跨文化危機之新聞框架分析：比較台灣與菲律賓報紙對於「廣大興28號」事件之報導 - 政大學術集成

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(1)!. International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi University. Master’s Thesis. Framing Cross-Cultural Crisis: A Comparative Analysis of Coverage of the Guang Da Hsing No. 28 Incident in Taiwanese and Philippine Newspapers. Student: Marvee Gail Huedem Moreno Advisor: Cheng I-Huei. February 2015.

(2) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 2! ACKNOWLEDGEMENT. I offer my utmost appreciation and deepest gratitude for the following people, without whom this dissertation may not have been completed: Prof. Cheng I-Huei, my mentor and adviser, who always had my back, and whose smile and words of encouragement buoyed me through the darkest days of writing this thesis. Professor, your support, guidance, expertise, suggestions, and comments were immensely helpful. I consider myself lucky for being one of your mentees. Prof. Shih Tsung-Jen, the most critical member of my panel, whose objectivity and detailed scrutiny of my research pushed me to improve it. Dr. George Tsai, who was more like an uncle than a panel member, and who provided valuable advice on the social and political aspects of this research. Tiffany Lin, Ruby Liu, Esther Lu, Lena Korableva, and Katherine Gulenok, whose constant support and friendship cheered me up and inspired me to push forward. Richard Mooney, for out-geeking me, taking long walks with me all over Taipei, and for being on this same road at the same time. Jacqueline Uy, Ronald Mangubat, and the rest of my Filipino mafia, for believing in me and cheering me on, but most of all, for providing space and shelter, and keeping me well-fed. Robin Murillo, who supported me for the longest time, and taught me many lessons about life, love, and my own self. Most importantly, my parents Ernesto and Elena Moreno, my brother Marvin, and the rest of my family: there are not enough words in any language to express how immeasurably grateful I am for the never-ending love and support you send my way. I thank the Lord everyday for making me part of this family, and I wouldn’t have it any other way..

(3) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 3! ABSTRACT. Framing research over the years has led to remarkable findings about how the media is able to influence public perception about certain issues or events. Framing analysis of international conflict is commonplace, yet only a few deal specifically with direct conflict between countries over a single incident. The current study conducted a comparative framing analysis on news reports of a single incident as covered by each country’s media. The incident in this case is the Guang Da Hsing shooting that occurred between Taiwan and the Philippines in May 2013. A content analysis of two newspapers from Taiwan and three from the Philippines was conducted to identify the frames that appeared in the text. Additionally, the incident was also examined from a cultural and crisis communication perspective, exploring themes of cultural difference, “othering”, attributions of responsibility, and crisis response strategies..

(4) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 4! TABLE OF CONTENTS. Title Page………………………………………………………………………………………… 1 Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………… 2 Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………... 3 Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………... 4 Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………... 5 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………. 5 Overview of the Guang Da Hsing Incident………………………………………………. 5 Objectives and Significance of the Study………………………………………………… 6 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………………... 7 Literature Review………………………………………………………………………… 7 Agenda-Setting…………………………………………………………………………….7 Framing…………………………………………………………………………………… 9 News Sources…………………………………………………………………………… 14 Framing International Conflict……………………………………………………………16 Crisis Communication…………………………………………………………………… 19 Chapter Three………………………………………………………………………………….. 23 Methodology…………………………………………………………………………….. 23 Samples………………………………………………………………………………….. 23 Coding Unit and Coding Procedure……………………………………………………... 24 Coding Categories……………………………………………………………………….. 25 Chapter Four…………………………………………………………………………………… 33 Findings………………………………………………………………………………..... 33 News Frames…………………………………………………………………………….. 33 News Sources……………………………………………………………………………. 34 Othering…………………………………………………………………………………. 36 Attribution of Responsibility……………………………………………………………. 38 Crisis Response Strategies………………………………………………………………. 39 Chapter Five……………………………………………………………………………………. 42 Discussion……………………………………………………………………………….. 42 Major Findings of the Study…………………………………………………………….. 42 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………. 51 Limitations and Future Research………………………………………………………... 53 References………………………………………………………………………………………. 55 Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………… 61 Appendix A……………………………………………………………………………… 61 Appendix B……………………………………………………………………………… 67.

(5) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 5! CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. Overview of the Guang Da Hsing Incident On the morning of May 9, 2013, members of the Philippine Coast Guard open fired on Taiwanese fishing vessel Guang Da Hsing No. 28, resulting in the death of the ship captain’s father, 65-year-old Hung Shih-cheng. Both sides claim that the waters where the incident took place lie within their 200 nautical mile exclusive economic zones, creating animosity between the two as a result (“Taiwan lifts Philippines sanctions after shooting apology”, 2013). The Philippine Government initially denied any wrongdoing, stating that Coast Guard members were merely carrying out their duties in flushing out illegal fishing. After Taiwan issued a 72-hour ultimatum for an investigation and apology from the Philippines, an apology from the people of the Philippines to the people of Taiwan was coursed through MECO (Manila Economic and Cultural Office) chairman Amadeo Perez. This was promptly rejected by Taiwan’s Ma administration, however, citing a lack of sincerity, and requiring no less than a formal apology from the Philippine government. Sanctions were imposed on the Philippines, including the freeze hiring of workers and a red travel alert ("Taiwan rejects ph," 2013). All of this was met with protests and demonstrations in Manila and Taipei, as public outrage and tensions mounted. After investigation from both sides, the Philippine government recommended the filing of homicide charges against the 8 coast guard members who fired weapons. A formal apology was sent to Taiwan and to the victim’s family, whereby sanctions were formally lifted on August 8, three months after the incident (Agence France-Presse, 2013)..

(6) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 6!. Objectives and Significance of the Study The main objective of the study is to compare the coverage of the Guang Da Hsing shooting incident by both Philippine and Taiwanese newspapers. Using a framing analysis, this study asks the following questions: How was the incident framed by the media in each country and were they framed differently? Specifically, in newspaper coverage of the incident, what frames appeared? In regarding the shooting incident as a government crisis from the perspective of the Philippines as the supposed perpetrator in the case, the study would additionally like to analyze how the Philippine government dealt with the issue: What strategies did they use to respond to the incident? Was their response more accommodative or defensive? Did this change over time? How did the Taiwanese government react in turn to each of the responses? In examining each country’s responses and reactions to the incident, the study hopes to analyze the situation in both countries, their bilateral ties, and how these affected the various stakeholders that were involved. It is worth noting that as a result of the incident, public outrage was especially high in Taiwan, leading to reports of violence and discrimination against Filipinos living and working in the island nation. In any crisis situation, the media is crucial in disseminating information to relevant publics, but this news may not be completely objective, and as such may influence the public in certain ways. In the Guang Da Hsing case in particular, each side is a sovereign entity with its own set of media and publics, each insisting that it is right. So that, at the core of the issue may be what Kinder and Kam (2009) refer to as an “us versus them” perspective that could make each side’s media biased against the other..

