遠離家園：《格烈佛遊記》與《魯賓遜漂流記》中旅行、國家意識與身份認同危機的交互糾葛

全文

(1)♁ 國立中山大學外國語文學研究所碩士論文 A Thesis Submitted to The Graduate Institute of Foreign Languages and Literature National Sun Yat-sen University 遠離家園：《格烈佛遊記》與《魯賓遜漂流記》中旅行、國家意識與身分認同危機的交互糾葛 Away from Home: Travel, Nationality, and Identity Crisis in Gulliver’s Travel and Robinson Crusoe 研究生：闕帝丰撰 By: Di-feng Chueh 指導教授：田偉文教授 Advisor: Professor Rudolphus Teeuwen 中華民國九十四年六月 June, 2005.

(2) Table of Contents Acknowledgements… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..i English Abstract… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..ii Chinese Abstract… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … .iv Introduction… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … .1 Chapter One: Social Ambience and Cultural Development in Eighteenth-Century Britain… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … 4 A: Social Ambience in Eighteenth-Century Britain… … … … … … … ..4 B: Cultural Development in Eighteenth-Century Britain… … … … … 10 C: Disharmony in Eighteenth-Century Britain… … … … … … … … … 17 Chapter Two: The Battle of Genres in Eighteenth-Century Literature… … … … … ..19 A: The Battle of Genres in Eighteenth-Century Britain… … … … … ..20 B: Utopia as a Genre Concerning Old and New Values… … … … … ..21 C: Satire as a Genre Concerning Communal Interests… … … … … … 27 D: The Novel as a Genre Concerning Individualism… … … … … … ..31 E: Travel and Travel Narrative in Eighteenth-Century England… … .35 Chapter Three: Gulliver ’s Complex: The Problems of De/Constructing Identities in Gulliver’s Travels… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..40 A: What is Identity................................................................................41 B: The First Stage: Voyage to Lilliput..… … … … … … … … … … … … 45 C: The Second Stage: Voyage to Brobdingnag… … … … … … … … … .51 D: The Third Stage: Voyage to Laputa, Balnibarbi, Glubbdubdrib, Luggnagg and Japan… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..55 E: The Fourth Stage: Voyage to the Country of the Houyhnhnms… … 59 F: Conclusion… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … .64 Chapter Four: A Middle-Station King: Double Identities in Robinson Crusoe… … ...66.

(3) A: Stage I: Crusoe’s Life in England and His Solitary Exile on the Island… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … 66 B: Stage II: Crusoe as a Communal King… … … … … … … … … … … 80 C: Stage III: Crusoe as a Middle-Station Merchant… … … … … … … .84 D: Conclusion… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ...87 Conclusion… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ...89 Notes… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … 95 Works Cited… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..98.

(4) Acknowledgements It is impossible for me to complete this thesis without the help from many people. First and foremost, I want to thank my advisor Prof. Rudolphus Teeuwen for his advice, patience, and encouragement. At the beginning of writing, Prof. Teeuwen and I both know that this thesis is a hard project since I try to discuss two texts which are very different in their writing style and meaning in it. However, by means of the stimulating discussions with and inspiring suggestions from Prof. Teeuwen, I complete the thesis step by step. Also, I have to thank another two committee members, Prof. Ting- yao Luo from Department of Foreign Languages and Literature at National Sun Yat-Sen University, Kaohsiung and Prof. Kuo-jung Chen from Department of Foreign Languages and Literature at National Chung Cheng University, Chia- yi, for their close reading and insightful comments and suggestions. I am also indebted to Prof. Bill Hutchings who is a senior lecturer from Department of English and American Studies at University of Manc hester, United Kingdom, for his advice and suggestions to this thesis. Without Prof. Hutchings’s advice and suggestions, I could hardly finish some parts of the thesis when I was an exchange student to UoM. Second, I have to thank my dear classmates, Jiunn- yuh Su, Yi- feng Li, Ming- hui, Kate, Chiu, and Terri He, for their friendship and companionship during these years. I also want to express my gratitude to the friends I know in Manchester: Jen-ho Chang, Kassie Chen, Luann Chou, Tai-ching Kuo, Chi- hsiu, Alvyn, Liang ,Hau-tiong Lee, Su- feng Lee, Easson Lin, Alice Wu, Susan Yeh, and lots of others for their help and kindness. Besides, I also have to thank all the friends from the reading club for the things I learn from them and their support. Last but not least, I want to thank my parents for their unconditional support both in emotional and financial parts and their everlasting love. It is impossible for me to finish this thesis without the support from my family. i.

(5) Abstract The aim of this thesis is to understand the presentations of characters’identity problems in Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels and Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe in relation to their respective genre and to see how the presentations reflect the social ambience and the cultural development in eighteenth-century England. This thesis consists of five chapters. In chapter one, I will briefly summarize the social conditions in eighteenth-century England. This summary of social conditions will sho w eighteenth-century England as a society of conflicts and contrasts between old and new values. Two key words here, old and new values, will allude to the development of literary genres in eighteenth-century England. Novel is a term which first appears around this time in the history of literary writing and which refers to a new type of genre. As people have varieties of life styles, so do authors have a new genre to work with. However, this newness, either in a social or cultural context, coexists with the old values. In the context of literary writing, the novel, as a genre, has to compete and cooperate with one of its precursors, the genre of satire. In chapter two, I will try to understand the relationship between novel and satire in the light of another genre, utopia. Even though the utopian element in satire is a counterpoint, meaning the dystopian stance, of utopian traditio ns, there still is a strong sense of community in satirical writings. Compared with satire, the sense of individuals is the core of the genre of the novel. Realism, marked by Ian Watt, is a new trend in novel writing and it is highly connected with the idea of individualism instead of the sense of community. In order to see this difference, Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels and Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe are the two texts that I will use in chapter three and four for detailed discussions. As for the second part of chapter two, I try to single out the idea of travel with the intention to see its importance in eighteen-century England. ii.

(6) In chapters three and four, my concern turns to characters’ identity problems in the two travel narratives: Gulliver’s Travels and Robinson Crusoe. Compared with each other, the characters of the two travel narratives have different identity problems and this difference is important in the way of symbolizing the different concerns of each genre: satire for a sense of community and novel for individualism. Moreover, in terms of the different endings in the two travel narratives, Gulliver and Crusoe’s experie nces of their identity problems also suggest an important social condition, which is the different possibilities of life, in eighteenth-century England. In conclusion, I will give an overall review of the whole thesis.. iii.

