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台灣後民主化時期公民社會的崛起:以太陽花運動為例分析國家與社會的互動關係 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 立. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Rising Civil Society in Post-Democratization Taiwan:. sit. y. Nat. A study of the Impacts of the Sunflower Movement on the. n. al. er. io. State-Society Relations in Taiwan. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Student: Ya-Cih Liu Advisor: Mei-Chuan Wei PhD. 中華民國 104 年 08 月 August 2015.

(2) Rising Civil Society in Post-Democratization Taiwan: A study of the Impacts of the Sunflower Movement on the State-Society Relations in Taiwan Student: Ya-Cih Liu Advisor: Mei-Chuan Wei PhD. 立. 治 政 國立政治大學 大. ‧ 國. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 碩士論文. ‧ er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. A Thesis. n. v i n C h Master’s Program Submitted to International e n g c h i U in Asia-Pacific Studies National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in China Studies. 中華民國 104 年 08 月 August 2015.

(3) Abstract This dissertation seeks to examine the state-society relations in Taiwan through analyzing the role of civil society in different stages of Taiwan’s political development with a focus on the impact of the Sunflower Movement in March 2014 on Taiwan’s state-society relations. The Sunflower Movement is viewed by some observers and commentators as a significant sign of a (re-)rising civil society in Taiwan since the process of democratization was completed in the. 政 治 大 crucial role in Taiwan’s political transition from authoritarianism to democracy. 立. 1990s. Civil society, in the explanations of modernization theory, played a. However, civil society, as an important sphere for the contestation and formation. ‧ 國. 學. of public consciousness, which is essential to democracy, seems to cease to play. ‧. its democratic role adequately since the country had its first regime change when. sit. y. Nat. the major opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (the DPP) took. io. er. power from the ruling Kuomintang (the KMT) in 2000. Drawing upon civil society theories in relations to the role of civil society in the democratization. al. n. v i n Cthis process and in a democratic, aims to pursue the question as to how h estudy ngchi U. exactly the Sunflower Movement impact on the state policies and democratic discourse in Taiwan.. Key words: the Sunflower Movement, civil society, democratization.

(4) TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Research Background and Purpose ............................................................................ 1 1.2 Research Question ...................................................................................................... 4 1.3 Research Method ........................................................................................................ 5 1.4 Chapter Structure ........................................................................................................ 6 Chapter II Literature Review ................................................................................................. 8 2.1 Civil Society and Democratization............................................................................. 9 2.2 Civil Society and Democracy ................................................................................... 12 2.3 Civil Society and Democratization in Taiwan .......................................................... 20 Chapter III Development of Civil Society and Democracy in Postwar Taiwan ............... 25 3.1 Weak Civil Society and Authoritarian State before 1987 ......................................... 27 3.2 Growing Civil Society and Democratic Evolution between 1987 and 2000 ........... 33 3.3 Weakening Civil Society and Democratic Consolidation after 2000 ....................... 36. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Chapter IV The Sunflower Movement and Its Impact on State-Society Relations ......... 41 4.1 The Emergence and Demands of the Sunflower Movement .................................... 42 4.2 The Impacts of the Sunflower Movement ................................................................ 47 4.2.1 The change of state policies.......................................................................... 48 4.2.2 The influence over democratic discourses.................................................... 51. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Chapter V Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 59. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(5) Chapter I. Introduction. 1.1 Research Background and Purpose The relationship between civil society and a democratic state is mutually interdependent. As Diamond’s definition, civil society is where citizens “acting collectively in a public sphere to express their interest passion and ideas, exchange ideas, exchange information, achieve mutual goals, make demands on the state, and hold state officials accountable.” (Diamond, 1994, pp.5-7) With this concept, civil society involves a great deal of citizen participation and a broad spectrum of social. 政 治 大. movements. Civil society exists between the private and public realm and makes up. 立. the vacuum which the state fails to fulfill. It also implies that a robust civil society. ‧ 國. 學. fosters the dissolution of authoritarianism and establishment of democracy. By reviewing the history, we see that the civil society provides an important. ‧. contribution to the democratic development in Taiwan. It serves as checks and. y. Nat. io. sit. balances on the pubic authority, promotes and defends democratic process and. n. al. er. institutions to the society through both formal and informal channels. Citizens’. i n U. v. political participation and social movements have proved to be a veritable instrument. Ch. engchi. in promoting and strengthening democracy. The increasing presence of social movements and their advocacies also probe the trend of political development and the changing of democratic values. Thus, the development of civil society can be best understood and analyzed within a historical perspective which synthetically observes its role in the process of democratic consolidation. It is more instructive to put the discussion of civil society within a larger picture and context of the struggle for democracy and its attendant impacts. The role of civil society can be evaluated in the historical events and prevailing stride of political development. Taiwan has successfully come through the process of democratization with the 1.

(6) efforts of civil society. Democratic institutional designs, such as fair elections, party politics and representative democracy have been well established. Interestingly, we can observe a new wave of state-society conflicts after democratic consolidation. On the one hand, over a decade of democratic governance, flaws of representative democracy have been explored and the state-society relationship has been altered over time. The civil society has confronted the authority in disputes over the 2007 Lesheng Sanitarium, the 2010 land expropriation of Dapu Village in Miaoli County, the 2012 Wenlin Yuan urban renewal in Shilin, and the death of army corporal Hung. 政 治 大 and sought for justice and righteousness. On the other hand, the external environment 立. Chung-Chiu in 2013. The society has been outraged at the failed political arrangement,. has increased the tension to the state-society relations as well. Under economic. ‧ 國. 學. globalization, there is justifiable fear that the institutions of local civil societies are. ‧. incapable of forming barricades to block off the threat and unjust trades.. sit. y. Nat. Disputes over the signing of the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA). io. er. become a good example of a tug of war between the state and society. A coalition of civil society groups, Cross-Strait Agreement Watch (CSAW), was formed in June. al. n. v i n C hagreement after theUEconomic Cooperation 2010 to monitor the cross-strait engchi. Framework Agreement (ECFA) was signed. Under such internal and external environmental changes, the civil society has confronted the state and accumulated its strength for another rise. This was how the Sunflower Movement happened and gained public and academic attention. The Sunflower Movement had drawn vast public attention and intensified the role of public scrutiny. Its actors protested against the CSSTA for lacking a justified political process without due parliamentary process and public consultation. The CSSTA signed in June 2013 under the ECFA between mainland China and Taiwan. Under the trend of globalization, the government in Taiwan is under a lot more 2.

