Chapter 2: Grammatical Profile
2.2 Morphology
國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
2.1.3 Stress
Like other dialects (Ferrell, 1982:9; Chang, 2006:34; Chen, 2006:77; Yeh, 2011:110;
Huang, 2012:11; Chang, 2016:16), the stress of North Jinfeng Paiwan falls mostly on the penultimate syllable of a root or a suffixed form. In some roots, it falls on the final syllable.
In (2.10), the stress in the word vavui falls on vu syllable rather than va syllable. This shows that vu syllable is the penultimate syllable and proves that the adjacent vowels are not always diphthongs.
(2.10) Word Pronunciation Meaning pa.ljing [ˈpa.ʎiŋ] ‘door’
ci.nu.nan [ʦhi.ˈnu.nan] ‘(experienced) hunter’
va.vu.i [va.ˈvu.ji] ‘wild boar’
2.2 Morphology
This section deals with morphological units and their relevant morphological processes.
Roots and stems are defined in Section 2.2.1. Section 2.2.2 discusses affixes and clitics.
Section 2.2.3 investigates reduplication.
2.2.1 Roots and stems
In North Jinfeng Paiwan, roots are monomorphemic elements that express the main lexical concept in a word.35 There may be one to numerous syllables in a root in North Jinfeng Paiwan, as shown in (2.11). As roots, all the forms in (2.11) cannot be further segmented.
35 Katamba and Stonham (2006:42) define a root as “the irreducible core of a (grammatical) word, with absolutely nothing else attached to it”.
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A root may be bound or free. As a bound root, kac ‘bite’ could not be integrated into natural discourse. Some morphemes must be attached to it to form a readily communicable manifestations like k<em>an ‘bite [AV]’ or ma-kan ‘(accidentally) bite’. As a free root, lava
‘flying squirrel’ could either be uttered by itself or be combined with some other morpheme in discourse. For example, there is ki-lava ‘hunt flying squirrels’, consisting of lava and the other morpheme ki-1 ‘obtain’.
Traditionally, a stem is a part of grammatical word that consists of a root, several roots, or one or more roots plus one or more derivational affixes and lacks only the inflections (Dixon, 2010:269). As many Austronesian languages, the distinction of derivational and inflectional is hard to make in North Jinfeng Paiwan (Reid, 1992; De Guzman, 1994). For examples, though voice affixes reflect grammatical relations, they do not appear in all verbs and sometimes they may be attached to noun stems to derive verbs. Therefore, I would avoid using the term ‘inflection’ in this grammar. In addition, there are no stems consisting of two roots in my database.
Thus, I define stems in North Jinfeng Paiwan as parts of words that consist of a root or a root plus one or more affixes other than functional affixes (voice affixes, valence-adjusting affixes, etc.) (inspired by Dixon, 2010:269). By the definition, all roots are monomorphemic stems, and clitics are not constituting elements of stems. (2.12) shows some stems, including those consist of only a root and those made up of a root and affixes.
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
(2.12) Stem Components
alap ‘take’ A root (alap ‘take’)
ceva ‘cliff’ A root (ceva ‘cliff’)
pucemel ‘treat; cure’ A root (cemel ‘herbal drug’) and a affix (pu-
‘put’)
kipucemel ‘undergo treatment’ A root (cemel ‘herbal drug’) and two affixes (pu-
‘put’, ki- ‘undergo’)
2.2.2 Affixes and clitics
Both affixes and clitics are morphemes that are only attached to other morpheme(s). By definition, they are always bound morphemes (Katamba & Stonham, 2006:44). Sometimes, it is difficult to determine whether some of the bound elements are affixes or clitics. However, there are still two main criteria to determine the prototypical ones.
First, a prototypical affix occupies a fixed position with respect to the stem, whereas a prototypical clitic is not necessarily adjacent to its host. In (2.13), we can see that first =itjen
‘NOM.1PL.INCL’ appends just after ma-dralengedreng ‘go to Lalengleng’, however, the second
=itjen and its host lemegaw are not closely bounded. Thus, =itjen is a prototypical clitic.
(2.13) nu uri ma-dralengedreng=itjen, when.IRR IRR go-PR.place=NOM.1PL.INCL
l<em>egaw=anan=itjen ta djalan.
<AV>detour=COS=NOM.1PL.INCL OBL.CMN path
‘We (have to) make detour when we go to Lalengleng tribe.’ (sinapayan)
Second, a prototypical affix is usually added on specific categories of roots or stems. In contrast, a prototypical clitic may be appended on different categories of roots, stems and
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
phrases. As is clear in (2.14), pi- ‘wash’ is a prototypical affix and =anga ‘[COS]’ is a prototypical clitic. Pi- is attached only to morpheme(s) describing human bodies. In (2.14), we can see that =anga appends on various kinds of morpheme(s) such as vaik ‘go’, neka ‘no’
and i-vavua ‘in the field’.