(7) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 7! CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW. Agenda-Setting Agenda-setting is the belief that the mass media influence the public agenda. Specifically, it refers to the media’s propensity to force attention on certain issues or events, thereby influencing the salience of the public’s attitudes towards these issues (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). McCombs & Shaw (1972) are widely credited with formalizing agenda-setting as a theory, but the idea that media can influence what issues become prominent in the public’s mind had been studied by scholars as far back as 1922. In Public Opinion, Walter Lippmann (1922) noticed the public’s growing dependency on the news media in their everyday lives, arguing that mass media serves as the connection between “the world outside” and the “pictures in our heads”- that is, events in the world and images that form in the mind of the public. This observation later led Bernard Cohen (1963) to suggest that the news media “may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about,” adding that “The world will look different to different people, depending…on the map that is drawn for the by writers, editors, and publishers of the paper they read” (p. 13). In essence, both Lippmann and Cohen had been talking about the same thing, and both their works subsequently provided the framework for McCombs and Shaw’s definitive study on agendasetting in 1972. Through the years, agenda-setting has been the subject of many studies in the field of Communication. In most studies on the agenda-setting function of media, two assumptions emerge: first, that the media do not reflect reality but instead create or shape it; and second, that concentrated attention on particular issues leads the public to regard these as more important than.

(8) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 8!. others. Iyengar and Kinder (1987) conducted an experiment wherein they manipulated the contents of television news reports and found that even a little exposure to certain issues were enough to cause significant shifts in viewers’ perceptions of their relative importance. The media sets the public agenda through news selection, so that agenda-setting is an unintentional outcome of reporting the news- a role that cannot be avoided. What ends up as news, however, are only those deemed relevant and newsworthy by journalists and other media practitioners (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). In setting the public agenda, the news media influence the prominence of that small number of issues that come to command public attention, such that audiences’ views may become vastly limited (McCombs, 2004). Thus, agenda-setting helps explain how political realities are formulated, and also applies to how certain “realities” can be manufactured (Matsaganis, 2005). While agenda-setting theory is traditionally only concerned with issue salience, more recent studies have branched out to conduct research on what they believe to be other aspects of agenda-setting. When people perceive an issue or agenda to be important, it follows that they have ideas as to why this is so. McCombs and Shaw (1972) note that beyond the agenda of objects or issues, their attributes- characteristics and for thinking about these objects are important in the agenda-setting process” (McCombs & Ghanem, 2001, p. 68). Issue or object salience is considered the first level, while attribute salience refers to the second level of agenda-setting. So that, while the importance of issues is the main point being touted by first-level agenda-setting, evaluation and interpretation are the crux of second-level agenda-setting (McCombs & Ghanem, 2001). Second-level agenda-setting is perhaps best illustrated through studying simple attributes such as the images of public figures. Weaver. Graber, McCombs and Eyal (1981) applied this to the 1976 US presidential elections between Jimmy Carter and Jerry Ford, where he found a strong correlation between the attributes in the Chicago Tribune and the attributes of Illinois voters’.

(9) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 9!. descriptions of the two candidates. In Taiwan, King (1997) measured the attribute agenda-setting influences of Taipei newspapers on voters’ images of the three mayoral candidates. Second-level agenda-setting may be applied to more complex issues as well, as Takeshita and Mikami (1995) demonstrated in combining first-level and second-level agenda setting to study the issue of political reform in Japan during the 1993 general elections, where they found both levels to be in effect. Second-level agenda-setting, however, does have its limitations, one of which is that attributes are more or less regarded generally. In most of the studies on second-level agenda setting outlined above, measurements of attributes merely consist of attributes in the media being matched to attributes in the public mind. So that, although agenda-setting theory can serve as a useful theoretical perspective for the current study, it will perhaps be more beneficial to adapt a more comprehensive theoretical framework such as framing. Framing Framing suggests that how an issue is presented- a story’s “angle”- is important in determining how it is understood by audiences (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). Many scholars have noted the similarities between framing and second-level agenda-setting, as both are concerned with salience and the media’s role in influencing audience interpretation and evaluation of events and issues. Indeed, there are some who believe framing to be an extension of agenda-setting research and should be classified under that blanket theory (McCombs & Ghanem 2001). Framing, however, is different from second-level agenda-setting. While both first and second level agenda setting functions are a product of accessibility, framing is an applicability effect (Scheufele & Tewksbury 2007). Issue importance is determined by story selection where agenda-setting is concerned, but framing pays little attention to the selection process and focuses instead on story presentation (Price & Tewksbury 1997). For agenda-setting, mere exposure is.

(10) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 10!. sufficient to induce shifts in viewer perception, but not so in framing, which requires attention to media messages. If to keep the conceptualization of second-level agenda-setting consistent with the original theory, its locus of effect would not be the same as with framing. With agenda-setting theory being an accessibility effect, we would assume that the locus of its effect lies in the amount of attention it receives: more exposure equals greater effect. On the other hand, framing being an applicability effect would assume that the locus of effect lies in the description of an issue being covered, suggesting that lack of knowledge combined with unavailability of information in the news report about certain concepts would inhibit framing effects. As such, the strength of framing effects varies depending on these two circumstances (Scheufele & Tewksbury 2007). Van Gorp (2007) argues that framing is a process based in and bound by culture, and that to classify it as equivalent to agenda-setting would be tantamount to wasting its power and potential. Ultimately, it is not a question of issue salience that this analysis on Guang Da Hsing aims to study, but rather how the issue is presented in the media, and its possible influence on public perception and opinion. For this reason, framing rather than second-level agenda-setting will be the foremost theory reflected in this paper. Framing theory has its roots in cognitive psychology and anthropology, and was adopted for use by other disciplines, including sociology, economics, linguistics, and communications to name a few. In the field of communications especially, framing has become the most commonly applied theory in recent years according to Bryant and Miron (2004). Perhaps the most commonly cited definition of framing theory (Bryant & Miron, 2004; Bosman & d’Haenens, 2008; Yang & Ishak, 2012) comes from Entman (1993), who describes it as: “… selecting some aspects of a perceived reality to enhance their salience in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation” (p. 53)..