(7) pressure in achieving economic development. The pass of the CSSTA became the most important strategy for the ruling party to boost the economy and break its diplomatic stagnation. However, the cross-Strait tensions and the unsolved historical sovereign disputes lead to skepticism toward the signing of the CSSTA. Civil society groups had put the cross-strait agreement under their watchful eyes. The controversy reached its climax when the chair of CSSTA Ching-chung Chang, a Kuomintang (KMT) member, asserted that the review process had exceeded the allotted time and was to be. 政 治 大 ratification in the KMT-majority legislature. From Tuesday 18 March to Thursday 10 立. considered complete. The CSSTA would therefore be submitted to a final vote for. April 2014, hundreds of university students and social activists occupied the chamber. ‧ 國. 學. of Legislative Yuan aligned with thousands of demonstrators outside the legislature to. ‧. protest against the agreement. The pressure from the civil society had led to certain. er. io. sit. y. Nat. concession from the state.. Purpose of the Studya. n. iv l C n hthere In the field of civil society study e nare h i U Seeing that civil society g cinterstices. literature focuses on normative perspective has made a strong claim on how civil. society facilitates democracy. Most existing theoretical discussions stating civil society as an important actor in democratization do not present explicit supporting examples. Some of them solely concern the civil society and its role in democracy such as mobilizing the public, propagandizing ideals, and transforming social values. But there are relatively few discussions about how civil society can effectively interact with the state and exert influence on public policy. The purpose of this study focuses on how the civil society interacts with the state 3.

(8) in democratic practice and discourse. The case study of the Sunflower Movement explores how the civil society impacts the state’s policies in particular and Taiwan’s democratic politics in general. This highly mobilized social movement is particularly important, as social movements are one of the most vivid and active ways in representing and probing the intention of civil society. When we review the history, self-organized movements agitate the progression of democracy in Taiwan’s political development. On the one hand, social movements reflect the needs of the civil society that the state fails to fulfill.. 政 治 大 elites who deviate themselves from the value of democracy. (Baiocchi, Heller, & Silva, 立 On the other hand, broad-based social mobilizations wrest control from political. 2011, p.2) Citizens participate in the political process and formulate an active civil. ‧ 國. 學. society to hold the state’s accountability. In this respect, this study tries to examine. ‧. how the civil society engages with the state in the political arena and answers what. sit. y. Nat. kinds of impacts social mobilizations are imposing on the political policies. The. io. relations in the post democratization Taiwan.. n. al. Ch. engchi. er. Sunflower Movement offers an interesting opportunity to untangle the state-society. i n U. v. 1.2 Research Question Moving from democratization to democratic consolidation, the practice of representative democracy and party politics has become more and more sophisticated over the past decade. However, when we observe the dynamic of civil society, it has exerted more and more significant voice to the state in demanding changes in engaging the political policies. This unveils an apparent paradox that representative democracy seems to fail to meet the expectation of the civil society in realizing the true value of democracy. As a result, the civil society exerts pressure on the state and 4.

(9) takes actions to hold representative officials more accountable. The main research question of this study is how social mobilizations in civil society exert influence on the state’s policies and democratic politics in Taiwan. In order to address the question, here is to use the Sunflower Movement as a case into understanding how the civil society engages with the state and affects the political process. How exactly social movements such as the Sunflower Movement impact the democratic practice in Taiwan is discussed in the following twofold perspectives. In the micro-political policy perspective, the more specific questions would be: Does the. 政 治 大 initial policy intention? In the macro-democratic politics perspective, the more 立. Sunflower Movement pressurize the state to change its policies or sway it from its. general discussion would be: What kinds of impacts does this movement have on the. ‧ 國. 學. democratic practice and discourse in Taiwan? Do any changes occur in the party. sit. y. Nat. questions are the central theme of this study.. ‧. politics, civic engagement, or the democratic deepening? The above mentioned. io. er. In fact, this paper does not seek to establish a set of criteria or norms in evaluating the state-society relations, but rather to look at the substantial impacts. al. n. v i n C h on the political occurred by the Sunflower Movement governance. Nor does this study engchi U try to set up an explicit or definite causal relation to the outcome of the Sunflower Movement. Instead, the most immediate objective of this paper is to use available evidence at hand to answer what level of changes have been imposed on state’s policies and democratic discourse.. 1.3 Research Method Qualitative research method will be applied in this study since it is more effective in interpreting information about specific social contexts and political values. The 5.

(10) advantage of qualitative research lies in its descriptive essence which provide better interpretation of a given research issue. Moreover, qualitative methods can better identify intangible factors such as overall impacts on democratic politics. Because the research issue in this paper may not be readily apparent, taking qualitative research method enables us to understand the complexity of Taiwan’s democratic development and the implication of quantitative data. Intrinsic case study of the Sunflower Movement is undertaken. The Sunflower Movement is contextualized in the post-democratization Taiwan that reveals a specific. 政 治 大 new theoretical explanations; instead, the intention is to understand the intrinsic 立. democratic trajectory. This case study does not try to test abstract theory or develop. aspects of the role of civil society in Taiwan. In order to pursue the research interest,. ‧ 國. 學. secondary data analysis is employed. Secondary data analysis on both qualitative and. ‧. quantitative data sets is involved in interpreting the impacts of the Sunflower. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Movement on both the state policies and democratic politics.. 1.4 Chapter Structure a. n. iv l C n h e nThegfirst This paper consists of five chapters. i U begins with the introduction. It c hchapter briefly introduces the research background and purpose, and then followed by research questions and research method. This part provides an overview of the method and design of this study. The second chapter provides theoretical examination on the literature of civil society and democracy. It reviews the literature on the role of civil society in the democratic development and tries to clarify the state-society relations. Then further focus on the study of civil society and democracy in Taiwan. In chapter three, in historical account of Taiwan’s democratizing process and 6.