(7) 遠離家園：《格烈佛遊記》與《魯賓遜漂流記》中旅行、國家意識與身分認同危機的交互糾葛中文摘要本論文旨在透過不同文類的書寫方式來分析強納森•史威福特(Jonathan Swift)的《格烈佛遊記》(Gulliver’s Travels)與丹尼爾•狄佛(Daniel Defoe)的《魯賓遜漂流記》(Robinson Crusoe)兩本旅遊敘事當中主角所經歷的身分認同問題。同時，希望透過身分認同問題的分析來了解兩位主角的身分認同問題如何反映出十八世紀英國的社會現象以及文化發展。本論文包含了五個章節。在第一章裡頭，我簡要地敘述十八世紀英國的社會情形以及充斥於新舊價值觀之間衝突與對立的現象。新舊價值觀的不同會引導我們了解十八世紀英國文化的發展。就寫作的歷史而言，十八世紀最重要成就是小說(novel)這種新文類的出現。當十八世紀人們有著更多不同的選擇來經營自己生活的時候，文人們也多了一種新的文類來發揮自己的才華。然而，這種新型態生活方式或是文類的出現都必須要跟原本舊型態的生活方式或是文類相依相存。就文學的範疇而言，小說這種新文類就必須要跟之前的舊文類，諷刺文學(satire)，相互地合作或是競爭。在第二章裡頭，我試著透過文類烏托邦(utopia)的協助來了解小說跟諷刺文學這兩種文類之間的關係。雖然諷刺文學所包含的烏托邦寫作傳統是一種反向的特性，也就是反烏托邦(dystopian)書寫，但是，我們依舊可以在諷刺文學裡頭感受到作者對於群體議題的強烈關懷。相較於諷刺文學對於群體議題的關懷，小說的中心主旨反倒是以個人(individual)為其重心。根據伊恩•華特(Ian Watt)的提出的論點來說，寫實主義(Realism)是小說寫作裡頭的一個新趨勢，該趨勢則和個人主義而非群體議題緊緊地結合在一起。為了解小說以及諷刺文學關懷主題的不同，我在第三章以及第四章裡頭分別透過對於史威福特的《格烈佛遊記》以及狄佛的《魯賓遜漂流記》的討論來呈現之間的差異。在二章的第二部分裡頭，我把旅行(travel)這一個概念獨立出來討論並且試圖去了解旅行在十八世紀的重要性為何。 iv.

(8) 在第三章以及第四章裡頭，我的討論重心轉向《格烈佛遊記》以及《魯賓遜漂流記》這兩本旅遊敘事當中主角所面臨的身分認同問題。兩相比較之下，兩個主角所遭遇到的身分認同問題各有不同。這樣的不同反映出兩書不同文類的不同關懷議題。《格烈佛遊記》屬於諷刺文學而諷刺文學的關懷重點是群體議題。《魯賓遜漂流記》則是以小說的方式書寫而其中的重點則是以個人為主。除此之外，如果我們從兩本旅遊敘事的最後結局來切入的話，我們可以發現到兩位主角身分認同問題的經歷也同時反映出十八世紀英國社會生活多樣性選擇的可能。在結論裡頭，我會根據前四章的內容來加以統整。. v.

(9) Introduction: I had become convinced [… ] that the most penetrating analysis would always be of forms, specifically literary forms, where changes of viewpoint, changes of known and knowable relationships, changes of possible and actual resolutions, could be directly demonstrated, as forms of literary organization, and then, just because they involved more than individual solutions, could be reasonably related to a real social history (Williams 25-6). Literary forms, in the words of Raymond Williams, show their concerns not only in an individual sense but also in a socio-historical perspective. Individual and social histories are dual layers in the realm of literature so to speak. Williams’s observation can be certified not only in the twentieth-century but also the eighteenth-century context. Individual history is a new concept in the eighteenth-century context because the rise of individualism and the relationship between individualism and society is ambiguous. This ambiguity of the relationship between individual and society brings about identity problems for an individual. An individual’s identity is, in fact, socially constructed. An individual’s social experiences will therefore exert the influence on this process of identity construction in the way of either helping or problematizing it or even doing both. Since literary forms are the conflation of individual and social histories, literary texts show readers the process of characters’identity construction and this process will usually reflect the historical reality of that specific time. In this thesis, I try to use two eighteenth-century travel narratives to understand the social and cultural development of the time in terms of identity problems that characters experience. There are two reasons to choose these two travel narratives, Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels and Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, as the primary literary texts to explain the social and cultural development in.

(10) Chueh 2. eighteenth-century England. First, the two narratives belong to respective genres, Gulliver’s Travels is a satire and Robinson Crusoe is a novel. These two genres have their different concerns, satire for the society and novel for the individual, but their different concerns are the results of the social shift. The social shift here means that eighteenth-century Englishmen emphasize the importance of the individual at the expense of the relationship between the individual and the society. In Gulliver’s Travels and Robinson Crusoe, we can see these two ideas in terms of Gulliver and Crusoe’s confrontation with the conflict between their identity and the society. The second reason to choose these two texts is because of the basic style of their writing, namely, travel narrative. Traveling is an important idea in eighteenth-century England because it means much more than just a way to relax or to extricate people from their daily pressure as we assume nowadays. In eighteenth-century England, travel functions as a way to educate the mind of people and to explore the world. To educate means to understand the cultures of other countries and the differences between them. To explore means also to see the differences between them and other countries in certain ways but it has another important mission and that is to carry out English overseas trade, which is a prominent trade to England at that time. In short, Gulliver’s Travels and Robinson Crusoe illustrate eighteenth-century English culture inside and outside of the country by means of presenting the life of an individual within a society in relation to his identity problems and the significance of travel to show how this idea of travel problematizes Gulliver and Crusoe’s identity. There are four chapters in this thesis. In chapter one, I will give a general description of the eighteenth-century social ambience and its cultural development with the intention to bring out the social shift and how this shift influences the cultural development at that time. In chapter two, I will go into further detail with regard to the cultural development by explaining the characteristics, development, and.

(11) Chueh 3. relationship among three genres: satire, novel, and utopia. At first sight, these three genres may seem to be so loosely related or not at all. However, they are correlated with one another in some aspects. The second part of chapter two will focus on the importance of travel in eighteenth-century England to see the role of travel in the relationship between an individual and a society. In chapter three, I will center on Gulliver’s identity problems in his four voyages. The main problem of Gulliver’s identity crisis is that there is never a way for him to fit into a society he visits; even in England, at the end of the book, he is a cultural other. The process of Gulliver ’s identity construction keeps being problematized because of his inability to change the fact that he is a cultural other. Crusoe’s identity crisis is different and this will be my central issue in chapter four. Crusoe’s crisis comes from his double identities at three stages of his life. To be more specific, Crusoe’s double identities are related with his desire to get away from his father’s wish, which is about the making of Crusoe into a middle-station person, and his inseparable relationship with England. At the three stages of Crusoe’s identity construction process, it is clear that there is a tug-of-war between his desire to leave and his wish to return and this ambivalent position brings about the double identities. Besides, in both chapter three and four, I will try to see how the presentation of individuality differs from each other and how this difference corresponds to each different genre. In the conclusion, I will try to see how the two types of identity crisis correspond to the social reality and cultural development in eighteenth-century England..