(11) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 11!. Certain thoughts may be activated or become more prominent depending on a message’s organization, thematic structure or content (Price, Tewksbury & Powers, 1997). As such, these “subtle alterations” may then lead to changes in judgment (Iyengar, 1987). For clarity, it is necessary to differentiate between the terms “framing” and “frame.” Framing is “the process by which a communication source, such as a news organization [or a political leader, public relations officer, political advertising consultant, or news consumer], defines and constructs a political issue or public controversy” (Nelson, Clawson & Oxley, 1997, p. 567). A frame, on the other hand, is “a central organizing idea for news content that supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration” (Tankard, Hendrickson, Silberman, Bliss & Ghanem, 1991, p. 11). Frames may refer to either individual or media frames, though the current study will be focusing mostly on media frames. Individual frames are related to situational factors and references that people draw upon in their decision making, “internal structures of the mind” that are used to categorize values and beliefs. Media frames, on the other hand, are rhetorical devices such as language, narratives, mythologies, and rituals that appear in political discourse, and may influence how audiences may regard certain events or issues (Kinder & Sanders, 1990). Scholars often regard the relationship between individual and media frames as bridging the gap between the larger social world and more specific everyday social interactions (Friedland & Zhong, 1996), as both types of frames often work hand in hand. Individual frames, in particular, reinforce the belief that audiences are not passive recipients of mediated information, as individuals frequently infuse their own thoughts, analyses and beliefs even as they are influenced by media frames (Price, Tewksbury & Powers, 1997)..

(12) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 12!. In framing literature, one study that stands out for its applicability is Semetko and Valkenburg’s (2000) investigation on the prevalence of five common frames in their study of European press and television news. Building on previous findings, specifically Neuman et al.’s (1992) exploratory study that identified human impact, powerlessness, economics, moral values, and conflict frames in audience and media discussions of current affairs, Semetko and Velkenburg (2000) refined the five frames and developed scales in order to effectively measure their recurrence in news media. Ultimately, their scale consisted of 18 items in the form of Yes or No questions measuring conflict, attribution of responsibility, human interest, economic, and morality frames. The conflict frame emphasizes conflict and disagreement between two groups, organizations or individuals, with news reports referring to only two sides of a story, and one side criticizes or accuses the other. The human interest frame presents a human angle to the issue or problem, using adjectives that generate feelings of outrage, sympathy or compassion. The story emphasizes how groups or individuals are affected by the problem, and elaborates on the personal lives of the actors involved. The attribution of responsibility frame presents the story in such a way as to attribute a cause or solution to the government, a specific organization or group, or an individual. The economic frame reports a problem or issue in the context of its economic impact on an individual, group or organization. Finally, the morality frame interprets the issue through moral messages, referring to God and other religious tenets, and often offering specific social prescriptions on how best to behave. The five frames outlined above have proved to be applicable across different subjects and areas of discipline and have since been utilized by many researchers in their own studies. For example, Yang & Ishak (2012) used the five frames in comparing mainstream and alternative news coverage of the Hindraf (Hindu Rights Action Force) incident in Malaysia, in which.

(13) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 13!. Hindraf was accusing the predominantly Malay ruling party of discrimination. The findings in the study revealed the prominence of the conflict frame across all newspapers (2 Malay, 1 Chineselanguage, and 1 alternative), though with the depicted conflict vastly different between mainstream and alternative media. Malaysian mainstream media used binary oppositions in constructing conflict between the government and Malays and Hindraf. The study therefore concluded that the shared perspective of the three mainstream newspapers presented a hegemonic discourse in their representation of the Hindraf movement that was further highlighted by the very different and varied coverage of the same issue by the alternative newspaper (Yang & Ishak, 2012). In another study, Cho and Gower (2006) conducted an experiment on how use of humaninterest frames affects public perception towards a crisis or issue. They found that human-interest frames served to heighten audiences’ emotional response, and that, if the crisis or issue is further perceived to be an intentional act; individuals tend to attribute more responsibility towards the organization or group at fault. The current study will similarly utilize the five news frames developed by Semetko & Valkenburg in analyzing coverage of the Guang Da Hsing incident. Specifically, this study would like to find out what frames appeared most frequently in news reports covering the Guang Da Hsing shooting, and what the implications might be in terms of influencing public opinion: RQ1: What frames frequently appeared in the Taiwanese reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident? RQ2: What frames frequently appeared in the Philippines reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident?.

(14) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 14!. News Sources In studying the interplay between media-generated reports and public opinion, it is important to consider journalists’ news sources- where media channels get the information they present to the public. If the media sets the public agenda, where exactly does the media obtain this agenda? As previously mentioned, the media is not a completely objective or neutral entity. Rather, media outlets are often owned by powerful individuals or corporations who use these channels as a means to convey the power and perspectives of the political, social, and economic elites (Gamson, Croteaum, Hoynes, & Sasson, 1992). Seen in this light, examining the relationship between media organizations and their sources is thus a logical first step in understanding media influence on public opinion and policy-making. Herbert Gans (1979) characterized the journalist/source relationship as consensual and cooperative, saying, “It takes two to tango…but more often than not, sources do the leading” (p.116). Yet for journalists and other media practitioners, who often assume themselves to be watchdogs of society, such a relationship implies a lack of editorial independence and autonomy. In order to uphold journalistic integrity and maintain quality, it is imperative that they establish their own sources, independent from any organization or entity that might diminish their credibility (Balstow, 1985), and thus are typically wary of public relations sources (White & Hobsbawm, 2007). Gandy’s (1982) information subsidy theory argues that PR practitioners and other sources of pre-packaged news in effect subsidize the production costs of running a news organization by providing ready news in the form of press releases, press conferences, special reports, video news releases, press briefings, and the like. He likewise states that there are “information specialists” affiliated with the government and other organizations that ensure the carrying out of desired messages to the public through the nation’s various media channels (Gandy, 1982, p.74). However, changing.

(15) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 15!. journalistic practices and pressures to increase output have suggested that media practitioners have been becoming more reliant on ready-made news provided by PR practitioners, news and government agencies. The suggestion is that the relationship between journalists and these sources are less adversarial and more complementary, since the interests and needs of each group can be met through cooperation with each other (Blumler & Gurevitch, 1981). This resonates with Entman’s (2003) Cascading Activation Model, which describes how interpretive frames activate from the top level (government) before spreading down to elites, news organizations, through the news, and to the public. The complementary relationship described above is none too apparent than during times of crisis, when organizational spokespersons or PR representatives become an important source of information for journalists and are often quoted by them to lend credibility to news reports (Coombs & Holladay, 2012). In international crises or conflicts, media often turn to the government as their primary source of information for foreign relations (Yoon & E., 2002). According to Miller (2006), comparative studies indicate that during times of national crisis, journalists the world over tend to reiterate foreign policy nostra; in other words, the official government-recommended actions or solutions. And often in cases where national interests are deeply involved, the media tends to reflect the government stance on the issue (Yoon & E., 2002). For example, both in coverage of September 11 (Hutcheson, Domke, Billeaudeaux & Garl, 2004) and in the Tokdo territorial dispute between Japan and South Korea (Yoon & E., 2002), news reports paralleled the government perspective, suggesting official releases as the primary news source utilized by media practitioners. However this may not be always the case, as in the absence of official sources or statements, media practitioners have been known to turn to third party sources such as industry experts, scholars, victims, or witnesses, especially when the information.

