social identity we find answers to questions such as “what kind of person am I?” or Who am I as_? (In the case of Taiwan, Taiwanese or Chinese) that the individual formulates to produce the identity. This type of social identity points towards the importance of belonging to certain group to the individual’s sense of self. Unlike person-based identities where the group is the important factor towards the self, group based social identities exhibits more on how the self is important to the group. 7.
(15) The individuals which make up this group are seen as being depersonalized because they become a sort of object which can be integrated or interchanged in the group. Brewer, states that identity within this group creates “a shift towards the perception of self as an interchangeable exemplar of some social category, [also shifting] away from the perception of self as a unique person” (2001:118). This kind of relationship can cause for the connection between the group and the self to dissolve prompting the prosperities and hardships of the group to integrate into the self. Furthermore, the behavior and attitude of the individual self are seen as representations of the group making any action taken by the individual affect the group as a whole. The idea behind the collective identity contains common representation of the. 政 治 大 Producing an image for others crafts this type of identity to form a connection between 立. group constructed upon shared interests and experiences as well as (Brewer, 2001:119).. social identity and social movements which can also lead to taking action in the political. ‧ 國. 學. ground. Social identity within this group becomes a blend of characteristics of our selves which make us part of social groups. Therefore, identity awareness allows for individuals. ‧. to begin questioning their nationality, their nation, and society, formulating individual ideas and beliefs that can create change regarding their national identity. Day and. y. Nat. sit. Thompson state that “they[the group] also see all who share in this culture as people. al. er. io. having the same potentiality and fate, a fate denied to those who have not gained. n. admission to it” (2004: 47). This kind of society tends to create more unity between the. Ch. i n U. v. people whom they believe to be alike and divides between the others whose culture is. engchi. different. Throughout this type of environment the possibility of social movement and change in national identity is seen as greater in which it can also create a passageway into political movements. The social identity group concludes that in order to better understand the definition of national identity it is important to observe the way in which social movements and social structure changes and the attitude between individuals as part of a group towards the nation. The concept within the social identity scholars is based on the factors which affect the individual’s sense of value and self-worth to form their selfidentity. With this self-identity, the individual’s “internal pride and self-respect is dependent on group contact and association with a community” (Davis, 1999:29). This 8.
(16) social attachment and sense of belonging towards the group merge together to form a collective identity. Moreover, collective identity can be changed through an increase of emotional attachment due to collective struggles, experiences, and victories within the group expanding to other groups and people which the individual may never meet.. 2.2.2 Political construct in National Identity Perspectives of political identity scholars suggest that change in national identity is dependent upon political awareness, knowledge, and movements. Many of these studies define identity as identity politics; which focus upon the self-interest and perspectives of self-identified social interest groups and the ways in which people's. 政 治 大 sexual orientation or traditional dominance. As illustrated by Smith that “national identity 立 politics may be shaped by aspects of their identity through race, class, religion, gender,. involves some sort of political community, however tenuous. A political community in. ‧ 國. 學. turn implies at least some common institutions and a single code of rights and duties for all the members of the community. It also suggests a definite social space, a fairly well. ‧. demarcated and bounded territory, with which the members identify and to which they. y. Nat. feel they belong.” (Smith, 1991: 9). Similarly, Sneath states that “Nationalism and. sit. ethnicity can be seen as constructed reciprocally and as the anthropology of ethnicity. er. al. n. (Sneath, 2010:253).. io. suggests that ‘ethnicity is partly an effect of the particularizing projects of state formation”. Ch. i n U. v. Additionally, these arguments also point out that in order to form an identity. engchi. politics there is a close relations with components that affect the attitudes towards the nation, such components reveal different levels of likeness/ dislike that can affect the way in which their formation on national identity unfolds. This is best described by Dekker, Malova, and Hoogendoorn who explain that nationalism and national identity can be established based on the levels of what they call “national attitude”. This theory consists of the different degrees of feelings which an individual has towards their nation, political system, and/or “an attitude and the particular amount of affection for a certain object, that is, simply a person’s general feeling of favorableness or unfavorableness” (Dekker, Malova, and Hoogendoorn, 2003: 346). These authors also describe how this “feeling or attitude” can be either negative 9.