(12) Chueh 4. Chapter I: Social Ambience and Cultural Development in Eighteenth-Century Britain New squares, and new streets rising up every day to such a prodigy of buildings, that nothing in the world does, or ever did, equal it, except old Rome in Trajan’s time, when the walls were fifty miles in compass and the number of inhabitants six million eight hundred thousand souls (Defoe, Tour 286). Eighteenth-century London, in Defoe’s eyes, both in the size of the city and the number of its inhabitants, is as great as old Rome in Trajan’s time. London will hardly come to its greatness except through a time of change. This experience of change belongs not to London exclusively but is a pervasive trend in eighteenth-century Britain as a who le. The problem is, what is this change about and where does this change come from? The beginning of the change comes “from the Old England to the New, the break- up of a way of life which [has] lasted for some fifteen hundred years” (Cowie 1). As Cowie continues to explain, this transformation owes its depth and breadth to Britain’s relationship with other European countries, especially France, to burgeoning industry, namely, commerce, and to improvement in technology. In this chapter, my concern is to understand how these factors influence English society and how this influence is related to cultural developments in eighteenth-century Britain.. Social Ambience in Eighteenth-Century Britain The social ambience in eighteenth-century Britain is typified by the “unsystematic and largely individualistic character of English life” (Cowie 32). The word “unsystematic” implies that eighteenth-century English society is a place where the old systems are not arbitrary as they were before and people can claim their natural rights by challenging those who are superior in the social status or by.

(13) Chueh 5. self- improvement either in an economic or in a literary way. Eighteenth-century English society’s unsystematic and individualistic characters come also from the possibility for different individuals to have their voices. With the possibility to have their voice heard, people are empowered to distinguish themselves from others by accenting their unique qualities. In writing about eighteenth-century English society, we could see that the social fabric was intricate in matters such as gender role, social hierarchy, and so on. Contrasts in the society “were strong, variation legion, and inequalities vast” (Porter, English Society 47). Contrasts, variation and inequalities dominated the life with “the gulfs between rulers and ruled, rich and poor, propertied and unpropertied” (Porter, English Society 47). Cowie credits eighteenth-century English society with “greater freedom and equality [… ] of those days than in other European countries, yet society was based upon quite rigid class distinctions” (21). Probably, both Cowie and Porter are right. Porter uphold s that contrasts, variation, and inequalities flow in eighteenth-century Britain if we take a vertical view of the society. Meanwhile, freedom and equality are the two features if we take a horizontal view of the society.1 Faced with a complex reality like eighteenth-century English society, we have to understand what happens inside and outside of the country. It is not surprising to know that the upper, middle, and lower classes constitute eighteenth-century English society since the divisions apply to the previous time of English society also. What differentiates these constituents from those in the previous periods of time is the possibility of social mobility. At the top of English society, namely, the upper class, were the nobility, who were few in the number with the land as the source of their wealth and power. Usually, the nobility and their families monopolized “the political office, the foremost ecclesiastical preferment and the higher ranks in the armed forces” (Cowie 22). Gentry or squirearchy also situated.

(14) Chueh 6. themselves in the upper class. Gentry were “landowning families who were not connected by birth with the aristocracy” (Cowie 22). Even though they were not blue-blooded, the gentry had a considerable annual income, which ranged from three hundred to two thousand pounds sterling. The wealthy gentry and their families practically emulated the building and the collective activities of the nobility. This emulation highlighted a high standard life in the rank of the gentry and this kind of life style also marked off the gentry from the middle and the lower classes since the latter could hardly afford it or, even if they could afford it, had no inclinations to lead such a life. After the aristocracy and gentry came the middle class. Compared with the upper classes, the middling sort2 formed a less cohesive group because the divergence in wealth, occupation and the way of life was great in different middle class families and there was “a further distinction between those in the country and those in the town” (Cowie 23). In the country, millers, innkeepers, freeholders, and leaseholders formed the middle class. Meanwhile, the ranks of lawyers, physicians, civil servants, clergymen, soldiers, sailors, architects, school masters, and so on were recruited from the middle class. From the beginning of the century, Britain’s trade was “managed by middle-class men who ranged from private bankers, shopkeepers, ironmongers, linendrapers, and other fairly substantial urban figures [… ] who controlled companies concerned with trade, banking, insurance and every form of overseas commerce” (Cowie 24). Gradually controlling the national trade, the middle class exerted their influence on the decisions of governmental policies. I will come back to this issue in the latter part of the discussion to see the contributions made by the middle class to eighteenth-century Britain and the crisis of the upper class. The nobility, gentry and middle classes comprised not a great part of the whole population compared to the manual workers. In the country, these manual workers.

(15) Chueh 7. were usually either yeomen or cottagers. In the towns, craftsmen like printers, coach- makers, glaziers, porters, and so on were largely in their numbers of manual workers. Even though wages rose sharply in the later part of the Hanoverian age, the wars with France and the bad harvests of the seventeen twenties sharply increased the daily subsistence. Fortunately, after the French wars and the bad harvests, food was plentiful and cheap and lower class families could live with their meagre wages even though they tasted hunger and poverty still. Along with manual workers, “women domestic workers, the aged and infirm, naval and military veterans crippled in the wars” (Cowie 28) were members of the lower class also. The relief of these unfortunates was based on the Poor Law Act of 1601. Under the protection of the Poor Law Act, these unfortunates had the chance to find work to support themselves. Unfortunately, with the imperfections of the law, these lower class people lived with bare subsistence. Besides, bad harvests and severe winters caused sharp increases in the cost of the daily necessities and brought complete destitution, starvation, and death to these lower class families. In other words, the life of lower class families was often desolate. The class frontier was not impermeable. Marriage and money were the passports to cross the seemingly strongly fortified frontier. In the upper class, primogeniture was the principle faithfully practised by both the nobility and gentry. As for those younger sons, they commonly took family livings in the church, became officers in the army or entered different professions. While these younger sons entered different professions, they often married “the daughters of professional men and merchants, and their sisters might marry into the same class” (Cowie 23) and social mobility occurred when these younger sons married the daughters of the middle class families. Cowie brings up an interesting question: women’s status in eighteenth-century Britain. If a son from the upper class can marry a daughter from the middle class, why must.

(16) Chueh 8. daughters of the upper class marry into the same class instead? In other words, can these upper class daughters marry those sons from the middle class families? The answer for this question will hardly be yes. If a gentleman was casting around for his daughter to find a suitable husband, his “first consideration was security, family, title, and land ” because marriage was not narrowly “about love and bliss” but more concerned about matters of “family policy, securing honour, lineage and fortunate” (Porter, English Society 26). For the family’s concern, these marriageable daughters were “strategic pawns ” (Porter, English Society 26). In other words, marriage has a political goal, to secure the name of the family, or an economic purpose, to hold the power on family’s wealth, and they make women have no rights to preside their marriage.3 Money was another way to pass through social frontiers. The middle class people, especially merchants, could enter the ranks of the upper class by buying lands, which were the source of power for the latter. The increases of the wealth for the middle class can be attributed to Agrarian Revolution and Industrial Revolution. Government played an important role in this matter also. Economic regulations in eighteenth-century England no longer aimed “primarily at the preservation of a hierarchical social order but at the encouragement of productivity” (Owen 124). With the new economic regulations, the mechanism of free market was introduced into the commerce system. The policy of laissez-faire in commerce flourished the individual enterprise as its subsequent outcome and this outcome enabled merchants to earn more money than they did before. Merchants’money came not only from the commerce inside of the insular island but also from those outside of it. International commerce did not begin in eighteenth-century England since it could be dated back to the sixteenth-century overseas woollen industry. Distinguished with her predecessors, eighteenth-century Britain had her unprecedented success in wars between other.