(16) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 16!. they provide is perceived as newsworthy (Coombs & Holladay, 2012). In taking the Guang Da Hsing as a specific case, then, this study would like to find out which source was used most by both the Taiwanese and Philippine media (official government releases, independent statements by other politicians or officials, experts, the victim’s family and colleagues, ordinary citizens, non-governmental organizations, or other countries and governments): RQ3: What are the primary sources used by the Taiwanese media in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing shooting incident? RQ4: What are the primary sources used by the Philippine media in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing shooting incident? Framing International Conflict In cases of conflict, the use of framing often highlights one side’s views over another’s. Particularly in such cases where the nation is involved, each entity’s national interests figure prominently in how issues are framed and represented (Bailey & Harindranath, 2005). Because mass media often serves as the primary source of information of the public for international news, public perception of these foreign events are highly influenced by the manner in which it is covered. Framing, much like agenda-setting, is unavoidable in news production (Entman, 2005); and though the degree of framing intention and consciousness varies, media practitioners cannot choose not to frame their stories (Stromback & Dimitrova, 2006). Certain biases in the news may thus be a usual occurrence, but it is nevertheless dangerous at times because of the power of the media to influence public perception about what is acceptable, “normal”, and what is not. The media treat an event differently depending on whether the conflict is internal (it concerns the media’s nation state) or external (it does not concern the media’s nation state) (Nossek, 2004). In the case of two nations directly in conflict with one another, each side will.

(17) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 17!. attempt to provide their own interpretation of ideas and events to their own publics. When there is difference in opinion, the tendency is for one nation to see its own views and actions as positive while portraying the other [enemy] nation in a negative light, potentially leading to negative stereotypes held by citizens of both (Yoon & E., 2002). As Erving Goffman (1974) noted, “opposing rooters in a football game do not experience the ‘same’ game” (cited in Druckman, 2010). A single event can be regarded and interpreted in different ways when biases are involved, more so when that bias is related to nationality or nationalism. Oftentimes, this results in “Othering”, and the emergence and persistence of an “us versus them” dichotomy (Bailey & Harindranath, 2005; Kinder & Kam, 2009). The concept of the “Other” and the process of “Othering” are related to notions of ethnocentrism in anthropology, which refers to “this view of things in which one’s own group is the center of everything” (Sumner 2002 p.13, cited in Kinder & Kam, 2009), where the tendency is to view people of another culture through the lens of our own values, society or culture. According to the Frankfurt School, specifically Franz Fanon (1986) and Slavoj Zizek (1993), the notion of cultural identity is shaped in relation to the Other; that is, to another culture (Clarke, 2008), as “identities are always constructed against the difference of an other” (Diez, 2004). As such, the process of Othering is imperative to the construction of national identities, since this helps differentiate between home and away, or us and them (Clarke, 2008). Othering tends to impose a hierarchy: by making a distinction between our own group and another, the implication is that “we” are superior, stronger, while the Other is inferior. This is the same underlying principle at work in both colonialism and imperialism (Said, 1978). Othering, however, is not simply limited to culture, but may be applied to gender, class, or any situation that includes an ingroup-outgroup orientation, where ingroup refers to one’s own.

(18) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 18!. group and outgroup is any group that is perceived to be radically or fundamentally different (Duszak, 2002). In framing analyses of news stories about September 11 and the Iraq war, most stories were framed within the context of cultural conflict: anti-Americanism and a religious war pitting Islam against Christianity (among other religions), the Middle East against the West, and tradition against modernity. Additionally, instead of an attack solely on the US or a crime against humanity, it was characterized as an act of war for which the ramifications were global (Abrahamian, 2003; McChesney, 2011). Subsequently, as terrorism became equated with Islam, unfavorable views of Muslims increased (Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project, 2005; Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project, 2008), and members of the Muslim community the world over bore the brunt of social and political hatred because of their religious beliefs (Ibrahim, 2010). A similar study on international conflict can be seen in the comparative analysis of coverage of the Tokdo incident, wherein both Japan and South Korea claim territoriality over Tokdo island. South Korean media actively reported on the issue and had a predominantly negative portrayal of Japan, going so far as to use hostile terms such as “Japanese imperialism” and ”Japanese militarism” in news reports. The media was not as hostile or as antagonistic in Japan, but the Japanese government and media nevertheless remained critical of the issue as they upheld their own stance and refused to back down. The external threat posed by this fight for territory served to rally each country’s people together, increasing the degree of national integration and making it easier for the government to push a unified agenda and mobilize public opinion (Yoon & E., 2002). The Tokdo case is in many ways similar to the Guang Da Hsing shooting incident. Both involve direct conflict between two nations, and a similar rallying of.

(19) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 19!. national forces against an external threat. The main difference lies in the circumstances of the conflict. Between Korea and Japan, the fight was over territory, with each side on equal footing. In Guang Da Hsing, the death of a civilian Taiwanese at the hands of a government controlled entity puts the Philippines at a distinct disadvantage where Taiwan is considered the victim, while the Philippines becomes suspect or perpetrator. In the Dokdo study, Yoon and E. (2002) focused on the propagandistic nature of how Japan and Korea constructed their national opinions of each other. This study will take a similar approach, but with a focus on themes of Othering, which is rooted in notions of race and ethnicity (Said, 1978). Othering is related to ethnocentrism, and constitutes any action by which a group or individual is classified as fundamentally different and therefore “not one of us” (Kinder & Kam, 2009): RQ5: To what extent was “othering” carried out in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident in Taiwanese newspapers? RQ6: To what extent was “othering” carried out in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident in Philippine newspapers? Crisis Communication Most studies on international conflict draw the line at framing, and rarely ever adopt a crisis communication perspective, which takes into consideration organizational [or governmental] response or strategy towards the crisis. As such, it will be worthwhile to consider this line of research in order to provide a more in-depth and comprehensive understanding of such incidents. In regarding an incident such as Guang Da Hsing, two theories often cited in crisis communication literature will be considered: Attribution theory and Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT). Attribution theory is important in crisis communication because of the link it provides between crisis situations and crisis response, while SCCT is essentially.