(11) democratic consolidation, we observe the role of civil society in different political environment. To begin with Taiwan’s authoritarian rule and the dynamic process of social movements, which reveal varied state-civil society relations under different socio-political context. This chapter provides a clear picture on how exactly has civil society contributed to assisting in facilitating democratic development in Taiwan. Addressing the questions I have posed requires a highly contextualized understanding of the historical, political, and social knots in which the Sunflower Movement occurred. Thus, chapter four, it first introduces socio-political configuration at work. 政 治 大 impacts of social movements on state-society relations will focus on the observed 立. and how it results in the eruption of the Sunflower Movement. The analysis of the. outcomes of the Sunflower Movement.. ‧ 國. 學. The last chapter concludes the discussion of this paper and proposed some other. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Movement.. ‧. ripples of social movements that might potentially inspired by the Sunflower. Ch. engchi. 7. i n U. v.

(12) Chapter II. Literature Review. This part of literature will be divided into three major sections. First part of the literature review focuses on the empirical democratization studies. Regarding the process of democratization, O’Donnell and Schmitter define the term democratic transition as a process of regime change from an authoritarian type to a democratic system. The transition refers to “the dissolution of an authoritarian regime” and the introduction of “some form of democracy”. (O’Donnell & Schmitter, 1986, p. 6) To begin with the introduction of Huntington’s three waves of democratization, we can. 政 治 大. have a better interpretation of the process of democratization and the potential. 立. democratic reverse.. ‧ 國. 學. The second part of the review focuses on the normative discussions about civil society and democracy. It starts with the contestation between the institutional. ‧. perspective and a sociological one. For institutionalism, democracy is taken as a set of. sit. y. Nat. representative institutions with no concern of civil society. On the contrary, the. n. al. er. io. sociological perspective focuses on the normative role of civil society in democratic. i n U. v. practice. In recognizing both the institutional grounded studies and the democratic. Ch. engchi. potential of civil society, a more concrete concept of democracy is depicted. The last part pays special attention on the democratic development in Taiwan. Drawing on the previous mentioned theoretical backgrounds, the studies of democratic development in Taiwan incorporates with many of the theoretical discussions. This section of literature review presents how the study focuses shifts with different stages of democratic development in Taiwan.. 8.

(13) 2.1 Civil Society and Democratization 2.1.1 Democratization and democratic consolidation In Huntington’s book, The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, he defines a democracy as “to the extent that its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through fair, honest and periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote.” (Huntington, 1991, p. 7) He focuses on the empirical studies that well observe the three waves of democratization so as the democratic reverses. The first wave of. 政 治 大 American and French revolutions. 立 However, because of the economic recession that democratization came during the time of 1828-1926, which was rooted in the. ‧ 國. 學. erupted in the 1920, the democratic revolutions were later followed by the first reverse wave from 1922 to 42. The totalitarian dictatorships and authoritarian rose. ‧. again.. sit. y. Nat. After the World War II, the new states that just freed themselves from the. n. al. er. io. colonial destiny intended to adapt democratic ruling systems, and started the second. i n U. v. wave of democratization from 1943-62. The second reverse wave (1958-75) broke out. Ch. engchi. in Latin America and Africa. One third of the working democracies in 1958 returned to authoritarian regimes. The third wave, from 1974 up until now, has accompanied with globalization, and the success of the democratic regimes have encouraged other countries and caused a snowball effect worldwide. As has happened in the first two waves of democratization, some of the new democracies have been reversed. Take Pakistan as an example. Its colonial history enhances the role of the military in the politics. Difficult economic circumstances accompanied with military interference in politics hamper the persistence of democracy. (Giunchi, 2011, p.1280-1281) It is defined by Diamond as “the single most serious reversal of democracy during the 9.

(14) third wave”. (Diamond, 2000, p.92) Similarly, Algeria’s economic reform combined with rapid and through democratization leads to regime collapse as well as the quick reversal of democratization. (Hinnebusch, 2006, p.388) According to the Freedom House’s annual Freedom in the World survey, there are notable democratic setbacks from 2006 to 2012. The probability of a reverse wave has aroused wild academic attention. (Møller & Skaaning, 2013, pp.97-98; Cannon & Hume, 2012, p.1040) Accordingly, democratic transition process is not necessary promise for a democratic consolidation. Institutional changes usually accompany with disturbances.. 政 治 大 systematical breakdown and democratic reverse. New democracies are often disturbed 立 If a system is not adapted efficiently to the new changes, this might lead to. by the instability intertwined with social, economic, and political changes. The newly. ‧ 國. 學. built democratic systems turn into authoritarian regimes or dictatorships when the. ‧. democracy skepticism prevails. See that the persistence of democracy does not come. sit. y. Nat. unconditionally with the process of democratization. In the theoretical literature,. io. er. different factors are discussed as contributing to democratization and democratic consolidation in a given country.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.1.2 Democratization theory and the role of civil Society More recently, Grugel identifies three major schools of democratization theories- the modernization theory, historical sociology, and transition theory. (Grugel, 2002, pp.46-62) They all focus on different factors that lead the process and results of democratization. Modernization theory emphasizes the economic and societal factors. Historical sociology focuses on the structural and institutional configurations. Transition theorists favor that the conflicts between elites bring about the eventual democratization. 10.

