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會資本又是受到前一期的誰所影響？根據Fabio Sabatini ( 2009 )，人們參與組織或 社團是一種自我選擇的結果，其所根據的是之前所建立的一般信任及互惠性所決‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
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教育程度者參與愈多的社團，對於提升信任的作用比起高教育程度者，隨著參與 的社團數愈增加，對於信任的影響是大於高教育程度者的；反觀中等教育程度 者，參與的社團超過一旦超過一定的數量，對於信任的影響是急速上升的。如果 台灣社會真如熊瑞梅等人（2010）所說的受過高等教育的人偏好參加的工具性社 團的力量，沒有增加，反而下降，台灣社會在民主政治發展上面，或是族群間彼 此的包容與容忍會有潛在的問題，單就族群包容的問題來說，但或許不用抱持如 此悲觀的態度，因為高知識分子社團參與的數量增加，對於其自身的信任程度並 不會提升多少，反倒是可以把希望寄託在廣大的中等教育程度的民眾身上，來藉 此提升彼此之間的認識及包容。
從上述結果不難發現，高教育程度和低教育程度的人個人社會資本與信任的 關聯是彼此相反的趨勢。而只有中等教育的人才符合目前社會學界對於社會資本 假設。如此一來，中等教育程度的人或是說社會上大多數的中產階級才是社會資 本理論真正能夠被應用的地方。
第二章 研究限制與建議
最後，本研究對於此社會資本資料庫有一些建議，前後期社團參與的問題不 一致，前期只有五種社團，而後期有七種社團，這在計算社團參與的組織社會資 本上面會有很大的偏誤出現；受訪者的年齡範圍過於狹窄，年齡最高的受訪者不 過六十來歲，不似台灣社會變遷有到九十幾甚至一百歲的受訪者，年齡的變異增 加，或許解釋社會資本對於信任的影響能夠更加準確；和熊瑞梅等人（2008）不 一樣的地方在於，由於本資料庫的限制，計算組織異質性及組織異質性的範圍 時，皆把收入剔除在計算之中，故導致結果無法準確和熊瑞梅等人（2008）做比 較，收入在社會資本理論中是個很重要的解釋變項，異質性中少了收入的計算，
也就無法考量每個社團當中參與的個人是否都來自相類似的階層。
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