(20) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 20!. built upon the principles of attribution theory and aims to guide crisis response decisions in such a way as to minimize damage to an organization’s reputation and image (Coombs, 2007). Attribution theory is rooted in psychology and refers to how people attach meaning to others’ or their own behavior or action, which can go from explaining behavior to making inferences and ascriptions (Malle, 2011). Heider (1958) believed people made attributions to make sense of the social world, often regarding things in a cause and effect perspective. When faced with certain events, especially negative or unexpected ones, people will search for the cause, attribute or assign responsibility, and react emotionally. Often, causal attributions fall under one of two categories: personal causality or external causality. Whichever type of causality is perceived affects how a person feels about the event, and may influence further incidents or interactions (Coombs, 2004). Crises are examples of such negative events, and when faced with them, people seek information in order to evaluate the situation and attribute responsibility, often through media coverage. How media frames the issue influences people’s perceptions towards the crisis, specifically in whom they blame for the incident, and as such it is all the more important to examine how a crisis is framed by the media: what is the cause and who is responsible (An & Gower, 2009): RQ7: To whom were attributions of responsibility directed toward in Taiwanese news reports of Guang Da Hsing? RQ8: To whom were attributions of responsibility directed toward in Philippine news reports of Guang Da Hsing? Crisis responses are at the core of Crisis Communication literature, and the form these responses take are the subject of many studies. However, crisis responses are too often just lists of what to do and what to avoid that have been compiled from experience by public relations.

(21) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 21!. practitioners. They offer very little guiding theory in this regard, though most offer similar advice, urging crisis managers to “be quick, be consistent, be open” (Coombs, 2007). In order to fill the gap between theory and practice, SCCT was developed from theories and ideas from attribution theory, corporate apologia, corporate impression management, and image restoration in order to serve as a theoretical framework in which to integrate the many ideas that have come from crisis response literature through the years (Coombs & Holladay, 2002). SCCT believes that in a crisisa negative event- it is important for crisis managers to understand a crisis situation, because only by doing so will they be able to determine what response strategies will be most applicable and effective. These response strategies are the crux of SCCT, and are outlined in Table 1.. Table 1: Crisis Response Strategies by Level of Acceptance (Coombs 1999) Strategy Attack the Accuser. Key Characteristic Aggressively denying claims of a crisis. Level of Acceptance No Acceptance. Punishment of the accuser Denial. Claims that there is no crisis. No Acceptance. The organization is uninvolved in the crisis Excuse. Admits there is a crisis but minimizes. Mild Acceptance. organizational responsibility for the crisis Justification. Admits a crisis exists but downplays its severity. Mild Acceptance. Ingratiation. Create positive impressions of the organization by. Mild Acceptance. reminding stakeholders of past good works, associating the organization with positive qualities, or both Corrective Action. Attempts to repair crisis damage, prevent a repeat. High Acceptance. of the crisis, or both Full apology and Mortification. Takes responsibility for the crisis. Very High Acceptance.

(22) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 22!. SCCT is particularly useful in selecting the appropriate crisis response to use in any crisis situation. Typically, a two-step process is followed. First, the crisis type must be identified based on the level of crisis responsibility that is involved and perceived by stakeholders, namely strong, moderate, or low attributions of responsibility toward the organization. Strong attributions of responsibility may include incidents caused by human error, while low attributions of responsibility are typically applicable in crises that result from natural disasters. The second step involves evaluating variables that may affect attributions of crisis types (modifiers), of which there are 2: performance history and crisis severity. Performance history refers mainly to an organization’s record of past crises, but can also include any good work they may have achieved. Stakeholders’ perceptions of past crises can affect more recent or current incidents. The degree to which stakeholders attribute crisis responsibility to an organization also directly affects its reputation: the more stakeholders blame them for a crisis, the more it damages their reputation. Crisis severity, meanwhile, refers to the amount of damage caused by a crisis. After assessing crisis types and modifiers, crisis managers then select a response strategy to match the level of crisis responsibility, with the idea being stronger crisis responsibility attributions toward the organization should be met with crisis responses characterized by a higher level of acceptance (Coombs, 2007). Similarly, in analyzing the Guang Da Hsing case, it is important to know what response strategies the Philippines, as the perceived perpetrator, carried out in light of the attributions of responsibility and threat to its reputation, and how Taiwan, as the victim, responded in turn: RQ9: What crisis response strategies were used by the Philippine government in the crisis? RQ10: What crisis response strategies were used by the Taiwan government in the crisis?.

(23) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 23! CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY. Content analysis is the method employed in the study, in examining news coverage about Guang Da Hsing in Taiwan and the Philippines. The study seeks to find out how the news was covered in both countries, and whether there was a fundamental difference in how the stories were framed by each side. The questions this study aims to address include what frames frequently appeared, what news sources were used, whether “othering” was present, to whom the attributions of responsibility were directed toward, and what crisis response strategies were used by both sides. Samples The samples analyzed are comprised of five English-language newspapers, two published in Taiwan and three in the Philippines. The two publications included for Taiwan are: the Taipei Times, published by the Liberty Times group in Taiwan, which claims 200,000 hits a day through their supplementary website (Taipeitimes.com, n.d.); and China Post, an independent English language newspaper in Taiwan which boasts a unique readership of 400,000 (Chinapost.com.tw, n.d.). For the Philippines, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Manila Bulletin, and The Philippine Star were examined. According to a Nielsen Consumer and Media View survey conducted in 2012, the nationwide readership percentages of the three publications are 46.54, 33.79, and 30.34 respectively (“PDI keeps big lead in newspaper readership,” 2013). The sampling timeframe covered a period of three months, from May 9 when the incident started until August 8, 2013 when it was resolved. Therefore, all news articles with the Guang Da Hsing incident as topic published in the five publications between those dates were considered, excluding editorials, commentaries and opinion pieces. Articles were retrieved from the.