(15) Seymour Martin Lipset’s (1959) empirical study focuses on how the socio-economic development further influences the level of democratic development of a given country, which is better known as “Modernization Theory”. He establishes a direct link between socio-political development and democracy and emphasizes the positive correlation between the two factors. He notes that "the more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy”. (Lipset, 1959, p. 75) In other words, socio-economic development brought about by industrialization is a crucial intervening variable in democratic transformation. In this context, with. 政 治 大 emphasized in the democratic transitions. The evolution of social conditions towards a 立 economic development and social structural change, the role of the middle class is. modernized society and the increasing power of the middle class give impetus to. ‧ 國. 學. democratization. The demands for democratic values and political rights from an. ‧. awakening society push the authority to gradually loosen its control.. sit. y. Nat. However, the modernization theory has been subjected to two major critiques.. io. er. (Hinnebusch, 2006 p.375) First, it has a problem in identifying the threshold of the economic and social conditions. Second, it is hard to explain in cases such as. al. n. v i n C hfascist and communist democratic India and European regimes. Those counter engchi U examples have short-circuited the linear relation between socio-economic. development and democratization. Potter said that “the assumption ignores various other possibilities, for example that increasing levels of socioeconomic development may have an unsettling effect on the political regime and a negative impact on democracy”. (Potter, 1997, p.12) Historical sociology is taking a structural approach in explaining the outcome of democratization. It traces back to the historical and social structures to explain the political path that the state takes. This kind of social structural perspective is concerned about the class conflicts and argues that “democracy requires a balance 11.

(16) between the state and independent classes”. (Hinnebusch, 2006, p.378) Potter elaborates the basic premise of the structural approach to democratization as “the particular interrelationship of certain structures of power-economic, social, political – as they gradually change through history provide constraints and opportunities that drive political elites and others along a historical trajectory leading toward liberal democracy”. (Potter, 1997, p.18) Rather than emphasizing the economic or historical factors, transition theorist views “democratization as a process, led by cost-benefit calculations on the part of. 政 治 大 choices, and strategies of political elites are beneficial to democratic transition, others 立 key actors”. (Cannon & Hume, 2012, p.1041) Potter states that “certain actions,. are not”. (Potter, 1997, p.17) It focuses on the role of political elites rather than the. ‧ 國. 學. people. It believes that elite bargaining is the key factor to the ultimate democracy.. ‧. This theory has been criticized that it is too elitist and its empirical studies work better. sit. y. Nat. for southern Europe but not Africa and China. (Hinnebusch, 2006, p.387). io. er. Grugel proposes an alternative approach to focus on the interaction between the state, civil society and global political economy. She emphasizes the structural. al. n. v i n Csubjects explanation along with social international context. In this context, she U h e nand i h gc. views democracies as “political systems comprising institutions that translate citizens’ preference into policy, have effective states that act to protect and deepen democratic rights, count on a strong participatory and critical civil society”. (Grugel, 2002, p.96) Drawing from that, the institutional construction should not be the only factor for democracy. The role of civil society, citizens’ perceptions, and social actors’ engagements should not be neglected in the discussion of democracy.. 2.2 Civil Society and Democracy 12.

(17) When we propose the question about what kind of role the civil society plays in democracy, we will have different answers from different scholars. The role of civil society in democratization varies if we put it into different theoretical assumptions. The democracy’s literature has been divided into two main streams of arguments- an institutional perspective and a societal perspective. An institutional perspective holder focuses on the influence of democratic procedure and political arrangement. This kind of procedural approach emphasizes that democracy is best performed through delegation.. 政 治 大 the substantive democratizing effects brought by civil society. Its lineage goes back to 立 On the contrary, viewing democracy from a societal perspective will emphasize. the classic democratic concept of Aristotle, Rousseau and Locke emphasizes the role. ‧ 國. 學. of rightful citizens to the assumed democratic achievement. In recent years, the. ‧. literature on participatory democracy has gained broadened academic attention.. sit. y. Nat. Participatory democracy revitalizes from the classic conceptions of Rousseau and. io. er. Locke’s democratic thought and the growing recognition of the deficits of representative democracy. (Baiocchi, Heller, & Silva, 2011, p.1) Building on insights. al. n. v i n C h we can have a more from the theoretical contestation, complete interpretation of the engchi U role of civil society in the democratic development.. To the procedural democratic theorists, democracy is a set of representative institutions that added up individuals preferences. A well-institutionalized decision making process and fair participatory mechanisms enable political decisions that conform to the intrinsic value of democracy. The procedural approach theorists draw attention to the political interaction process and the democratic institutional designs. The most notable scholars are Joseph Schumpeter and R. Dahl. Schumpeter regards democracy as an institutional decision making arrangement by political elites. He refers a democracy design as the following: “the democratic method is that 13.

(18) institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions which realizes the common good by making the people itself decide issues through the election of individuals who are to assemble in order to carry out its will.” (Schumpeter, 1976, p. 250) People empower the elected elites to govern the public, and democracy implemented through elections. Fair and competitive elections provide the legitimacy for the political decisions made by only few political elites and political parties. This theoretical hypothesis derives from the economic rationalism which the voters would vote for whom they think can best present their interests; while the representatives would. 政 治 大 democracy is demonstrated in an electoral process in which citizens hold their 立. compete for the votes by offering select policies. (Mackie, 2004, p.11) In other words,. political control over the competing elites.. ‧ 國. 學. Robert Dahl has a competing perspective towards democracy. He believes that. ‧. all members are to be entitled equally in the process of political participation. In his. sit. y. Nat. book Polyarchy 1971, he means to find out what kinds of institutional designs are. io. er. favorable for associations and groups to express their collective appeals and for the opposition of the government to systematize into a political system in order to. al. n. v i n C h Democracy is strengthened compete in free and fair elections. with a proper design of engchi U political institutions that pursue the six goals “1) elected officials, 2) free, fair and. frequent elections, 3) freedom of expression, 4) alternative sources of information, 5) associational autonomy, and 6) inclusive citizenship.” (Dahl, 1998, p. 85) Dahl argues that “a key characteristic of democracy is the continuing responsiveness of the government to demands from its citizens, considered as political equal.” (Dahl, 1971, p. 1) Institutional designs, such as the existence of competitive electoral systems, and citizen participations have been emphasized in the literature. A democratic country should be able to promote the expression of diverse values, pluralism, and ensure the equal participation of social groups. Powell further points out that a democratic 14.