(17) Chueh 9. European countries. The success in wars stimulated the development and secured the control of the international commerce for eighteenth-century Britain. Not until the eighteenth century did Britain come into her dominant military role in European affairs. Britain’s dominant military role in European affairs came from her experiences of the Glorious Revolution in 1688 and the Act of Union with Scotland in 1707 and with Ireland in 1800. After the Glorious Revolution and the Act of Union, Britain enjoyed political stability, which led to the establishment of the naval power to protect her from invasion and to obtain overseas colonies. With her strong naval power, Britain had great victory in several decisive wars such as the War of League of Augsburg (1689-97), the War of Spanish Succession (1702-13) and wars with France. In fact, Britain herself was not the only beneficiary in these wars. English merchants were fortunate partners with their country to make their fortune. Merchants’wealth earned in these wars was from two ways. First, the military strategy adopted by Britain was to use her naval supremacy to defend herself and to eliminate her rivals’overseas commerce by preventing the despatch of assistance to their colonies.4 After her rivals lost their control of their colonies, Britain raided these colonies to increase her international commerce. Consequently, merchants could import cheap raw materials or human resource, namely, slaves from the colonies and export products to them to make profits. Obviously, Britain’s strategy looked to “commercial and colonial gains rather than towards the balance of power in Europe” (Brewer, Sinews 140). Second, war was the impetus to the domestic markets since it needed necessities such as navigational tools, munitions, and so on. Again, merchants could take advantage of this chance to make money. War not only increased merchants’wealth in a handsome way but also made merchants become the pecuniary center of the country. During the war time, national debt increased relentlessly and the financial burdens of war made “the successive government [become] ever more.

(18) Chueh 10. dependent upon its bankers and monied men” (Cowie 9). In that case, merchants’ considerable amount of money and the elevation of their status as the pecuniary centre caused the possible social mobility. Eighteenth-century English society was a mercantilist place where commerce was the first priority. Renewed styles of commerce led to the possibility of social mobility, which never happened before, but commerce also exerted its influence to eighteenth-century society in another direction. In fact, in a modern commercial society like eighteenth-century English society, fine arts were viewed as one of the defining features. The many forms of “cooperation and interdependence created by trade and economic exchange [… ] encouraged a refinement of manners as well as propagating better taste” (Brewer, Pleasures xix). This idea is further explained in David Hume ’s essay ‘Of Refinement in the Arts’: Industry and refinement in the mechanical arts generally produce some refinements in the liberal; nor can one be carried to perfection, without being accompanied, in some degree, with the other (270). Hume believed that commerce and arts were interdependent. The problem is how commerce and arts relate with each other.. Cultural Development in Eighteenth-Century Britain Learning is most advanced in populous cities, where chance often conspired with industry to promote; where the members of this large university, if I may call it, catch manners as they rise, study life not logic, and have the world as correspondents (qtd. in Brewer, Pleasures xviii). By quoting from Oliver Goldsmith’s An Enquiry into the Present State of Polite Learning in Europe, Brewer meant to call his readers’attention to the triangular relationship among learning, city, and industry. Obviously, Hume and Goldsmith are.

(19) Chueh 11. in tune to ascribe the development of learning to industry. Goldsmith emphasizes the urban as the main locale for the development of learning, namely, culture. In other words, learning as an activity in eighteenth-century Britain was not only commercialized but also urbanized. This triangular relationship between learning, city, and industry was not an eighteenth-century English invention since it had started in the late seventeenth century. In late-seventeenth-century Britain, the development of cultural activities “moved out of the narrow confines of the court and into diverse spaces in London [… and] became the partner of commerce” (Brewer, Pleasures 3). At the onset of the development of cultural activities, the court was always privileged to be the patrons to promote cultural activities since they had money. Money, to some extent, was the chief currency of culture. The court’s privilege in cultural activities was challenged after its pecuniary superiority was replaced by that of the middle class. It was not only their pecuniary inferiority but also their lack of particular inclination that made eighteenth-century monarchs indifferent to patronize culture. If the court was no longer the main source of patronage for cultural development, especially literature, where could artists find patronage? In Alexander Pope’s An Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, he said: Oh let me live my own, and die so too! (To live and die is all I have to do) Maintain a Poets dignity and ease, And see what friends, and read what books I please: Above a Patron, tho’I condescend Sometimes to call a Minister my friend. I was not born for Courts or great affairs; I pay my debts, believe, and say my pray’rs; Can sleep without a Poem in my head,.

(20) Chueh 12. Nor know, If Dennis be alive or dead (163, Line261-70). Pope’s poem reconfirms that court still could be the patron but it may not be the only choice since people can live by themselves also. A great poet like Pope definitely had the right to say that he refused to cling to patrons and claimed for his independence because patrons came to cling to them inversely. However, these patrons, including private court patrons, other upper class patrons, or middle class patrons, held different purposes while they came to these artists. I will come back to this issue in the later part of the discussion. This shift of patronage from court patrons to middle class ones signified that art was not the property exclusively to the court but the one to a larger public. Since art became the property to a larger public, the city was another stage for cultural performance.5 It is definitely right to say that a larger public could enjoy cultural activities but why is that so? In other words, except the reasons from the court, what were the other possible reasons to propagate art as a civic cultural activity? The advent of printing technology was an important reason to change the long-existing reading habit. With the help of the renewed printing technology, the previous bulky and expensive books were printed into “slim [and] small volumes,” which “were popular staples among all classes,” (Brewer, Pleasures 174) with cheap prices as their greatest virtue. While the enterprising publishers began to market cheap sets of the books, paperback edition came out as an important innovation of the system. Thus, the reading public moved themselves from intensive reading to extensive reading since it became easier and cheaper to read and buy books. In effect, printing technology in eighteenth-century Britain “proved the great engine for the spread of enlightened views and values” (Porter, Enlightenment 91). For upper class people and those prospective upper class families, wealthy merchants for example, enlightened views and values were about the problem of taste..