(17) or positive and can be broken down within different groups. First they breakdown the six ways in which each feeling or positive attitudes can form different types of national identities. The first feeling in their spectrum is described as neutral; from there they explain how each type of feeling can be determined by the difference in type and the strength of affection. They go on listing each type of feeling/attitude as follows: national liking, national pride, national preference, national superiority, and finally nationalism. The first of the 5 types of attitudes, “national liking” is described as the way wherein an individual shows affection to the people and region in which he/she lives at. This attitude deals with the development that the individual’s experiences have affected him/her according to the way the nation and its people are seen by him/her. Second,. 政 治 大 individual feels towards his/her nation such as: being satisfied, happy, and proud with the 立. national pride is described as a feeling that scales up to being the way in which the. political structure, as well as, the people within the region who share the same political. ‧ 國. 學. beliefs. In this process “attitudinal development is the processing of affective messages from others about one’s country and people” (Dekker, Malova, Hoogendoorn, 2003: 349). ‧. emphasizing a little more action from the individual than it did in national liking. The third level up is called national preference, within this attitude there is more. y. Nat. sit. of the individual having a choice towards one nationality or nation over another. In this. al. er. io. level the individual’s identity is based on the level of the individual’s national and. n. political knowledge, beliefs, experiences and values. “The national attitude in this. Ch. i n U. v. instance is the internal inference derived from the individual’s national knowledge and. engchi. insights, national auto-clichés and auto-stereotypes, national opinions, national emotions, specific attitudes, other than national attitudes, values, national behavioral intentions, and national behaviors with respect to one’s country, political system, and people” (Dekker, Malova, Hoogendoorn, 2003: 349). The fourth level of attitudes, they describe as national superiority, in this level the individual develops such a strong feeling towards their people and nation that makes them believe or feel (as the name states it) that their nation is more superior and better to other nations. In this section the individual is described as having some type of “national belief which is a characteristic that an individual links to a country (cliché) and/or people (stereotype) that are related to one’s country’s political, economic, and social-cultural situation, and that country’s international political position” 10.
(18) (Dekker, Malova, Hoogendoorn, 2003: 351). Finally, the last type of attitude “nationalism” is described as the feeling that the individual has which makes him/her belong within a group, place, and nation. This type of attitude gives the individual some sense of loyalty towards the nation/group as well as some sense of origin. The sense of belonging creates within the people a collective identity. Based on this collective identity there can be a spur of political movements in which determines the people’s loyalty towards their nation or whether this cause change in their identity, in particular their national identity. In brief, the identity politics group of scholars concludes in their studies that an individual’s identity can determine their view on politics and cause change within the. 政 治 大 implications which have to be taken into account” (Sokefeld, 2011). In many of their 立 nation, “identity has to be seen in close connection of self and that both have political. studies the researchers observe a country’s structure such as in Sneath’s case study of. ‧ 國. 學. Mongolia, or other case studies like the Philippines (cities, infrastructure, etc.), to have a better understanding of their political context and the way this affects the individuals who. ‧. live within these countries. They also approach “identification as a process that unfolds in relation to economic and political contexts” (Cerulo, 1997: 396) and believe that this is. y. Nat. sit. the cause of change in identity (whether it is national or political identity). The. al. er. io. underlying characteristic is the political essence be integrated into the formation and. n. movement of identity. The symbol of nation which carries an emotional (affectional). Ch. i n U. implications between individual and the state is thus connected.. engchi. v. 2.2.3 Cultural Identity within National Identity The Cultural Identity scholars, on the other hand believes that national identity is a concept that is created by culture. This group believe that identity is more of what they call cultural identity including ethnic identity. They argue that culture is a necessary factor as the stepping stone towards the formation of national identity. “Culture” is defined as the customs, practices, languages, values and worldviews that define social groups such as those based on nationality, ethnicity, region or common interests as well as, religious beliefs and values. For example, Davis starts of by describing the influence that things such as attire preferences, language, place of living and customs have towards 11.
(19) defining an individual’s identity. Based on these factors, similarities and differences can be detected between groups within the region. He states that human beings ever since early ages have tended to travel in groups and always have had to fight for a sense of belonging within that group. This feeling of wanting to belong has been carried through time making a tradition for humans. He explains that we have known that in early ages people tended to come together in small groups. “the concern about survival, and the need for a sense of worth or value…the need for belonging, reinforced by an unconscious positive emotion associated with membership in a collective (the family, village, ethnic group, or nation), represents an emotional attachment by which an. 政 治 大 the alternative of solitary existence is something to be avoided” (Davis, 立. individual seeks inclusion not only for personal benefit, but also because. 1999).. ‧ 國. 學. In this statement Davis indicates the importance of living in groups, which can be represented as a cultural tradition that has been carried out through time by. ‧. our ancestors and the Natives who lived before us; it also describes a form of how the idea of the “nation” emerged.. y. Nat. sit. According to this perspective, identity is seen not as a concept but as a construct,. al. er. io. which can be created, taken apart and recreated as factors such as religious beliefs,. n. cultural values, and traditions change. The scholars in this group also discuss the way that. Ch. i n U. v. time plays a role within culture and how older generations, culture has changed compared. engchi. to the modern generations. Although, the older generations, traditions, language, and customs appear to be the same, there has been a slight evolution within the culture that has traveled with time and yet still carried some sense of “sameness,” As identified by Sokefeld, “The term identity expresses such a mutual relation in that it connotes both a persistent sameness within oneself (selfsameness) and a persistent sharing of some kind of essential characteristics with others” (Sokefeld, 2001). It is implied that identity has through time been replaced with the word “self” as in what makes up an individual’s self and how can that self be seen as similar within a group, region, or nation to create a national identity. Sokefeld describes identity as being defined as an ethnic identity, basically 12.