(24) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 24!. newspapers’ online archives using one or a combination of the following search words: “Philippines”, “Taiwan”, “shooting”, and “fisherman.” Due to the limitations of the online archives’ search engines as well as the differences in how each country referred to the incident, it was necessary to do a search using different combinations of the abovementioned search words in order to obtain the maximum number of articles. Only the Taipei Times website allowed for datespecific searches, so all of the articles that came up in the searches for all the other newspapers had to be examined one by one to determine if they fall within the dates included for the study. Additionally, each article was examined for relevance to the study: the main topic of the article had to be the Guang Da Hsing incident. These search parameters eventually generated 130 articles for the Taipei Times, 122 for China Post, 120 for the Philippine Daily Inquirer, 86 for The Philippine Star, and 60 for Manila Bulletin. All of these articles were included for analysis. Coding Unit and Coding Procedure The unit of analysis is one news article. Two coders, both Filipino-Chinese students taking up graduate studies in communications in a Taiwanese university, carried out coding independently. Training sessions were conducted at least twice until satisfactory results were achieved. Coders were subject to training which included an explanation of the concepts investigated in the study, the codebook and the application of the coding process. Coders were asked to code a few articles, after which a discussion was held to ensure that each coder understood the process and both agree on the interpretation of the variables. Afterwards, coders were asked to independently code a random sample, divided up equally between them, while also coding a number of same items to gauge intercoder reliability. The total number of articles coded was 518, 64.8% (N=336) of which was coded by Coder A, and 35.2% (N=182) by Coder B. 52 articles, or 10% of the total, was used to compute for reliability..

(25) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 25!. The value of Cohen’s Kappa on variables ranged from 0.847 to 1 (Table 1), which is considered a high degree of agreement . Table 2. Intercoder Reliability Variable Major news sources Tone towards Taiwan Tone towards the Philippines Attribution of responsibility Conflict frame Responsibility frame Human interest frame Morality frame Economic frame PH Denial PH Excuse PH Justification PH Corrective Action PH Full Apology & Mortification TW Attack the accuser TW Denial TW Corrective Action Othering. Cohen’s Kappa 1 .901 .881 .877 1 1 1 .873 1 .847 .930 .847 1 1 1 .898 1 .871. Coding Categories Coding categories for the study were developed using previous literature and are comprised of five specific categories: news frames, which will be using the five common news frames developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000); news sources; “othering” themes; attributions of responsibility; and crisis response strategies. Coding categories for news frames and crisis response strategies will utilize a Yes or No format, where coders are presented with statements or questions and must determine whether these are applicable or occurring in the article or not. Items in both frames and crisis strategies categories are not mutually exclusive. It is possible for multiple frames as well as crisis response strategies to be present in a single article..

(26) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 26!. The other three coding categories will be coded using a selection process where items are mutually exclusive. News Frames Conflict frame. There is emphasis on portraying conflict and disagreement between two groups, organizations or individuals, with news reports referring to only two sides of a story. One side criticizes or accuses the other (Does one party, individual, group or country reproach another?). Responsibility frame. The news report presents the story in such a way as to attribute a cause or solution to either the government, a specific organization or group, or an individual: Does the story suggest that some level of the government is responsible for the issue/problem? Human interest frame. The news report presents a human angle to the issue or problem, using adjectives that generate feelings of outrage, sympathy or compassion. The story emphasizes how groups or individuals are affected by the problem, and elaborates on the personal lives of the actors involved. For the Guang Da Hsing incident, ‘actors’ could mean either direct victims involved in the incident (Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the victim Hung Shih-cheng and his family?) or those affected in the aftermath, such as Filipinos in Taiwan (Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the Filipino workers who were allegedly mistreated or discriminated against in Taiwan?) Morality frame. The story contains moral messages (Does the story contain any moral message about what is right and wrong?), refers to God and other religious tenets, and offers specific social prescriptions on how best to behave..

(27) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 27!. Economic frame. The story reports a problem or issue in the context of its economic impact on an individual, group or organization (Is there a reference to economic consequences of pursuing or not pursuing a course of action?). Costs and expenses are mentioned, along with financial losses and gains related to the problem at hand. News Sources The study would like to find out which sources are primarily being used and cited by media in times of conflict or crisis: Official statements or releases from the government, independent statements from politicians or officials, experts such as political scientists or forensic specialists, the victim’s family and colleagues, ordinary citizens, other countries or governments, or non-governmental organizations and institutions. Othering Themes In determining whether “othering” was present in news reports of the incident, three themes are taken into consideration: Inferior Other, Philippines as Aggressor, and Taiwan as Bully. Inferior Other. This is characterized by use of terms like corrupt nations, ineffective government, despotic and irresponsible leaders. Philippines as aggressor: Emphasis is placed on the innocence of the Guang Da Hsing crew, and the good moral character of victim Hung Shih-cheng. Words or descriptors such as “cold-blooded”, “attack”, or “murder” are used to refer to the shooting Taiwan as bully: Emphasis is placed on Filipino workers in Taiwan as innocent, unnecessary victims, contrasted with descriptors of Taiwanese as discriminatory and angry (i.e. “exploding with anger”). This also applies to Taiwan’s demands and economic.

(28) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 28!. sanctions being described as vindictive, pressuring and bullying the Philippine government into compliance. The first theme considers the Taiwanese view of the Philippines as corrupt nation, run by an irresponsible and ineffective government, while the second is a more direct accusation of the Philippines as instigator of the “attack.” Both these themes stem from Taiwan’s criticisms of the Philippines’ initial response to the shooting incident, where the government denied being in the wrong and did not take full responsibility for the death of fisherman Hung Shih-cheng, describing the incident instead as an accident, an “unintended loss of life.” The third theme depicts Taiwan as a bully, pressuring the Philippines into compliance by using Filipino workers as leverage, what one Filipino politician described as “economic hostages” (Salaverria). In both the Philippines as Aggressor and Taiwan as Bully themes, the use of juxtaposition of certain images is also considered- ‘our’ innocence or positive associations contrasted with ‘their’ violence, aggressiveness, and other negative descriptors. Attribution of Responsibility This study would like to determine where or to whom the attributions of responsibility for the Guang Da Hsing incident are directed toward. Simply put, who is the responsible party according to Taiwanese and Philippine news reports? In answering this question, four possible choices emerge: R.O.C./Taiwan government. The R.O.C. government could be seen as responsible for the incident because of the lack of protective measures in place for fishing boats in disputed waters..

(29) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 29!. Philippine government. The Philippine government in this case can refer to either the Aquino administration as the governing body in the Philippines, or to the Philippine Coast Guard, or both. They may be held responsible because the Philippine Coast Guard carried out the shooting in their official capacity. Guang Da Hsing crew. The Guang Da Hsing may be seen as responsible in the sense that the Philippine Coast Guard shot at them because they were in Philippine waters and allegedly poaching. Individuals shooters. The shooters could be taken as separate from the Philippine Coast Guard and individually held responsible for open firing on the Guang Da Hsing. Crisis Response Strategies In analyzing how the incident was handled overall, the study will use Coombs’ (1998, 2007) seven response strategies in determining how the Taiwan and Philippine governments responded to the crisis. For the Philippine government, the response strategies will follow the original definition set by Coombs (1998, 2007), while for the Taiwan government; the definition for three strategies (denial, ingratiation, corrective action) was altered to accommodate its unique position in the crisis. The Taiwan government’s position in the crisis was initially as victim responding to the issue, but with the original set of response strategies, it is assumed that the entity using them is the party liable for the crisis, so in this sense the original set of response strategies were not as applicable to the Taiwan side. In particular, the Attack the Accuser, Excuse, and Corrective Action strategies could not be applied to the Taiwan government’s responses in their original state, which spurred the need to alter the definitions to fit the unique.