(21) Chueh 13. Even though money was the chief currency of culture, proper audiences were not those who were able to pay the price of admission of cultural activities, but those whose presence reflected “well on their establishments” (Brewer, Pleasures 94). What cultural establishments were looking for was proper ways of talking, dressing, behaviours, etc. All these proper ways were relevant to the problem of taste. On the opening page of his book An Essay on Taste, Alexander Gerard epitomized the problem of taste by saying: A fine Taste is neither wholly the gift of nature, nor wholly the effect of art. It derives its origin from certain powers natural to the mind; but these powers cannot attain their full perfection, unless they are assisted by proper culture. Taste consists chiefly in the improvement of these principles, which are commonly called the powers of the imagination, and are considered by modern philosophers as internal or reflex senses, supplying us with finer and more delicate perceptions, than any which can be properly referred to our external organs (1, original emphasis). Gerard’s definition showed that taste included the characters of the innate gift, nature, and the acquired effect, art. Besides, Gerard believed that only through the assistance of proper culture could nature and art come to their full perfection. In terms of Gerard’s definition, proper culture implied those activities concerning the powers of the imagination, but what were those activities? Addison in Spectator No. 421 said, The Pleasures of the Imagination are not wholly confined to such particular Authors as are conversant in material Objects, but are often to be met with among the Polite Masters of Morality, Criticism, and other Speculations abstracted from Matter; who, though they do not directly treat of the visible Parts of Nature, often draw from them their Similitudes, Metaphors, and Allegories (577)..

(22) Chueh 14. Addison conferred the pleasures of the imagination on authors of different types of works, which could regulate and refine readers’passion to improve their taste, by insinuating that reading is one of the activities with the powers of the imagination. The pleasure of reading a text was defined by “praxis” (Barthes 51, original emphasis). For upper class and prospective upper class families, praxis referred to emulation. The Grand Tour was a feature of the educational undertaking for the aristocracy. Frequently, a young nobleman or gentleman completed “his education by driving through the principal European countries by post-chaise in the company of a tutor” (Cowie 34). These young noblemen or gentlemen were expected to emulate fashions in the main European cities. Thus, their reading material was the milieu of the cities. No matter if they were upper class families or wealthy merchant families, they both read as many publications, such as books, newspapers, etc., as they could to improve their taste. In these publications, readers could find articles ranging from, as Addison proposed, morality, criticism, speculation about different topics to the reflection “on the circumstances of their creation: the environment they inhabited, the nature of their representatio n and the connections between art and society” (Brewer, Pleasures 54). By reading these articles, readers made out the social conditions and differences, which prompted their resolution to emulate those people whose life style was superior to them, between them and other people in the society. Second, if enlightened views and values were about the problem of taste and emulation for upper class people, they were chiefly about reform for the middle and lower classes. The word “reform” contained two meanings: reform of morality and reform of skills. On Sundays, children in poorer households “read a few chapters in the Bible, took a walk for an hour or two, then read a chapter or two more” while the mistress “would sit down for hours together, with her Bible in her lap, from which she would read such scriptures as proved the necessity of living a good life, performing.

(23) Chueh 15. good works, &c” (Brewer, Pleasures 169). This proves that some of the middle class families, compared with those who were eager to cross the social boundaries to become a member of the upper class, believed in a “more ordered, hardworking, decent and just society based on industry, thrift and goodness” (Cowie 25). In that case, these families read for the reform of morality. Reading for the refo rm of skills was also common to middle class families. They needed to read reference books as the occasion demanded. In conclusion, if the enlightened views and values for the upper class came from reading materials they were unfamiliar with, the enlightened views and values for the middle and poor class families were embedded in the careful examinations of familiar texts. Published materials were confined not to books only, or to any specific topics. Provincial newspapers were an important development in eighteenth-century Britain. By the 1730s “almost every substantial provincial printer ran a paper; by the mid-century their distribution networks were so extensive that most of England, much of Wales and the Scottish Lowlands were served by at least one provincial news sheet” (Brewer, Pleasures 132). The development of the provincial newspapers had its importance not only in the successful distribution networks, but also in presenting lives in different cities. Writers in eighteenth-century Britain inclined to use London as the example in their works if they wanted to portray the urban life in Britain. However, London was not the only developed city in Britain even though it was indeed the biggest one. With the development of provincial newspapers, Britons and foreigners acknowledged the existence and importance of other cities. Periodicals were another important product in eighteenth-century Britain. Any aspiring authors “seeking fame, fortune or just the pleasure of seeing their words in print could send their work to a magazine proprietor, and many a career began with an unsolicited contribution” (Brewer, Pleasures 141). Periodicals were not only important for those.

(24) Chueh 16. novices but also provided a way for female writers to fulfil their literary ambition by publishing their works either in an anonymous way or not. In scores of periodicals, such as Examiner, Guardian, Review, Tatler, Spectator, and so on, there was one dedicated to females exclusively: The Female Spectator. The Female Spectator appeared in 1744 and was edited by the dramatist and novelist Eliza Haywood. This periodical was the first magazine “written by, for and about women, being filled with items on love, marriage and the family, female education, etiquette and health” (Porter, Enlightenment 80). If the development of the provincial newspapers signified the importance of other cities, the development of periodicals showed readers a highly stratified society by creating a republic of authors. Books in eighteenth-century Britain contained various topics and were written in different genres.6 Variations on topics and genres in books, periodicals, and provincial newspapers gives us an idea that eighteenth-century Britain embraced the idea of variety. The idea of variety was the key to explain the emergence of individualism. In chapter II, I will come to detailed explanations to this issue. In the previous discussion, I have mentioned that culture moved out of the narrow confines of the court and into diverse spaces in London in the late seventeenth century. However, what are these places? In fact, cultural activities slipped into coffee houses, reading societies, debating clubs, assembly rooms, galleries and concert halls. Taverns and coffee houses in eighteenth-century Britain served many different purposes. They were places “of pleasures and business, catering to customers from all walks of life, centres of rumour, news and information” (Brewer, Pleasures 34). Furthermore, their chief attraction was that they were centers of conversation and intelligence, commercial premises and private exchange where deals were cut and money, goods and information traded. Conversations and intelligence in these clubs and coffee houses were about books, concerts, plays and pictures. In other words,.

(25) Chueh 17. clubs and coffee houses shaped social and cultural life in eighteenth-century Britain. Even though these clubs and coffee houses were open to people of all walks of life, the former were largely the gathering places for a group of people with same political inclination. These clubs adopted a pose of fraternal equality and this fraternal equality made its members ignore the inequalities that existed in society at large. If the readers intended not to buy books but to borrow, they could go to the commercial libraries or circulating libraries in big cities. As for people who lived in small towns and large villages, book clubs had the same service as commercial or circulating libraries in big cites. Personal borrowing and lending was also possible in eighteenth-century Britain. In gentlemen and aristocrats’country house would have the run of a library. Visitors to these gentlemen and aristocrats were given their rooms to read books in this private library. In short, in eighteenth-century Britain, books, print and readers were everywhere because of the impact of the publishing revolution.. Disharmony in Eighteenth-Century Britain In the Spectator No. 125, Addison depicted the ills of national disharmony: There cannot a greater judgment befall a country than such a dreadful spirit of division that rends a government into two distinct people, and makes them greater strangers to one another, than if they were actually two different nations. [… ] Knowledge and Learning suffer in a particular manner from this strange prejudice, which at present prevails amongst all Ranks of the British Nation. [… ] Books are valued upon the like Consideration: an Abusive Scurrilous Style passes for Satyr, and a dull Scheme of Party-Nations is called fine Writing (510-1). Even though Addison’s depiction of national disharmony was mainly about the political conflict between Whigs and Tories, his depiction attests that disharmony.