(20) identifying an individual based on his origin of birth and background (things such as race, sex, color, and other anthropological features). He states that the identity of a person is first created depending on where they are born and the basic culture in which they are raised. He then goes on explaining that “Ethnic group as a concept replaces the ‘tribe’ which was defined to have characteristics like language, territory, social construct, ritual, or other cultural traits to distinguish one tribe from another” (Sokefeld, 2001). Identity construct is seen as something that needs to be achieved and/or how the individual chooses to define themselves within that group and the way the individual manages to bind that self into the group/nation once more. In fact, this sense of binding brings forth Anderson's argument towards. 政 治 大 people to carry out an act of “imagination”, through which the identities with others 立 nationalism and national identity when he states that membership of a nation requires. whom they will never actually meet or even see. He explains that “nations are the. ‧ 國. 學. outcomes of cultural constructs because the existence of the nation is leading rather than following the emergence of a sense of nationality which is created in people’s. ‧. imaginations” (Anderson, 1991:4). In his book “Imagined Communities”, Anderson argues that nationalism is a cultural product unexpectedly created through the merging of. y. Nat. sit. historical forces at the end of the eighteenth century, he states that these forces. al. er. io. transplanted across the world because people became able to imagine themselves part of. n. a community defined by nationality.. Ch. i n U. v. Moreover, Anderson treated nationalism as a part of the human experience, like. engchi. kinship or religion. Anderson also explains the cause and emergence of national consciousness that nationalism is due to the “half-fortuitous, but explosive, interaction between a system of production and productive relations (capitalism), a technology of communications (print), and the fatality of human linguistic diversity” (Anderson, 1991: 43). This form of linguistic as well as economic unification brought together a sense of commonality within a wider area giving birth to a sense of nationality and the concept of national identity. The cultural identity group of scholars concludes by first defining national identity as a form of ethnic identity that is driven through cultural influences. This cultural identity defines the components that come together for the continuous importance of national identity because of the sense of transcendence which culture has 13.
(21) and the integration of a language or communication method, which creates the increase of national consciousness and gives a sense of national identity. The scholars also conclude that the sense of nationalism and the people’s understanding of national identity is changing over time based on the impact in cultural constructs.. 2.3 Summary To sum up, the scholars within the literature all address the formation of national identity by examining specific factors from social, political or cultural realms. They try to bring forth their definition based on those individual factors. The social identity group defines national identity as a resulting product of continuity within the community and. 政 治 大 by, “continuity emerges from pre-existing ethnic identity and community; conscious 立 society, and conscious management of social environment each individual is surrounded manipulation is achieved via commemoration, ideology and symbolism” (Cerulo, 1997:. ‧ 國. 學. 391). As for the political identity group, they define national identity as a central feature of postmodern politics and communities in which the validity of a collective public. ‧. identity or an overarching sense of self has diminished and in its place the previously. y. Nat. private self-identities of individuals (based on their race, ethnicity, sexual preference,. sit. physical state, or victimization) compete for public acknowledgment and legitimation;. al. er. io. “the recognition that national identity is a matter of claims, rights, and power has resulted. v. n. in the replacement of a simple concept of identity in many cases the notion of politics of. Ch. i n U. identity” (Sokefeld, 2001: 534). Finally the cultural identity group, goes on to define. engchi. national identity as the influence of one's culture on the development of self-identity. Some of the ways in which culture influences one’s identity are for example: individualist groups stress through their culture the importance of personal achievement and independence, while collectivist cultures stress the importance of collective achievement and dependence. The scholars from the three groups achieve their aim in defining national identity based on each specific variable (social, political, or cultural) containing to their study but fail to create the link between the other structures that also take place. In next section, we will further explain the interconnection that the three identities have within each other and the relativity within the development of national identity. 14.