(19) system features with “competitive elections in which most citizens are eligible to participate”. (Powell, 1982, p. 3) Quite similarly Schattschneider, “democracy is a competitive political system in which competing leaders and organizations define the alternatives of public policy in such a way that the public can participate in the decision-making process.” (Schattschneider, 1975, p. 141) Citizens and social organizations exercise their rights through elections and other avenues, such as lobbying, issue advocating, and social mobilization to influence the political process and to have democratic policy outcomes.. 政 治 大 “confused democratic rights with democratic practice”. (Somers, 1993; Baiocchi, 立 However, the sociological theorists criticize that this institutional approach. Heller, & Silva, 2011, p.23) This is because democratic institutions can be subverted. ‧ 國. 學. by nondemocratic practice. Hence, the existing of a robust civil society acting as a. ‧. countervailing power is a key factor to democracy. Deriving from that, civil society. y. Nat. enters the mainstream of democratic development and becomes a key driving force. er. io. sit. for political reforms. As presented clearly by Grugel “democracy requires a thick civil society, able to represent the very different groups and interest in society and translate. al. n. v i n C hinto policies and protect the preferences of the majority political, civil and social engchi U rights, as well as an effective state”. (Grugel, 2002, p.96). On the one hand, civil society ensures the authority to keep its accountability and transparency. Carl Gersham states that the role of civil society is transformed and evolved during different stages of political development. He argues that the civil society can be a democracy initiator or facilitator in the beginning stages of the autocracy downfall and a monitor after the democratic institutions are set. (Gersham, 2000) On the other hand, civil society is where citizens practice and develop their democratic spirit and values. It encourages citizens’ political participation and fosters the forming of civil culture. Civil social groups encourage civic participation, provide 15.

(20) civic education, and promote democratic values against government power abuses. Hence, civil society is a key “to realigning state-society relations in ways that expand citizen participation, increase representation and empowerment, and reinforce state responsiveness and accountability”. (Ottaway & Carothers 2000; Antlöv, Brinkerhoff, & Rapp, 2008, p.1). 2.2.1 The Definition of Civil Society To build a conceptual frame for this paper, a few key definitions of civil society. 政 治 大 and civil organizations 立 constitute themselves and enjoy relatively autonomous power will be presented. "Civil society" is where manifold social movements, associations. ‧ 國. 學. to advocate values and pursue individual or collective interests. (Stepan, 1988, pp.3-4; Ngok, 2007, p.23) Among many other forms, social movements and civil social. ‧. organizations are the most exhibit forms of civil society. From a dynamic perspective,. sit. y. Nat. civil society activities are usually described as “symbolic appeals against existing. al. er. io. power structures and established cultural patterns” and their arena is “the public space. v. n. independent of government institutions, the party system or the state structure”.. Ch. engchi. i n U. (Muller, 2006, p.314) This connotes the difference between the concept of the civil society and political society. "Political society" is defined as the arena in which the political actors and the society organize themselves for legitimate right to gain control over public power and the state apparatus. (Stepan, 1988, p. 4; Linz and Stepan, 1996, p. 8) The political society and civil society are interconnected in affiliated networks but they are conceptually different in terms of power exercising. The political society tries to exercise complete control over state power, while the civil society manages to influence the state power through formal or informal political participation. (Weigle, 16.

(21) 2000, pp. 49- 50) Thus, the civil society serves as a supplementary to political parties and increases the participation and the skills of all the various segments of society. (Diamond, 1994, p.7-10) Academic intellectuals agree that civil society acts as an intermediary entity between the private sphere and state. (Kumar, 1993; Diamond, 1994, p.5; Alexander 2006, p.31-34) It is a network of associational lift that represents “a patterned matrix of institutional relationships among cultural, economic, social, and political practices”. (Somers, 1993, p.595) Diamond makes clear arguments on how the network is formed.. 政 治 大 “to express their interests, passions and ideas, exchange ideas, exchange information, 立. He stated that civil society entails citizens participating collectively in a public sphere. achieve mutual goals, make demands on the state, and hold state officials. ‧ 國. 學. accountable”. (Diamond, 1994, pp. 5-7) Through ways of communicative, the civil. ‧. society practices democratic values over time and improves the political. y. Nat. accountability. In a similar way, Alexander states that civil society is where. er. io. sit. “communicative institutions become free to broadcast interpretations that are not only independent of the state, but can challenge its commands”. (Alexander, 2006, p.108). al. n. v i n C h the role of civilUsociety in democracy. He describes Gellner further plainly emphasizes engchi that “the process of democratization should rather be called a process of civil society, since democracy does not have a real meaning without civil society.” (Gellner, 1994, p. 184) He refers to civil society as a strong counterbalance to the state, while it does not prevent the state from dominating the rest of the society. Anchored on that point, the composition of civil society is weaving in the political and economic context of the society and engaging with the state. Thus, Baiocchi, Helloer, and Silva call for a relational approach which “unpacks the sometimes contradictory relationships between the state and voluntary associations and the way in which these shifting relationships both reflect societal power and 17.

(22) shape the functioning of the state and civil society”. (Baiocchi, Heller, & Silva, 2011, p.28). 2.2.2 Basic functional dimensions of the civil society On the basis of preceding arguments, some of the basic functional dimensions are presented in the relationship between civil society and the democratic state. Alexis de Tocqueville (1863) describes civil society as a counterbalance to the modern state, which strengthens democracy and functions as an intermediary between the individual. 政 治 大 better democratic development. 立. and the state. Thus, the society can interact constructively with the state towards a. ‧ 國. 學. From the normative account, Muller argues that civil society formulates four basic functions- namely defensive, legitimizing, participative and integrative values.. ‧. (Muller, 2006, pp.318-319) One the one hand, civil society is able to defend against. sit. y. Nat. the abuse of state power because of its independent and intermediary essence. On the. n. al. er. io. other hand, the state remains solid when it enjoys the legitimacy. Thirdly, the. i n U. v. participative function represents that civil society can facilitate citizens’ political. Ch. engchi. involvement and establish democratic values. Tocqueville also argues that civil society with various components fit together, such as family and the community that fosters the social norms and trust necessary for people to shape lives in the public areas. (Tocqueville, 1863, p.132) Political tolerance, respect for rights, shared values and social connections are forged during the state-society interaction. Last but not least, civil society has an integrative function. It refers to civil society as where “the relationships of affinity and loyalty are formed”. (Dahrendorf 1997, p.58; Cohen 1999, p. 55; Muller, 2006, p.319) Quite similarly, Robert Putnam puts an emphasis on the dimension of civil society as social capital, which means “features of social life18.