(26) Chueh 18. exerted its influence not only to the political but also to the cultural sphere. Factions “factionalized and polarized all arenas of life” (Porter, English Society 106). In the society, the possibility of social mobility factionalized the traditional community either in a vertical or horizontal way. In the cultural development, different topics and genres, change of patronage, and different places for cultural activities, exemplified that traditional types of cultural activities were challenged by the new ones. In other words, eighteenth-century Britain experienced contrasts in various perspectives and these contrasts were between oldness and newness. In chapter II, I will narrow down my discussion concerning the contrast between oldness and newness to a competition between several literary genres: utopia, satire, novel, and travel narrative..

(27) Chueh 19. Chapter II: The Battle of Genres in Eighteenth-Century Literature Instead of supposing a single mirror reflecting happenings in the world at the moment of their occurrence, it would be better to suppose a system of mirrors facing inward and outward at different angles, so that they reflect occurrences in the mirrored world through the diverse ways in which they reflect on another. Discussion among mirror-watchers therefore has to do with how the mirrors reflect on another, even before it focuses on the possibility that there is something new in the field of vision. It would be better still to suppose that the mirrors are arranged diachronously as well as synchronously, so that while some of them share the same moment in time, others are located in its past and future. [… ] [T]he historical animal deals with experience by discussing old ways of perceiving it, as a necessary preliminary to erecting new ways, which then serve as means of perceiving both the new experience and old modes of perception (Pocock 29) Pocock’s beautiful metaphor of the historian as a mirror-watcher implies that the vision of a historian of discourse should not be restricted to one mirror with one angle only. That is, a historian of discourse sets out to understand the world from disparate and vario us perspectives: culture, sociology, politics, to name but a few. Among these diachronic and synchronic perspectives, reflections of past and future will emerge from the mirrors simultaneously. This is how I, too, try to understand eighteenth-century Britain as a whole. In chapter I, I have already sketched the social and cultural conditions of eighteenth-century Britain. In this chapter, I will concentrate on the literary development, focused especially on the genres of utopia, novel, satire, and travel narrative..

(28) Chueh 20. The Battle of Genres in Eighteenth-century Britain The function of concepts or genres is relevant to the idea of history because they are the institutions of a set of historical accidents and contingencies. Trying to understand why genres, too, are institutions of historical accidents and contingencies, we need to understand what we can see in them. Michael McKeon brilliantly maintained that: Genres provide a conceptual framework for the mediation (if not the “solution”) of intractable problems, a method for rendering such problems intelligible. The ideological status of genre, like that of all conceptual categories, lies in its explanatory and problem- “solving” capacities. And generic form itself, the dense network of conventionality that is both elastic and profoundly regulative, is the prior and most tacitly powerful mechanism of the explanatory method of genre. Genres fill a need for which no adequate alternative method exists. And when they change, it is as part of a change both in the need they exist to fill and in the means that exist for its fulfillment (20). McKeon take an introspective standpoint to examine the propensity of a genre to indicate its explanatory and problem-solving capacities. To be more precise, a genre’s explanatory and problem-solving capacities are the collective customs within it. In that case, when we study a genre, it allows “the coordination of immanent formal analysis of the individual text, with the twin diachronic perspective of the history of forms and the evolution of social life” (Jameson 105). As McKeon suggests, a genre might undergo some changes and these changes were, as Jameson proclaims, the history of forms and the evolution of social life. In short, the function of a genre is to become an institution of historical accidents and contingencies to reflect the changes in the social life and in history. Guillen takes one further step to view genres as “a.

(29) Chueh 21. function of [...] the character and development of nations ” (106) because the confrontation of genres may “be due to a kind of coexistence on the level of experience or of the imagination, rather than to mere substitution or dialectical succession” (133). That is, the configuration of a genre is on the basis of its experience and change in the history of a nation. In conclusion, the function of a genre is, first, its explanatory and problem-solving capacities to those people who live in the time as the emergence and development of a genre happens and its second function is to become a text for the future readers to understand the social and political milieu of a specific time. With this understanding of the function of a genre, I will try to make out the relationship among utopia, novel and satire and to see how their relationship presents several important issues in eighteenth-century Britain.. Utopia as a Genre Concerning Old and New Values To choose the genre of utopia as the criterion to examine two other genres, satire and novel, and as the mirror to reflect the conditions of eighteenth-century Britain may need an explanation. Utopia “is a threshold genre [… ] that lie[s] on the boundary between fiction and nonfiction because they are about that boundary, or, to be precise, about the analogous boundary between social ‘fact’and social ‘fictions’” (Morson 92). Inferring from Morson’s words, we come to the conclusion that Utopia is a representative for different genres because it incorporates various characteristics of them within itself. The literary nature and sense of Utopia as a genre is “in general agreement about the proper social function of literature – and about the failure of all existing literature, as the corrupt product of a corrupt world, to fulfill it” (Morson 81). In other words, a literary utopia values in its social function to describe a world with flaws but to find the flaws of a world is only the first step of Utopia ’s social function since its ultimate.

(30) Chueh 22. value is to come up with the possible solutions to correct these flaws. Such an idea can also been found in H. G. Wells’s A Modern Utopia: Our business here is to be Utopian, to make vivid and credible if we can, first this facet and then that, of an imaginary whole and happy world. Our deliberate intention is to be not, indeed, impossible, but most distinctly impracticable, by every scale that reaches only between today and tomorrow (6). If Morson’s view of utopia is to show a world of imperfection, Wells’s utopia experiences a practice to make something imaginary become vivid and credible even though the practice seems to be distinctly impracticable, it is not impossible. The difference between the two is that Morson’s view of utopia is the one of the present world but Wells’s utopia is the one of a possible better future. Although Wells’s utopia is ambiguous in the way of being impracticable but not impossible, this ambiguity is the pathway to the function of utopia. The definition of the term utopia shares the character of ambiguity of Wells’s utopia because utopia is a place which is “nowhere (outopia)” and “somewhere good (eutopia)” (Kumar 1). Like “impracticable” and “impossible” in Wells’s utopia, nowhere and somewhere, again, strengthens the argument concerning the ambiguity in utopia. However, this definition is challenged by Judith Shklar who reiterates the view that utopia is “nowhere, not only geographically, but historically as well” and it exists “neither in the past nor the future” (104). If either Well or Kumar’s definition of utopia implies a possibility of the existence of utopia, Shklar ’s phrases stand in a diametrically opposite position for denying any possibilities of the existence of utopia in both a geographic and a historical sense. Shklar’s geographic argument is plausible because utopia has still not been located but the plausibility of her historical argument is problematic. To contest with Shklar’s argument will require us to understand.