(2.14) Base Derived form
lima ‘hand’ pi-lima ‘wash hand’
kava ‘clothes’ *pi-kava36
vaik ‘go’ vaik=anga ‘already gone’
neka ‘no’ neka=(a)nga ‘already been not exist’
i-vavua ‘in the field’ i-vavua=(a)nga ‘already been in the field’
In terms of position, there are four categories of affixes: prefixes, infixes, suffixes and circumfixes, and there are two kinds of clitics: proclitics and enclitics. As shown in (2.15), a prefix is attached before the form of some other morphemes, an infix is inserted inside the form, and a suffix is attached after the form. A circumfix has two parts, one is attached before the form and one is added after it. A detailed information of affixes are presented in Section 2.3.2 and Section 2.3.3.
(2.15) Prefix me- ‘become’ + kedri ‘small’ me-kedri ‘become small’
Infix <em> ‘[AV]’ + *tekel ‘drink’ t<em>ekel ‘drink [AV]’
Suffix -an ‘[NML]’ + rakac ‘brave; (brave) hunter’ rakac-an ‘bravery’
Circumfix ka- -an ‘genuine’ + djalan ‘path’ ka-djalan-an ‘main road’
36 ‘Wash clothes’ can be expressed as v<en>ateʔ ta kava [<AV>wash OBL.CMN clothes].
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There are two kinds of clitics: proclitics and enclitics. A proclitic appends before a word, and an enclitic appears after a word. In (2.16), ku= ‘GEN.1SG’ is a proclitic and =anga ‘COS’ and =anan ‘CON’ are the enclitics. A proclitic cannot be prefixed, whereas an enclitic cannot be suffixed, as illustrated in (2.16c) and (2.16d).
(2.16) a. ku=s<in>i-patjumalj=anga ta sinsi.
GEN.1SG=UVC-informed=COS OBL.CMN teacher
‘I have already told the teacher (for you).’ (sinapayan) b. zian-u=anan!
dance-IMP.EXCL.AV=CON
‘Keep dancing!’ (sinapayan)
c. *s<in>i-ku=patjumalj=anga ta sinsi.
CV-GEN.1SG=inform=COS OBL.CMN teacher
‘I have already told the teacher (for you).’ (sinapayan) d. *zian=anan-u
dance=CON-IMP.EXCL.AV
‘Keep dancing!’ (sinapayan)
2.2.3 Reduplication
Reduplication is a special case of affixational morphology, where the affix is
phonologically underspecified, receiving its full phonetic expression by copying a segment of a base or the whole base (Broselow, & McCarthy, 1983:25). The copied ‘phonological
material’ is termed reduplicant. The mechanism of reduplication is heavily exploited in many Austronesian languages (Blust, 2013:406; Zeitoun and Wu, 2006).
As previous research (Lu, 2003; Tseng, 2003), there are two main patterns of reduplication in North Jinfeng Paiwan: Ca- reduplication and root reduplication. In Ca-
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
reduplication, the C is a consonant homorganic to the initial consonant of a stem or a root. In my database, all the Ca- reduplication appear in concert with other elements.
In (2.17), Ca- combines with a nominalizer -an or a UVP suffix -in or -en. With -an, it expresses the meaning of ‘place/entity for …’ or ‘all are …’. With -in or -en, it expresses the meaning of ‘entity resulted from’. In (2.18), Ca- combines with the prefix ma- to convey reciprocal meaning.
(2.17) Ca~ -an/-in/-en pattern
Function of RED Stem Derived form
entity.for pu-paisu ‘have much money’ pa~pu-paisu-an ‘wallet’
entity.resulted.from ki-tulu ‘learn’ ka~ki-tulu-in ‘course’
entity.resulted.from vecik ‘write’ va~vecik-en ‘homework’
all.are driki~drikitj ‘short’ dra~driki~drikitj-an
‘all are very short’
all.are kudra~kudral ‘big’ ka~kudra~kudral-an
‘all are very big’
(2.18) ma-Ca~ pattern: reciprocal
Root Deived form
ʔizing ‘jostle’ ma-ʔa-ʔizing ‘jostle with each other’
kelang ‘know’ ma-ka~kelang ‘know each other’
salu ‘believe’ ma-sa~salu ‘believe with each other’
As for root reduplication, the reduplicant is copied from a segment of a root, which may be CVCV or CV, where CV is a conditioned variant for a monosyllabic root. As shown in (2.19), there are several functions and meanings of CVCV-/CV-. CVCV-/CV- reduplication
‧ 國
立 政 治 大 學
‧
N a tio na
l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y
may denotes plurality, locations where the base is present in large quantity, diminution (see Section 3.2.1), progressive aspect and habitual aspect. It also occurs frequently in adjectival verbs and spatiotemporal forms.
(2.19) CVCV~/CV~ pattern
Function of RED Root Derived form
plurality saladj ‘partner’ sala~saladj ‘partners’
place.of.large.quantity.of cemel ‘grass’ ceme~cemel ‘grassland’
diminution ʔatjuvi ‘snake’ ʔa~tjuvi~tjuvi ‘worm’
progressive/habitual kan ‘eat’ k<em>a~kan
‘eat [PROG]/[HAB]’ adjectival.verb kedri ‘small; few’ kedri~kedri ‘small; few’
spatial.noun ʔayav ‘front’ ʔaya-ʔayav ‘front’