(30) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 30!. situation. The seven strategies are described below, and in Table 2, where both original and altered definitions are outlined side by side. Attack the Accuser. Any claims of a crisis are aggressively denied, with the group or organization pushing for punishment of the accuser. Denial. There is no crisis, issue or problem; or the group or organization is not involved in the crisis Excuse. The group or organization admits the existence of a crisis or problem, but minimizes responsibility for it Justification. The severity of the crisis or problem is downplayed. Ingratiation. The group or organization associates itself with positive qualities, or brings to the fore past good works or deeds Corrective Action. Group or organization promises to do something about the issue or problem, or prevent a repeat occurrence. Full Apology and Mortification. Group or organization takes responsibility for the problem or issue and apologizes for its transgression.. Table 3: Original and Repurposed Crisis Response Strategies (Coombs 1998, 2007) Response Strategy Attack the accuser. Original Definition (Philippine government) Any claims of a crisis are aggressively denied, with the group or organization pushing for punishment of the accuser.. Repurposed Definition (Taiwan government) The incident is condemned as wrong and unjust, with the group or organization pushing for punishment of the perpetrators.. Denial. There is no crisis, issue or problem; or the group or organization is not involved in the crisis (i.e. The Philippine Coast Guard was simply doing its job protecting maritime. Claims made by the other party are debunked; information they put forth is likewise deemed as incorrect or incomplete. (i.e. Guang Da Hsing No. 28 was in.

(31) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 31!. borders).. disputed waters during the shooting, and not poaching in Philippine waters as the Philippines claims; “It’s a coldblooded murder, not an unintended loss of life”). Excuse. The group or organization admits the existence of a crisis or problem, but minimizes responsibility for it (i.e. Coast Guard officers open fired on Guang Da Hsing No. 28 in selfdefense after it tried to repeatedly ram their vessel).. The group or organization admits the existence of a crisis or problem, but minimizes responsibility for it. Justification. The severity of the crisis or problem The severity of the crisis or is downplayed (i.e. Philippine problem is downplayed government describes the shooting as “unintended loss of life”).. Ingratiation. The group or organization associates itself with positive qualities, or brings to the fore past good works or deeds (i.e. The Philippines and Taiwan are the closest neighbors and longtime friends…).. The party reinforces its assertions by citing or quoting citizens, organizations, political officials, or other countries’ governments that support its stance and actions, or admonish those of the other party’s (i.e. US lawmakers urge Manila to apologize over shooting).. Corrective Action. Group or organization promises to do something about the issue or problem, or prevent a repeat occurrence. (i.e. a formal investigation). The group or organization promises to do something to address the situation (i.e. demand for apology; investigation) and prevent it from occurring again (i.e. put in place preventive measures, treaties or agreements).. Full Apology and Mortification. Group or organization takes responsibility for the problem or issue and apologizes for its transgression.. Group or organization takes responsibility for the problem or issue and apologizes for its transgression.. Instead of using official accounts or press releases to separately determine each country’s crisis response strategies, the study instead uses the information presented in.

(32) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 32!. news articles to establish how each side faced this crisis. Doing so takes into consideration how the crisis was framed in the news media (and how it may have been perceived by readers), in effect providing a different perspective and approach than what is usually seen in traditional crisis communication research. In quantifying how often each response strategy was used, both direct and indirect sources were included. Even when the major source is not the government, crisis response strategies were identified within the articlewhether directly mentioned in a quote, referred to, or included as descriptive or background information..

(33) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 33!. CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS A total of 518 articles were analyzed for this study, 252 of which were published in Taiwanese newspapers (Taipei Times and China Post), and 266 published in Philippine newspapers (Philippine Daily Inquirer, Philippine Star, and Manila Bulletin). Taipei Times contributed the most news items (130 articles), followed by China Post (122 articles), Philippine Daily Inquirer (120 articles), Philippine Star (86 articles), and Manila Bulletin (60 articles). News Frames The first two research questions asked which of the five common news frames stipulated by Semetko and Velkenburg (2000) appeared most frequently in Taiwanese and Philippine reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident. Table 4. News frames by country of publication Taiwanese articles Philippine articles (N=252) (N=266) % % Conflict 95.6 99.6 Responsibility 95.6 98.9 Human Interest 50.8 57.5 Morality 17.5 19.2 Economic 10.3 17.3 Total number of articles is 518. df=1. *p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001. Chi-square 9.100** 5.157* 2.358 0.253 5.262*. Table 4 shows how frequently each of the five news frames was used in articles published in Taiwanese and Philippine newspapers. Of the 252 articles analyzed from Taiwanese publications, 95.6% (N=241) reported the presence of both the conflict and responsibility frames. 50.8% (N=128) reported the presence of human interest frames, while 17.5% (N=44) and 10.3% (N=26) of Taiwanese articles were found to have used the morality and economic frames, respectively..

(34) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 34!. Of the 266 articles analyzed from Philippine publications, 99.6% (N=265) were found to have the conflict frame present, while 98.9% (N=263) reported use of the responsibility frame. The human interest frame appeared in 57.5% (N=153) or roughly half of the Philippine articles. However, compared to the first three, the morality and economic frames were less frequent, with the morality frame being present in only 19.2% (N=51), and the economic frame in 17.3% (N=56) of Philippine articles. Results indicate that of the five common news frames, the conflict frame appeared most frequently in both countries’ newspapers, followed closely by the responsibility frame. In most of the articles analyzed in this study, in fact, both of these frames were salient; notably, in all articles in two Philippine newspapers, The Philippine Star and Manila Bulletin, both frames were found to be present. A Pearson Chi-square test was run to examine the relationship between country of publication and each type of news frame. Of the five frames, the conflict (χ2=9.100, df=1, p<.001), responsibility (χ2=5.157, df=1, p<.05), and economic frames (χ2=5.262, df=1, p<.05) were found to have a significant relationship with country of publication. Philippine newspapers, then, are more likely to use the conflict, responsibility, and economic frames than their Taiwanese counterparts. News Sources Research questions 3 and 4 asked what primary sources were used by the Taiwanese and Philippine media in their news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident. As indicated in Table 5, both countries’ newspapers tended to favor government or official sources more than any other, and chose their own country’s official source over the other side’s more often than not. Half or 50% (N=65) of the articles published in Taipei Times and 51.6% (N=63) in China Post used the Taiwan government’s official statements or releases as their primary and major source. Philippine.