(31) Chueh 23. another two aspects: tradition and essence or characteristics of utopian writings. To understand the tradition of utopian writings is another way to examine the term utopia from a historical perspective. This historical perspective is the confluence of the text and the context and the examination will bring out the essence and the characteristics of utopian writings. Starting with this historical perspective, we can avoid the threat of “falsity in [utopia’s] history and incompetence in [utopia ’s] philosophy” (Dunn 85).7 During the process of the studies of utopia, Quentin Skinner believed that people [will] come to see that the uses to which the idea has been put are bewilderingly various, then it would seem little more than a very misleading fetishism of words to go on trying to make any sort of historical study out of focusing on the “idea” of Utopia itself. [… ] The only history to be written is thus a history of the various statements made with the given expression. This – rather than the history of the sentence – would of course be an almost absurdly ambitious enterprise (39). Skinner is right in saying that the various statements constitute the history of utopia because utopia, as a concept, is the focus of “different strands of aspiration” (Nozick 309). Truly as Skinner said, examination of the history of utopia would be an ambitious enterprise but it will be accomplished when we embed its tradition in those giving expressions of the various statements. Utopia’s basic tradition is to find or to build a place “where all is well” (Cuddon 957). To be more precise, the tradition of utopia is to present a world that cannot possibly be real but that everyone fervently wishes it were or it is a projection “of man’s wishful fantasies, answering to the longings for the good life” (Elliott 7). Plato, at the end of Book IX in his Republic said, “[the ideal land] is laid up as a pattern in heaven, where he who wishes can see it and found it in his own heart” (334). If Plato is the progenitor of the idea of Utopia,8.

(32) Chueh 24. what traditions except the basic one I have mentioned above will the prospective utopian writers find in his work and follow in their works? Thomas More, in his famous work Utopia, said, “I freely admit that there are many features of the Utopian Republic which I would like – though I hardly expect – to see adopted in Europe” (132). Reading through both Plato’s and More’s words, we can conclude that dilemmatic position is another tradition in utopian writings because the former sees Utopia both in heaven/nowhere and in man’s heart/somewhere while the latter looks forward to the possibility of the practice of ruling systems coming from the ideal land even though it is not about to come. This tradition of dilemmatic position corresponds to Wells’s impracticability and possibility and it also typifies utopian writers’ fervent wishes and inability in realizing, to conceive and to bring into concrete existence, the idea. If the basic tradition of utopian writings is to find a society where all is well, then, what is this society possibly like? In other words, what are the essence and the characteristics of this society? In simple and plain words, Utopia is the one of progress. The word progress signifies “some conception of Man’s removal from his present predicament to the eventual attainment of the ideal” (Kenyon 149). This removal to the ideal includes not only physical movement, from one place to another, but also psychological moveme nt, from a defective human nature to a wholesome one. Utopian society is “an ideal or flawless state, not only logically consistent in its structure but permitting as much freedom and happiness for its inhabitants as is possible to human life” (Frye, Varieties, 31). Utopia is thus, according to Frye, under the control of its structure and this structure is “built in safeguard against radical alternation” (31). Describing utopian society, Frye uses the word “static” (31) but Frye’s static society refers not to one without vitality but to one without radical alternation in structure. To be more explicit, Frye defines utopian society as a place.

(33) Chueh 25. where people would be satisfied with their status quo and this satisfaction would prevent them from desiring to transgress their social boundaries. If an examination of utopian society follows Frye’s viewpoints, we may say that a utopian society is static from inside. Both Plato and More’s texts make that same point. Frye is right, I believe, to say that a static society refers not to a society without vitality but to a society with a well-organized social system to maintain the social order. There are other reasons as well that make Utopia a fascinating idea. If utopian society is static from the inside, what will it be like from the outside? If we take utopian society out of its text, namely, literary nature, and put it in its context, historical perspective, it turns out to be a dynamic satire. Utopian society is “incongruous with reality but substantiates the status quo ” (Kenyon 129). This incongruity symbolizes Utopian writers’social and political speculation between the dream, utopian society, and the reality, the present world. Besides, this speculation proposes another possible living style for the inhabitants of the existing world. More’s Utopia is a typical example for this speculative proposal because it “contrasts the unhappy state of European society with conditions in an ideal country” (Turner 10-1). In terms of its speculative proposal, Utopian society not only provides its readers with the positive blueprint for the ideal land but also decries the existing world. In both its positive and negative characteristics, utopian writing is a mirror reflecting utopian writers’ “psychic economy” (Manuel xxi). This psychic economy is the combination of utopian writers’observation of the existing world and their model of the imaginary land. Furthermore, this psychic economy “engages [utopian readers’] sympathies and desires in the direction favoured by the writer” (Kumar 24) by serving as a torch lightening the way to the Utopias. In conclusion, utopia’s essence and characteristics is its oppositions, fact and fiction, possible and impossible, real and fantastic, etc., between the existing world.

(34) Chueh 26. and the imaginary land. Confronting the present, utopian writers will reconsider the situations of the present and the past to draw a map about the imaginary perfect land in their minds. Utopian writings’oppositions are the very basis of the function of Utopia. If Utopia is the bridge to “span the gap between the old order and the new interests,” (Mumford 12) the present and the future, its cardinal function is to bring “totality, order, [and] perfection” (Davis 38) to its readers. This function can be achieved in two forms: “utopias of escape” and “utopias of reconstruction” (Mumford 15). Utopias of escape offer its readers an immediate release to escape from the present world while utopias of reconstruction plan to improve the present world. In fact, utopias of escape are a prerequisite before we enter utopias of reconstruction. In the course of our journey into utopia, we may remain in these utopias of escape a little while but should not bide there long because the blank perfection in these utopias of escape is not the exact thing we are looking for. Instead, utopias of reconstruction “may likewise be colored by primitive desires and wishes; but these desires and wishes have come to reckon with the world in which they seek realization” (Mumford 21). In other words, personal desires and wishes still exist in these utopias of reconstruction but the realization of these personal desires and wishes needs to answer to the concerns of Utopia: to “maximize harmony and contentment, to minimize conflict and misery [and] to produce a perfected society where social cohesion and the common good are not imperiled by individual appetite” (Davis 19). That is, individual appetite in utopias of reconstruction is not ignored but has to be fulfilled on the basis of the common interest. Through the discussions of the value, definition, tradition, essence or characteristics, and the function of utopia, we can see that utopia is a genre with old / common and new / individual propensities and that is the reason why I choose utopia.

(35) Chueh 27. as the criterion to examine two other important genres in eighteenth-century literature. In the following discussions, I will try to understand how old / common and new / individual propensities are presented in the genre satire and novel.. Satire as a Genre Concerning Communal Interests In his “Epilogue to the Satires: Dialogue II,” Pope apostrophized satire thus: O sacred Weapon! left for Truth’s defence, Sole Dread of Folly, Vice, and Insolence! To all but Heav’n-directed hands deny’d, The Muse may give thee, but the Gods must guide. Rev’rent I touch thee! (702, Line 212-16). In Pope’s words, satire is a weapon to defend truth from the threats of folly, vice and insolence. This is, actually, one of satire’s functions either to the society or to the satirists themselves. Before we go further to other functions of the genre of satire, we have to enrich our understandings of satire in terms of its definition. Stephanie Barbe Hammer gives a composite tripartite definition: “1.) Satire is a literary kind which borrows its form from other sorts of writing, 2.) satire is characterized by an attack or censure of vice and evil in society which refuses the aesthetic and ethical, and 3.) satire is characterized by its use of rhetorical and dramatic irony to effect it critique ” (12). Hammer ’s tripartite definition looks at satire in three ways: form, function, and techniques. Satire, for Hammer, is a concept/kind rather than a genre. Satire, as a concept, is like a container of different narrative forms, such as prose, poetry, and drama, symbolize various objects put in this container. This container/satire will be labeled with different tags to function in different ways on the condition of its ubiquity in different objects/narrative forms. Allowing different narrative forms to adopt this concept satire in them, we will.