(22) 2.4 A Synthesized Perspective In this thesis we want to put into play the factors that influence the individuals in Taiwan (the ROC) as a collective, to change their national identity. In the national identity theoretical model we illustrate the three different types of identities observed by the scholars in the literature previous sections; in order to define national identity. These factors are: social identity, political identity, and cultural identity. The purpose of the model is to illustrate the variable of collective experiences and its effect towards the change in national identity. The model also demonstrates how social, political and cultural identities play a role in the development of national identity; as well as, the. 政 治 大 model we will plug in the information on the identity evolution throughout different time 立. interrelation and looping that is created between one identity to the other. Through this. periods, based on the information we have gathered throughout the secondary data. ‧. ‧ 國. .. 學. sources.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The aim of this research is to examine whether the historical experiences throughout the timeframe of 1895 to 2000 has provided a way to shape or influence Taiwanese national identity. We will begin by defining the variables that come together for the formation of national identity. We will then incorporate these variables and apply them to the case study of Taiwan to evaluate the effect of the Kuomintang on Taiwan’s national identity. 15.
(23) We will use theories about national identity formulated by Smith and Anderson. Smith theorizes that national identity is composed of “a historic territory or homeland, common myths or historical memories, a common mass public culture, common legal rights and duties for all members, a common economy with territorial mobility for all members”(1991:14). Anderson’s theory is based on “imagined communities” and nationalism. He states that national identity is a cultural artifact spontaneously created through the convergence of discrete historical forces, and transplanted across the world because people became able to imagine themselves part of a community defined by nationality. Both of their definitions describe the social, political and cultural characteristics that through history/collective experiences can give rise to national. 政 治 大 in which we can demonstrate how each variable correlates to form this national 立 identity. The theories discussed, help formulate the formation of national identity model. consciousness.. ‧ 國. 學. The dependent variable in this research is national identity defined as a person's identity and sense of belonging to one state or to one nation, a feeling one shares with a. ‧. group of people, regardless of one's citizenship status. The concept of national identity is that a person's national identity is a direct result of the presence of social, political, and. y. Nat. sit. cultural factors due to the commonalities in people's daily lives. These commonalities can. al. er. io. be composed of , national symbols, language, the nation's history, national consciousness,. n. social structure, culture and political beliefs. The operational definition of national. Ch. i n U. v. identity in our research is national identity is composed of three other identities: social. engchi. identity, political identity and cultural identity. These identities are impacted by historical experiences as a collective forming a sense of union and a sense of national consciousness. On the other hand, the independent variable consists of historical experiences and the impact on the development of national identity, defined as experiences such as victories and struggles that different groups of people have been affected by as a collective, causing an impact in people’s ideology and mindsets contributing to sense of commonality in a society. In the next chapters, this thesis will discuss the evolution of identity in three periods, including Japanese colonial rule, the 228 Incident and White Terror Period, and KMT’s Authoritarian rule and democratic transition before 2000. Each period will have different emphases on identity evolution 16.
(24) and will be discussed in detail. Last, but not the least important, each of the developments of social, political and cultural identities does not evolve one by one, nor without relevance to one and the other. Instead, in this synthesized perspective, this research recognizes the concurrent development among these identities and the fact of their interactions. It is undeniable the existence of the conceptual overlapping among the three types of identity. The discussion of social identity is inseparable from the impacts of political and cultural identities, or vice versa. This thesis will discuss the three identities individuality mainly for the purpose of analytical convenience by pointing out key components of national identity and their evolving in different periods.. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 17. i n U. v.
(25) Chapter Three: Legacies of Japan’s Colonial Rule 3.1 Social Identity Taiwan is a country filled with many memories and footprints of the past, leaving evidence which if explored can tell a great story. In order to test if historical and collective experience has an impact on people’s national identity on the island, we will review the history of Taiwan beginning with the Japanese colonization era. Japanese colonial rule from 1845 to 1945 engraved crucial marks on Taiwan’s overall development in the past century. Being almost an alien island from the dynasty of China, the island of Taiwan did not receive adequate attention from the Mainland until late Ming Dynasty.. 政 治 大 was dispensable on the political agenda of Qing Dynasty as Qing China was defeated by 立 Japan in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894. Nonetheless, remote political connections Yet, the succeeding Qing Dynasty continued to ignore the salience of the island. Taiwan. ‧ 國. 學. between Mainland and Taiwan did not obstruct the islander’s social and cultural attachments from their motherland. The political and sovereign departure from the. ‧. Mainland had created a new chapter of the island’s transition following Japan’s half – century colonial rule.. y. Nat. sit. These historical imprints have bred the seed of a complex formation of identity. er. io. for the islanders. As Copper suggests, “Taiwan’s past is often cited as evidence for both those who advocate that is part of China, or should be, and those who do not” (Copper,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. 2009:29). The Japanese colonization era represents disrupt of a broad socio-political. engchi. connection between China and Taiwan for half century (1895-1945). Scholars have identified that Taiwan’s history and social identity was deeply impacted by Japanese colonialism as “Taiwan’s unique Japanese colonial history is a historical period most consequential to the formation of the complex identity of the island” (Liao & Wang, 2006: 416). Indeed, Japanese influence continues to be prominent even in Taiwanese society at present time. Consequently, it is necessary to examine how this era has given rise to the understanding of the concept of social and national consciousness in Taiwan. During this time we will study whether the society experienced an evolution in their social, political, and cultural identities. The timeframe of Japanese colonization marks the origin of social identity evolution in Taiwan. At the beginning of the Japanese 18.