(35) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 35!. newspapers likewise cited official statements from the Philippine government as its major source in more than half of the published articles (61.7%, N=164). Second to their own country’s official sources, newspapers turned to the other country’s official government releases. An exception is the Taipei Times, which used unofficial statements by Taiwanese politicians and officials (9.2%, N=12) more often than it did official releases by the Philippine government (6.9%, N=9). Table 5. Major news sources by country of publication Taiwanese articles (N=252) % Taiwan government 50.8 Philippine government 10.3 TW officials/politicians 6.7 PH Officials/politicians 2.4 Experts 3.2 Victim’s family, colleagues 5.6 Citizens 7.1 Other countries/gov’t/officials 6.3 NGOs/Associations 2.8 Anonymous source/s 4.4 Other 0.4 Total 100 Total number of articles is 518 (χ2=184.187, df=10, p<.001). Philippine articles (N=266) % 14.7 61.7 1.9 8.6 1.5 1.5 3.4 1.1 2.6 3.0 0.0 100. Table 6 shows the sources laid out in Table 5 classified into two categories- Government or official, and Non-government or unofficial; and publications classified by country. Government sources include both Taiwan and Philippine government sources, while nongovernment source options included any source that did not represent the official stance, including politicians, NGOs, and other private entities. As with Table 5, we see how little nongovernment and unofficial sources were cited in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident. Only 38.9% of articles published in Taiwanese publications, and 23.7% of articles published in Philippine newspapers cited a non-government entity as its major source..

(36) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 36!. Table 6. Classification of sources by country of publication Taiwanese Philippine articles articles (N=252) (N=266) % % Government/Official 61.1 76.3 Non-government/Unofficial 38.9 23.7 2 Total number of articles is 518 (χ =13.966, df=1, p<.001) Running Chi-square tests yields the result that there is a significant relationship between country of publication and sources used, both in the expanded version shown in Table 5 (χ2=184.187, df=10, p<.001 ), and the condensed version in Table 6 (χ2=13.966, df=1, p<.001), suggesting that government or official sources are more likely to be used than non-government or unofficial ones; and that Philippine news are significantly more likely to use government sources than their Taiwanese counterparts. Othering Research questions 5 and 6 are concerned with the concept of “othering,” specifically to what extent it was carried out in news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident in Taiwanese and Philippine newspapers. Of the 252 articles examined in Taiwanese newspapers, 62.3% (N=157) reported an absence of any “othering” theme, with only 29.8% (N=75) accounting for the Philippines as Aggressor, 6.3% (N=16) for Inferior Other, and 1.6% (N=4) for the Taiwan as Bully themes (Table 7). Of the 166 articles examined in Philippine newspapers, 78.2% (N=208) did not report the appearance of any “othering” theme. The Taiwan as Bully theme was found to be present in17.3% (N=46) of Philippine articles whole 4.5% (N=12) reported the presence of the Philippines as Aggressor theme. The Inferior Other theme was not found to be present in any article published in Philippine newspapers. Table 7. Othering themes by country of publication Taiwanese Philippine.

(37) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 37!. articles articles (N=252) (N=266) % % None 62.3 78.2 Inferior Other 6.3 0 Philippines as Aggressor 29.8 4.5 Taiwan as Bully 1.6 17.3 Total number of articles is 518 (χ2=103.724, df=3, p<.001) Overall, Taiwanese newspapers (37.7%, N=95) exhibited more “othering” themes than their Philippine counterparts (21.8%, N=58), with the Philippines as Aggressor theme utilized by Taiwanese newspapers emerging as the most evident. Country of publication was found to be significantly correlated to use of “othering” themes (χ2=103.724, df=3, p<.001), indicating that Philippine newspapers may be less likely to use “othering” themes than those from Taiwan. It is significant to note, however, that when articles did use these themes, they used those that portrayed the other side negatively, effectively engaging in “othering”. Similarly, when we look at the articles’ tone towards the Philippines (Table 8) and Taiwan (Table 9), findings indicate that the other side is viewed more negatively compared to one’s own. Running a Pearson chi-square test, findings indicate that country of publication is significantly related to tone, both in regarding tone towards the Philippines (χ2=87.710, df=2, p<.001), and towards Taiwan (χ2=67.129, df=2, p<.001). The Taiwanese newspapers’ tone towards the Philippines is primarily negative (48%, N=121), though those written with a neutral tone (44.4%, N=112) come at a close second. Only 7.5% (N=19) of Taiwanese articles regarded the Philippine side positively, a stark contrast to the 42.1% (N=106) of articles in Taiwanese newspapers that showed a positive tone towards Taiwan. Curiously, Philippine newspapers tended to be more neutral in tone with regard to Taiwan (66.9%, N=178), and likewise toward their own side (62%,.

(38) Framing!Cross,Cultural!Crisis!. 38!. N=165). However, it must be noted that in the Philippine newspapers’ case, they had more positive views of their own side, and more negative views of Taiwan, suggesting the same. Table 8. Tone towards the Philippines by country of publication Taiwanese Philippine articles articles (N=252) (N=266) % % Negative 48 12.4 Neutral 44.4 62 Positive 7.5 25.6 Total number of articles is 518 (χ2=87.71, df=2, p<.001) Table 9. Tone towards Taiwan by country of publication Taiwanese Philippine articles articles (N=252) (N=266) % % Negative 14.3 22.6 Neutral 43.7 66.9 Positive 42.1 10.5 2 Total number of articles is 518 ( χ =67.129, df=2, p<.001) Attribution of Responsibility Research questions 7 and 8 address the issue of who was deemed at fault or liable for the shooting incident. In Taiwanese news reports of the Guang Da Hsing incident, responsibility was most often attributed to the Philippine government (56.3%, N=142). That is, 60.8% (N=79) of articles published in Taipei Times and 51.6% (N=63) published in China Post all deem the Philippine government to be at fault. Individual shooters were deemed responsible in 30.6% (N=77) of articles, followed by the Taiwan government (1.6%, N=4), and the Guang Da Hsing crew (0.4%, N=1). 11.1% (N=28) of articles did not pin the blame on any entity. Table 10. Attribution of responsibility by country of publication Taiwanese Philippine articles articles (N=252) (N=266).

跨文化危機之新聞框架分析： 比較台灣與菲律賓報紙對於「廣大興28號」事件之報導 - 政大學術集成

跨文化危機之新聞框架分析：比較台灣與菲律賓報紙對於「廣大興28號」事件之報導 - 政大學術集成