(23) networks, norms and trust- that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives”. (Putnam, 1995, pp. 664 – 665) Multiple social organizations are vital for democracy since they work interactively and strengthen both the social and political connections. Building social capital, trust and shared values can be further transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together, facilitating an understanding of the interconnectedness of society and interest within it. (Coleman,1988, pp.100-103 ; Uslaner, 2002, p.249; Ishiyama, 2011, p.131). 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 19. i n U. v.

(24) 2.3. Civil Society and Democratization in Taiwan. The role of civil society in democratization and democracy has been discussed in the first two sections of the literature review. The third part of this review will be various empirical discussions regarding Taiwan’s democratic development studies. Factors that triggered democratic initiation, patterns of its development, and causes of democratic consolidation, are issues that scholars tried to untangle. From 1948-1986, nearly four decades of authoritarianism regime, in which the society was under suppression, Taiwan moved from liberalization to democratization. After the lifting of. 政 治 大 development nurtured a立 growing civil society. The political environment changed. martial law in 1987, the expanding political freedom accompanied with economic. ‧ 國. 學. again after 2000 when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidential election for the first time since the long dominant Kuomintang regime. The. ‧. development of civil society in Taiwan is embedded in the political and economic. sit. y. Nat. configuration. Deriving from the first two sections, the review of Taiwan’s studies. n. al. er. io. will focus on the discussion of the most prominent perspectives in Taiwan’s democratic development.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.3.1 Taiwan democratization studies- the institutional perspective From the institutional perspective, democratization and democracy were better performed by institutional arrangements such as establishment of laws, organizational reforms, and elections. This is because new rules and democratic institutions can “enhance the probability of the survival of a democracy by eliminating the residues of the authoritarian system that are incongruous to democratic governance.” (Tan, Yu, & Chen, 1996, p.484) As Dickson argues that “[t]he organizational and personnel reforms were accompanied by another change that proved instrumental to the eventual 20.

(25) democratization of Taiwan’s political system: the invigoration of the electoral system”. (Dickson, 1995, p.58) Generally speaking, from 1947 to 1986, before the lifting of martial law, institutional approach focused on how the Kuomintang’s institutional designs such as organizational reforms and elections led Taiwan from liberalization to democratization. Organization reforms in the central organs and local party offices created wide-ranging personnel changes and recruit better-qualified candidates into the political system. Elections were first initiated at the local levels such as township, county, and city. 政 治 大 institution to assimilate emerging economic and social forces into the political system, 立 levels. During the 1960s to l970s, local elections gradually became “a major. and an indispensable vehicle for the political ascent of the native elite”. (Chu, 2001,. ‧ 國. 學. p.119) Since 1972, supplementary popular elections entailed additional seats for the. ‧. National Assembly and Legislative Yuan. The Elections empowered civil society with. sit. y. Nat. increasing political power and served as an “institutionalizing exit”- the function of. io. er. elections transferred from a patronage system to an institutionalized feedback mechanism on the party’s performance. (Dickson, 1995, p.58) Besides, for the. al. n. v i n C hparty adopted a more winning of elections, the ruling democratic procedural to select engchi U better-qualified party candidates. (Tien, 1992, p.50) The evolving of electoral. liberalization had gradually redefined the relationship between the state and the society. In representative politics, a healthy party system which provides opportunities for turnover of power among ruling parties is an important sign of democracy. The opposition party, the DPP, was formally established in 1987. Since then, Taiwan’s democracy had marched beyond just conducting free and fair elections. Strong and institutionalized political parties had gradually taken shape over the past decade. Multiple issues concerned with party politics had been discussed such as the impacts 21.

(26) of the electoral systems on party politics (Göbel, 2001 pp.15-19; Chu, 2008, p. 125; Fell, 2010, p.195) and the influences of party systems on democratic consolidation.(Chow, 2002, pp.136-144) However, this kind of institutional approach that democracy came along with establish of electoral democracy has been reexamined. The fulfillment of procedural conditions of democracy in Taiwan still has a long way to achieve a deepened democracy. Göbel identified that the electoral democracy was diminished when “the representative institutions were hijacked by vested interests groups”. (Göbel, 2001. 政 治 大 distortion of institutional designs which have negative consequences on the 立. p.19) Kuo also argues that multiple actors in the political arena might cause the 1. democratic development of Taiwan. (Kuo, 2000, p.104). ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 2.3.2 Taiwan democratization studies- focusing on the societal perspective. sit. y. Nat. The modernization theory emphasizes positive correlation between the. n. al. er. io. socio-economic development and democracy. Between 1960 and 1980, Taiwan’s. i n U. v. export-led economic growth created conditions for social upward mobility. The. Ch. engchi. middle-class intellectuals fueled the democratic movement and created liberalizing social consequences that the KMT had not fully anticipated. (Chen, 1989, pp.11-15) Industrialization and rapid economic growth leads to the change of Taiwan’s social strata. The sustained economic growth strengthened the role of civil society in. 1. Kuo analyses the interaction among the state, the KMT, local factions and conglomerates to argue. how distortions in democratic institutions have been occurred. Because of the self-maximization behaviour of these institutional actors during the uncertain transitional phrase, it dampens the democratic development in Taiwan. See Kuo, C. T. (2000). Taiwan’s Distorted Democracy in Comparative Perspective. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 35(1), 85–111. 22.