(26) colonial rule, Taiwanese saw themselves as Chinese and viewed the Japanese as a threat. In 1894 China and Japan declared war on each other, over an interest in Korea. The war did not cease until 1895 when Japan won. As part of Japanese victory, Taiwan was ceded to Japan. As discussed in the previous section, social identity is a relational term, defining who we are as a function of our similarities and differences with others. It is shared with others and provides a basis for shared social action which the people already living in Taiwan took as the news of being ruled by a new foreign government reached them. It was seen that many Taiwanese disagreed with the agreements made between the Qing China and Japan. On account of this disagreement, they started a movement towards independence which was established as the “Republic of Taiwan”. This was the first time. 政 治 大 and consciousness” (Lee, 2004: 4). However, the effort of this new republic was unable 立. in Taiwan history for collective action which, “characterized a strong sense of solidarity. to consolidate due to Japanese military predominance and the lack of resources to. ‧ 國. 學. overpower Japan in the island.. ‧. Taiwanese were disappointed with the Treaty of Shimonoseki which transferred Taiwan to Japan. The transfer of control gave the local Taiwanese (aborigines and. Nat. sit. y. Chinese population living there) a sense of abandonment and betrayal by mainland China.. io. er. However, the Treaty later led to a period of social reconstruction and the reframe of social discourses, through change in regime, history texts, and language. As Taiwan had. n. al. i n U. v. been an island of aboriginals and bandits for many centuries, the new Japanese power. Ch. engchi. gave an imagined sense of solutions to problems like piracy, education deficit and lack of infrastructure in Taiwan. After securing its control over Taiwan, the first actions taken by Japan as a colonial power was to promote economic development and the modernization of agriculture. Japanese government had set the agenda of encouraging the productivity of rice in the north part of the island and the productivity of sugar in the south. (Copper, 2009: 39). The increase in agricultural production provided Taiwan with enough revenue which allowed Japanese government to upgrade Taiwan’s infrastructure, as well as allowed the people to feed themselves on this surplus of rice and sugar, bringing the evolution of a new social order.. 19.
(27) Japanese rule not only brought economic change but also political and social change. Japan’s reform in the education system increased the people’s literacy rate, and hygiene awareness. One of the most notable features of Japanese rule in Taiwan was the top-down nature of social change, most of the economic, social and cultural change was driven by technocrats in the colonial government. The primary economic policy of the colonial government was “industry for Japan, agriculture for Taiwan” (Huang, 2005). The economic focus differed from 1900 to after 1930, from sugar to rice and later to pursue industrialization due to different colonial needs throughout this period. Although the main focus of each of these periods differed, the primary goal was increasing Taiwan’s productivity to satisfy demand with Japan. As part of this process, new ideas,. 政 治 大 also stabilized. Public education became a great social stabilizing factor in Taiwan. 立. concepts and values were introduced to the Taiwanese. As the economy grew, society. Although secondary education was restricted for Japanese, primary education had a. ‧ 國. 學. compulsory impact on Taiwanese society.. ‧. At that time, education in Taiwan was also improving and becoming increasingly widespread. Consequently, there was a growing awareness of self-determination and. Nat. sit. y. equality among the Taiwanese people. To cope with this new situation, the Japanese. io. er. turned to a policy of assimilation, claiming that Taiwan was an extension of the Japanese homeland, and professing to grant equal treatment to Taiwanese and Japanese, which. n. al. i n U. v. would give Taiwanese rights under Japanese codes. Slogans such as “same education for. Ch. engchi. the homeland and Taiwan, legitimization of Japanese and Taiwanese marriages, and Japan and Taiwan are one entity” (Huang, 2005) were seen. While Taiwanese struggled to become “Japanese”, they became more eager as a society. These efforts from the Japanese elites to settle the eagerness of the Taiwanese people had limited success, due to the differing expectations and demands from both sides. Relatively speaking, unlike the Dutch and Portuguese colonial policies which treated Taiwan mainly as a place for resource-extraction, Japanese colonial governance went much further. It was an unprecedented experience for Taiwanese that original identity was encountered with a competing new one. The pre-existed Chinese social identity was encountered with a new Japanese social interaction. Equally important, the 20.