(36) Chueh 28. have at least four ways by which the satiric meaning may emerge, namely, “by what a man does (or fails to do), by what others do to and say of him, by what he says of himself, and, by what the author says of him” (Pollard 24). Pollard’s four techniques have their concerns on drama particularly but these are also the general rules for most of satires even though some of them are less important or obvious than others in different narrative forms. Besides, Pollard’s four satiric techniques remind us that authors and characters’language and behaviors are the ways to present the meaning of satires. Satiric language and behaviors are “always acutely conscious of the difference between what things are and what they ought to be” (Pollard 3). This difference between what things are and what they ought to be represents satirists’awareness between the present false and the future truth and it is similar with utopian writers’ consciousness between the flaw of the existing world and the improvement of the future imaginary land. The difference between utopian writing and satire is that the former portrays the future land in opposition to the existing world with the clear delineation while the latter is like a literary “Trojan horse for which polite (or politic) artfulness produces a dissembling form, serving first to contain and conceal, and then to unleash the primitive passions of the satirist” (Connery 2) and this polite artfulness refers to the camouflage of satirists’ language or behavior. In their usage of camouflaged language or behavior, how can satirists expect their readers to understand the satiric elements in the satire? In this regard, the tone of satire seems the possibility to answer this question. Frye suggests that “two things [… ] are essential to satire; one is wit or humor founded on fantasy or a sense of the grotesque or absurd, the other is an object of attack. Attack without humor [… ] forms one of the boundaries of satire (i.e., invective or denunciation). The humor of pure fantasy [forms] the other boundary of satire” (Anatomy, 224-5). In other words, the invective tone of satire is one way to impute follies to some individuals or to some places,.

(37) Chueh 29. nation for example. Besides, the tone of humor is an important key to the satire because it reinterprets and discovers harm and even evil in the ridiculous by employing the comic techniques to redirect readers’attention to serious concerns. Satire, according to the quotation from Pope, is a weapon to defend the truth but this is only one of the functions of it. Dryden believes that: Satire is a kind of poetry, without a series of action, invented for the purging of our minds; in which human vices, ignorance, and errors, and all things besides, which are produced from them in every man, are severely reprehended; partly dramatically, partly simply, and sometimes in both kinds of speaking; but for the most part figuratively, and occultly; consisting in a low familiar way, chiefly in a sharp and pungent manner of speech; but partly also, in a facetious and civil way of jesting; by which either hatred or laughter, or indignation, is moved” (Dramatic, 143). Obviously, Dryden is a step further than Pope in relation to the function of satire because satire is “not only used for those discourses which [decry] vice, or [expose] folly, but for others also, where virtue [is] recommended” (Dryden, Discourse, 575) to purge readers’minds from being deceived by the follies of the existing world. In conclusion, the function of satire is “a sort of Glass, wherein Beholders do generally discover every body’s Face but their Own” (Swift, Battle, 375) and to find their foibles presented in either a humorous or an invective tone with the intention to arouse their attention in a serious way through the reflective images on the glass. In European literature, much of the eighteenth-century is generally called the golden age of satire. Reasons commonly put forward are that eighteenth century is “a period of fairly highly developed civilization and culture” which breeds the satirists whose need and purpose is “to protect this culture from abuse, aberration and corruption” by “ridiculing and bringing scorn upon those who [threaten] to impair it”.

(38) Chueh 30. (Cuddon 783). That is, satirists will not delegate the job of guarding standards, ideas, and truths of the time to any one else but to themselves because they view themselves as the self-appointed guardians of the society. If satire is a literary fashion in eighteenth-century, what characteristics make it distinctive compared with other periods? Eighteenth-century satire is the “operation of its constructive and deconstructive thrusts” and this binary operation “can be understood epistemologically as two periods – one looking backward to Renaissance models, the other looking forward to eighteenth-century Enlightenment models ” (Zimbardo 2). The examination between the old, Renaissance models, and the new, Enlightenment models, is the recourse of the binary operation of eighteenth-century satire. This is once again like utopian writings in the way of putting the old order and the new interest together but they, namely eighteenth-century satire and utopian writings, differ from each other by means of their respective ways to de/reconstruct the relationship between the old and the new. If utopian writings seek to span the gap between old and new to bring totality, order, and perfection to their readers, the constructive and deconstructive operation of eighteenth-century satire is the point of “dissolution of order and the point of departure of the construction of order” (Zimbardo 2) and this collapse of order will urge satire readers “toward a truth that appears outside the borders of its texts,” namely history (Zimmerman 63). In fact, this collapse of order influences eighteenth-century satire readers in the sense of building a zero point where all things will have a new beginning and have a different look. Hitherto, we have been examining the term satire in the light of its form, techniques, and function but there is one thing more we need to know about satire before we turn to the genre of novel. From the outer look of both utopian writing and satire, we may postulate that the welfare of the community is the final goal for them to achieve even though they adopt different methods – to offer a blueprint for the ideal.

(39) Chueh 31. land/Utopia and to ridicule threats to the society aggressively/satire – during the process. As I have said in the section on utopian writing, this postulation is incomplete because it is in favor of the interests of community but ignores the importance of each individual. In utopias of reconstruction, utopian writers are aware of those primitive desires of each individual and will examine those desires to see whether they are compatible with the ideal society or not to make sure that the ideal society will not be contaminated by offensive desires. Like utopian writers, satirists are also fully aware of the primitive desires of human beings but the way they deal with these desires is quite different with utopian writers. If utopian writers try to propose an ideal land where primitive desires may or may not be accomplished will be determined in accordance with its compatibility with the society, satirists prevent primitive desires from getting into individual heads by ridiculing them first. In both of the situations, individuality is still a concern in satire and utopian writings even though this concern is inferior to the interests of community to some extent.. The Novel as a Genre Concerning Individualism The novel, broadly speaking, denotes “a prose narrative about characters and their actions in what [is] recognizably everyday life and usually in the present, with the emphasis on things being ‘new’or a ‘novelty’” (Cuddon 561). This modern definition is, not too surprisingly, congruent with the eighteenth-century viewpoint. In his book, Cuddon quoted William Congreve’s definition of novel to say that novels “are of a more familiar Nature; Come near us, and present to us Intrigues in Practice, delight is with Accidents and odd Events, but not such as are wholly unusually or unpresidented, such which being not so distant from our Belief bring also the pleasure nearer us ” (564). Several key words can be deduced from both modern and eighteenth-century definitions of the term novel even though these key words are not.