(27) democratization in the 1980s. Hsiao states that “the KMT’s democratizing stance did not happen spontaneously: it was a concession to the increasing demands from the mobilized civil society”. (Hsiao, 1996, p.8) As the middle class increased over time, they demanded more rights for political engagements and support for social issues, such as environmental protection, human rights, consumer rights, and equality of women. Social movements increased and called for more autonomous power. The civil society learned how to make claims on the state and formed a participatory political culture. (Hsiao, 1990, p.178). 政 治 大 between the civil society and the state have changed the state-society relationships to 立. The process reinforces the waves of political changes and the interactive actions. a negotiable extent. Understanding the importance of system stability, social activists. ‧ 國. 學. did not resort to overthrown the regime with dramatic revolution. Instead, social. ‧. activists demanded for socio-political reforms and constructed social movements,. sit. y. Nat. such as anti-nuclear activities, environmental worker movements, farmers and. io. er. fishermen’s right, anti- Linyuan Petrochemical Industrial Zone in 1988 and Wild Lily Movement in 1990. (Ho, 2010, p. 9) The civil participants expect appropriate. al. n. v i n feedback mechanisms from C the state rather than throw h e n g c h i U over the entire system to. achieve their appeals. The role of civil society in Taiwan has evolved from a passive recipient to a more active participant. Economic development created middle-class as well as political intellectuals.. Chen argues that “this new political opposition is essentially a middle-class movement, the consequence of rapid economic development. Many of its members are social-science trained intellectuals with professional skills and legal expertise. Moreover, they are socially connected to small and medium businesses”. (Chen, 1989, p.474) These new political entrepreneurs contributed to the development of democracy by “using extralegal methods in finessing the repressive legal framework, 23.

(28) shifting the bargaining arenas, and eventually to force the ruling elite to institute a new set of rules”. (Cheng, 1989, p.474). 2.3.3 Taiwan democratization studies- structural and transition approaches David Potter takes both structural and transition approaches to explain Taiwan’s democratization. The rapid economic growth caused the changing of class structure. Middle class, business entrepreneur class, and labor class had gradually formed and become organized and mobilized. He states that “political liberalization by the KMT. 政 治 大 class power”. (Potter, 1997, 立 p.235) One the one hand, the changing social strata had. state in the 1980s was shaped by the need to accommodate this changing structure of. ‧ 國. 學. affected the state power because it somewhat “weakened the social basis of authoritarian rule”.2 On the other hand, the difficult geopolitical environment3. ‧. contributed to the decision of KMT leaders’ political reform decisions. Thus, he. sit. y. Nat. argues that “changing geopolitical and international process can profoundly affect. al. n. direction”.4. er. io. domestic states and class structure in the longer term and propel them in a democratic. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Incorporating the aforementioned different analytical perspective, the growing pressure form a changing civil society and the changing structural of geopolitical environment had led to the political decisions leading Taiwan from liberalization to democratization.. 2. Ibid.,237. 3. The difficult geopolitical environment refers to the closer tie between the People’s Republic of China. and the collapse of authoritarian rule in Philippines. See more in Potter, D. (1977). Democratization at the same time in South Korea and Taiwan. In D. Potter, D. Goldblatt, M. Kiloh, & P. Lewis (Eds.), Democratization (1st ed.). USA: Blackwell. P.234-236 4. Ibid.,235 24.

(29) Chapter III. Development of Civil Society and Democracy. in Postwar Taiwan The dynamics of civil society must be interpreted within the context of state-society relationship as it unfolds in different historical and political conditions. Political environments affect the robustness of civil society in various ways. The shifting political environment largely determines the effects of social movements. Therefore, it is essential to understand the political environment in each stage of Taiwan’s democratic development. On the one hand, the civil society engages with the political. 政 治 大. society to become a composite system that shapes the results of social movements. On. 立. the other hand, social movements had a propensity to cluster in time to become. ‧ 國. 學. protest cycles or cycles of contention. (Tarrow, 1994; Minkoff, 1997, p. 780-782) Tarrow defines it as “a phase of heightened conflict and contention across the social. ‧. system, which includes … sequences of intensified interactions between challengers. y. Nat. io. sit. and authorities which can end in reform repression and sometimes revolution”.. n. al. er. (Tarrow, 1994, p. 153) In Taiwan, different stages of democratic development have. i n U. v. distinct variables to affect social movements. Thus, this chapter will first analyze the. Ch. engchi. strength of civil society under three different political development contexts. First, the implementation of martial law represented a fully state controlled system. Taiwan’s civil society possessed little autonomous power, and was under the KMT’s intense surveillance. However, the state control mechanism encountered greater challenges with the rapid economic and social changes. The suppression of social activities and highly centralized means were no longer effective. The pressure from a growing society resulted in the decisions of elites’ political reforms. The second phase started with the lifting of martial law and followed by the emergence and growth of civil society. The ruling KMT gradually liberalized in order 25.

(30) to assuage the demands of the society. People were empowered with more autonomous power as well as political rights. In 1986, opposition to the KMT was officially formed a political party, the DPP. It aligned with social movement activists to increase their mobilization strength and built up political links. This strengthened the power of civil society and increased the political leverage for reforms. In other words, social movements became politicalized and had intrinsic importance in party politics. The third phase came along with another turning point in Taiwan’s democratic. 政 治 大 2000. This political turning point signaled changes in state-society relations. The 立. development. The DPP ousted the long dominant KMT in the presidential election in. nascent DPP incumbent channeled new political access for social activists, but also. ‧ 國. 學. shaded the social movements in other ways. Firstly, the institutionalized social. ‧. strength was weakened in effectiveness. (Ho, 2010, pp.10-16) Secondly, the. sit. y. Nat. unprecedented economic recession impeded the determination for social reforms, and. io. er. brought the DPP to meet the interests of the business sector. (Ho, 2005a, pp.349-351) Thirdly, the weak ability to govern, which was caused by its parliamentary minority. al. n. v i n C haroused political instability and the pro-KMT bureaucracy, and countermovements. engchi U. (Fell, 2010, p.188-190; Ho, 2005b, pp.411-413) It also enabled the conservatives to gain.. The political instability and invalid state capability under the DPP government. provided opportunities for the conservatives to resist reforms. Fourthly, winning elections became the DPP’s primary concern. Consequently, the situation for social movements was not a complete blessing during this period. Through an overview of state-society relations during different stages, this chapter provides anticipation for the future development of Taiwan’s democracy. Given that the power of social movements was ineffective for nearly a decade, some political observers took the Sunflower Movement as a critical sign for the rise of the civil 26.