(28) Japanese legacies on the evolving of islanders’ social identity were not solely a liability, though negatives were certainly more positives. The governance did not only showed compulsory resource-extraction and political assimilation but also brought basic socioeconomic infrastructure and educational framework on the island. The outcomes would thus mixed as Taiwanese had the opportunities, voluntarily or involuntarily, to reconsider the new shape of society different from motherland China. 3.2 Political Identity The task of integrating a new society into Japan’s political and colonial framework was a challenge for the Japanese government. The challenge faced was “on. 政 治 大 installable. On the other hand, incorporating some 2.5 million Chinese immigrants 立 the one hand, armed resistance must be crushed for the colonial government to be. politically, economically, and culturally into the emerging Japanese imperium” (Chu and. ‧ 國. 學. Lin, 2001: 105). The dilemma over Taiwan raised some questions in regards to the political identity or political recognition that the Japanese should give Taiwan, “there. ‧. were two major concerns that influenced policies on Taiwan. First, there was a debate as to whether Taiwan should be recognized as a colony or part of the inner territory”. y. Nat. sit. (Matsuda, 2012: 690).To Japanese elites, Taiwan was considered too racially akin and. al. n. clear that Taiwan was a colony of Japan from 1895 to1945.. Ch. engchi. er. io. geographically close to be considered a colony of Japan. Although, today it seems very. i n U. v. The second policy debate was based on the strategic importance that Taiwan represented for japan, “Taiwan was considered to be important from the security point of view, the Japanese government was eager to develop colonized subject” (Matsuda, 2012: 691) which meant that they wanted to implement loyalty towards the Japanese government. The aim of the colonial government should have been to minimize the cultural and social policies, but on the other hand, the colonial government promoted educational and cultural policies from the grassroots level. These policies main purpose was “to create loyal subjects who could defend the ‘Southern Gate of Japan’” (Matsuda, 2012: 691). The Japanese colonial government had two alternatives of colonial policy, assimilation or non-assimilation, in which it was decided to adapt the “principle of 21.
(29) homeland extensionism” outlined by Hara Takashi, an under-secretary of the Foreign Ministry, to the Bureau of Taiwan Affair in 1896 (Chu and Lin, 2001:105). This policy was seen impractical as the occupation of Taiwan was not under equality to the Japanese, Taiwan was dominated by political and military considerations and were viewed as potential challengers. In addition, Taiwan’s climatic and sanitarian environments were not considered favorable to a large-scale emigration. Nonetheless, Japanese colonial policies attempted to strengthen unity between Japanese settlers and colonial Taiwan, the suffrage of residents in Taiwan that could develop was settled with the gradual extension strategy that would prevent from a. 治 政 大 of a ruling class on the foundation of colonial rule, “it was considered that the presence 立 Taiwan island was crucial to suppress the Taiwanese independence movement” (Chu and development of Taiwanese nationalism. Japanese settlers were expected to construct a. ‧ 國. 學. Lin, 2001: 106). As such, Japanese settlers were supposed to become the role model for Taiwanese residents so they could assimilate easily into Japanese customs and culture.. ‧. In the first two years of occupation, in accordance with the Treaty of Shimonoseki,. y. Nat. Taiwanese residents were given the choice of their nationality. A few left for China and. io. sit. the remainder became Japanese subjects. Despite that, the Taiwanese were not given. er. equality as Japanese citizens. Even though there was a progressive change in the social. al. n. iv n C political. The economic modernization on pushed by the Japanese government h ethenisland gchi U. and economic realm during colonial rule, the intention of these policies remained mainly. was also aiming at providing primary materials or resources for the Tokyo government for military purposes, as Japan was engaging in expansionist policy at that time. Relatively, Japanese colonial policies had less concern on Taiwanese tradition and culture than promoting economic development. Still, Japanese social policies forced Taiwanese to learn Japanese and neither Chinese nor Taiwan’s dialect of Chinese was allowed to be spoken. During this time the cultural and social policies of Japan’s colonial rule were mainly implemented through assimilation. “The Japanese banned the use of Chinese in an attempt to foster a deeper Japanese patriotism, at first the colonial government allowed the 22.
(30) Taiwanese to keep their own culture and language. They hoped that the Confucian values common to both cultures, coupled with continued Japanese rule, would cause the Taiwanese to gradually develop into true Japanese subjects” (Liao and Wang, 2006: 410). The effect of Japan’s policies of economic modernization and social-political assimilation on the island had not only considerably aliened Taiwanese from China, but also created a pro-japan mentality, though mobilized among existing Taiwanese. More and more Taiwanese were mobilized into Japanese industrial activities and even into Japanese military operations. As described by Cooper, “Many Taiwanese worked for. 治 政 大 2009, pg. 41). It was volunteered for military service and fought against China” (Copper 立 evident that a considerable number of Taiwanese population (whether local Taiwanese or war-related industries or in other ways abetted the Japanese war effort... many Taiwanese. ‧ 國. 學. Chinese) supported Japanese rule at that time. The connections between Taiwan and China was thus unclear or interrupted.. ‧. 3.3 Cultural Identity. sit. y. Nat. Taiwanese have withheld a fairly positive reaction and image when regarding the Japanese colonial era; compared to Koreans, Taiwanese speak of modernization and. io. er. development, as the counterpart speaks of oppression and resistance. These differences. al. n. iv n C implemented in each country. To many hresearchers, i U colonialism represents a e n g c hJapanese mainly take form from the deep historical roots which Japan as a colonial rule. cultural dimension left behind as a legacy in Taiwanese evolution of cultural identity. Scholars like Ching argues that colonialism became a mechanism that “constructs and constricts, structures and deconstructs, the ways contradictory and contestatory colonial. identities are imagined and represented” (Ching, 2001:11) in other words national, racial, and cultural identities were unable to exist outside the temporality and spatiality of colonial modernity, but are instead enabled by it. Despite the fact that Taiwan was under a repressive foreign regime, the society nevertheless went through an impacting cultural transformation. The main transformation seen was the shift of the official language of Taiwan, from the literary Chinese from the Qing to Japanese language. Moreover, even the dominant ideology and media had a 23.
(31) considerable change. The experience of the turmoil in cultural history caused by frequent shifts in political power and regimes created an impact on the identity of the Taiwanese people. Education was an important constituent of this turmoil, “education and assimilation were key components of Japanese policy in Taiwan: assimilation of the island’s native Taiwanese population was an important goal; education was an instrument for attainment of this goal” (Tsurumi, 1979:617). Under Japanese rule, there were many Taiwanese intellectuals who opposed the colonial system even so, colonial Taiwan was steadily being incorporated into Japanese assimilation. Assimilation policies were implanted to “popularize Japanese language education” (Shozo, 2006:67). This timeframe marks the first evolution of Taiwanese. 政 治 大 into the position of collaborating with the war. The enrollment of public schools, 立. nationalism. In the outbreak of the Sino- Japanese war (1941-1945), Taiwanese were put. elementary schools for the Taiwanese, and the number of people who became competent. ‧ 國. 學. in the Japanese language had a dramatic increase, providing a mature reading market. The increase in a literary society gave the opportunity for native writers to express their. ‧. wartime experiences and through literary journals which then were used as a way of informing the mass Taiwanese community. Shozo indicates that the relationship between. y. Nat. sit. the Japanese colonial rule was not of a ruler and its subjects, “what developed under. al. er. io. Japanese colonial rule was not a simple relationship of oppressive subjugator and the. n. resisting subjugated, but rather a struggle by the Taiwanese people to for a Taiwanese. Ch. i n U. v. identity while intentionally assimilating the Japanese ideology imposed on them” (Shozo,. engchi. 2006: 63). To mobilize Taiwanese, the colonial government promoted an assimilation campaign that sought to Japanize everyday customs such as weddings, funerals, and festivals as such to draft the natives into the Japanese military. The Japanese colonial rule continued to use and implement a cultural campaign as the face of their main economic purpose, they believed that this imaginary “imperial subject literature” campaign would be the means to expand military related industries. Taiwan’s assimilation to Japan’s culture through education resulted in a confusing identity evolution, Taiwanese people were no longer Chinese politically and would be less and less culturally, but they were not Japanese either, whether politically or culturally. Through this Imperial Subject literature campaign Taiwanese who did not 24.
(32) thought themselves Japanese claimed equality to Japanese mediated through literary journals which circulated in the reading market becoming a form of shared cultural experience through Taiwanese masses. When debating the formation of nationalism, Benedict Anderson preserves that “national citizens are an imagined political community depicted as a mental image” (Anderson, 1991) which the Taiwanese had formed during the war through the means of the Imperial Subject literature. Growing literacy and forced education during the Japanese colonial rule spawned a large number of intellectuals, including professionals, teachers and medical doctors. These intellectuals showed tremendous frustration under the colonial rule as they excelled in various fields in the society but were still treated as secondary-class citizens by the colonizers. Many of them. 政 治 大 As the war approached its end, at the Cairo Conference in December 1943 the 立. became the pioneers of Taiwanese nationalistic movements.. U.S and the United Kingdom made an agreement with Chiang Kai-shek which. ‧ 國. 學. established that Taiwan would be characterized as a territory which was stolen by Japan and should be returned to the Republic of China. The Cairo agreement was not taken into. ‧. effect until 1945 when Japan was finally defeated and the Japanese population who resided in the island was to depart Taiwan. Even though the issue of national identity in. y. Nat. sit. Taiwan is post-Japanese colonization, it plays a really important role in the emergence of. al. er. io. a national and social identity consciousness in Taiwan. As scholar suggests, Taiwanese. n. after the Japanese colonial rule possess “the triangulation between colonial Taiwan,. Ch. i n U. v. imperial Japan, and nationalist China [which] formed the terrain where contradictory,. engchi. conflicting, and complicitous desires and identities were projected, negotiated and vanquished. Although the current debate over Taiwanese independence and reunification with China is a post-Japanese phenomenon, the Japanese colonial period remains a powerful subtext in which the questions of “Taiwanese consciousness” and “Chinese consciousness” are embedded and contested.” (Ching, 2001: 8).. 3.4 Summary For the next fifty years, Japanese rule devastated and transformed the entire socioeconomic and political fabric of Taiwanese society. In Japanese colonial period, we can see that the local people in Taiwan experienced a confrontation between the “Chinese 25.
(33) identity vs. Japanese identity” which produced a strong impact on the evolving of social and cultural identities in this period. This time period marks the formation of Taiwanese social and cultural identities under the dominant Japanese colonial discourse of assimilation and imperialism from the early 1920s to the end of the Japanese Empire in 1945.This section analyzes the ways in which the Taiwanese struggled, negotiated, and collaborated with Japanese colonialism during the cultural practices of assimilation and their fight towards a unique national identity. It chronicles a historiography of the colonial identity formations of the people of Taiwan, which outlines the shift from a collective and heterogeneous political horizon into a personal and inner struggle of "becoming Japanese" and what it meant to be Taiwanese.. 政 治 大 contradictions essential in the formation and transformation of colonial identities. 立. This period of colonial Taiwan demonstrates the intricate tensions and. Throughout the colonial period, Taiwanese elites imagined and constructed China as a. ‧ 國. 學. conversational place where various forms of cultural identification and national affiliation were projected. Successfully bridging history and identity studies, this section shows the. ‧. history of Japanese rule in Taiwan by radically expanding its approach to colonial identity discourses.. y. Nat. sit. During this time frame it is very difficult to distinguish one identity from the other,. al. er. io. there are overlapping developments of social, political and cultural identities. After all,. n. the developments in the three dimensions are not able to be separated as a sequential way.. Ch. i n U. v. Sometimes social identity is more obvious and sometimes political or cultural identity are. engchi. more prominent, and vice versa. The Japanese colonial era represents an identity evolution that impacted Taiwanese as a historical difference between Taiwan and China, a positive political and economic experience with colonial rule, and lastly, social modernization. Taiwan became modern during the Japanese colonial period.. 26.
(34) Chapter Four: The 2-28 Incident and White Terror Period 4.1 Social Identity The KMT government came to Taiwan which ended the Japanese colonial rule in 1945. It was anticipated that the new Chinese government should be friendlier than the Japanese rulers to the people on the island, after the half-century separation. Unfortunately, this was not exactly the case. The 2-28 Incident (二二八 er er ba) is another historical event that not only demonstrates strong impact on identity evolution but also produces a deep-rooted resentment between local Taiwanese and incoming. 政 治 大. Mainlanders who moved to Taiwan with the KMT government. Relatively, the 2-28 Incident delivers more impact on the political identity in Taiwan. Through 2-28 Incident,. 立. we can begin to see a formation of society acting as a collective and mobilizing as a. ‧ 國. law marked a significant evolution in Taiwan’s history.. 學. group to defend their beliefs. The beginning of the KMT’s rule until the lifting of martial. ‧. Since the KMT military government took control of the island, it soon initiated a series of resource-extraction efforts like the Japanese colonial government. The KMT’s. sit. y. Nat. primary goal was to use Taiwan’s people and resources to support the battle with the communists in mainland China, there was a long and thorough plan to manage the island. io. er. at that time. With this mentality there was not a clear differences between the new KMT. al. n. iv n C culturally [Taiwan] was suddenly yanked h eout i U orbit and appended to n gofctheh Japanese government and previous colonial one. As Wachman puts, “economically, politically, and. China in another colonial relationship” (Wachman, 1994: 20). The locals expected that structure in Taiwan would be different with the nationalist party in power, with these hopes Taiwanese citizens suggested a need for political change towards democracy or self-rule, but even after Taiwan became part of the Republic of China there were no efforts to establish a democracy. The relationship between the residents of Taiwan and the representatives of the KMT was sour from the start. The nationalist military leaders believed that the Taiwanese were tainted by Japanese culture and wanted to restore Taiwan to its Chinese origins, on the one hand, it was the KMT government who thought to come as a savor. This was clearly described by Cooper that “Mainland Chinese made a claim of cultural superiority, 27.