(31) society. Whether the Sunflower Movement ushered in a new phase of democratic discourse and to what degree has it impacted on the state policies are the issues for this dissertation.. 3.1 Weak Civil Society and Authoritarian State before 1987 3.1.1 The implementation of martial law and a highly depressed civil society The first era started in 1947 when the February 28 Incident5 disclosure the absolute control of the Chinese Nationalists. (Chu & Lin, 2001, p.112-114) The state-centered. 政 治 大. ruling mode had lasted for decades until the lifting of martial law. Since the 228. 立. Incident, the Nationalists built up an impregnable authoritarian image to seize an. ‧ 國. 學. overall control over the society and leave the civil society with no vitality. Chiang Kai-shek lost the Chinese Civil War to Communist Party of China and retreated to. ‧. Taiwan in 1949. The same year, Chen Cheng, the Governor of Taiwan Province,. y. Nat. io. sit. promulgated martial law and the entire society was under highly surveillances. Since. n. al. er. then, Kuomintang (KMT) had begun its single ruling party model and police-state. i n U. v. controlled regime, which means that the politics, society and economy of Taiwan. Ch. were under highly surveillance.. engchi. The implementation of martial law not only successfully restrained the development of political oppositions, but also scattered the strength of civil society. The highly repressing measures forged a compliant civil society, in which people were 5. The 228 Incident was an important uprising which was violently suppressed by the Chinese. Nationalists government. The civil society was discontent about rampant corruption, inflation, and political discrepancies after the Nationalists took over Taiwan from Japanese rule. The catalyst of the 228 event caused by a cigarette selling dispute and erupted massacre which led thousands of Taiwanese died and imprisoned. This incident is marked as one of the most important events in Taiwan. For a detailed analysis of this event, see Lai, T. Han, Myers, R. H., & Wei, W. (1991). A tragic beginning: the Taiwan uprising of February 28, 1947. United States: Stanford University Press. 27.

(32) too afraid to challenge the established order. Moreover, the mass media was another tool for the authority to penetrate its social control. The circulation of newspaper required registering with the state and the content was supervised to exclude the dissent. In this period as Rigger stated that “the overwhelming social, economic and political predominance of party-state sponsored organizations retarded the development of independent interest groups and political pluralism.” (Rigger, 1999, p 74) The civil power barely existed, if there was, it was merely individual based, fragmented and weak.. 3.1.2. 政 治 大 Internal and external pressures for the state in the 1970s 立. ‧ 國. 學. In the 1970s, the authority encountered both external and internal pressure. In the international environment, Taiwan had faced a series of diplomatic setback such as. ‧. losing the diplomatic ties with Canada and Japan, expelling from the United Nations,. sit. y. Nat. and closer ties between the U.S. and China. These diplomatic setbacks frustrated the. n. al. er. io. regime’s international status. In the domestic environment, the country had. i n U. v. experienced industrialization and modernization, and the pressure for changes tensed up.. Ch. engchi. In order to cope with the intensified pressure, on the one hand, the gradually loosened state control started with land reforms and a series of economic policies. On the other hand, state performance was evaluated through local elections. A patronage political system6 was discouraged by the electoral system and shifted towards a more responsive one. Local elections gradually served as an institutionalized feedback mechanism to provide more legitimacy. Various political 6. A patronage system refers to promises of political compensation in exchange for political support. A. political party winning an election rewards its prominent supporters with governmental positions or other favours. Personnel arrangements were based on political affiliation or loyalty. 28.

(33) dissents were able to voice out during the elections as Dickson states that, “[o]pposition candidates were able to voice criticisms of the KMT during the brief election seasons that would not have been tolerated at any other time”. (Dickson, 1995, p. 58) Hence, it gradually formed a relatively competitive atmosphere and provided better qualified candidates as political alternatives. The society demanded for a more responsive regime, rather than accepted the political output passively. Despite some political progress, the personnel appointments to high and mid-level officials and military forces still hold in the hand of KMT. Under the long dominant. 政 治 大. single-party ruling system, the society had craved for political freedom, and participation.. 立. Under the martial law, the society still constrained and the existing of the unified. ‧ 國. 學. opposition party was still prohibited. In this context, Tangwai (literally means outside. ‧. the party) became a pronoun for the opposition power. The Zhongli incident7 in 1977. y. Nat. was an important political protest and the first antigovernment demonstration since. er. io. sit. the February 1947. Protestors rioted against a local magistrate’s election fraud in Zhongli, Taoyuan County. The incident galvanized a more unified opposition power. al. n. v i n C h aiming for more and caused more social movements political engagement and engchi U. political freedom. This event established a new competing opposition force outside of. the KMT. Before lifting the newspaper ban in 1987, the voices of dissent could only rely on informal and obscured tactics. The opposition movement and social movement. 7. The Zhongli Incident was a riot in the town of Zhongli in 1977 in response to the use of paper ballots. in a local election, which voters believed increased the possibility that the election would be rigged. Believing there was election fraud, the protestors rioted, burning down the Zhongli police station. The KMT suppressed the revolt violently. This incident galvanized a more unified Tangwai power. See more in Weng, B. S. J. (2009). A Short History of Taiwan’s Democracy Movement. In B. Bridges & L. S. Ho (Eds.), Public Governance in Asia and the Limits of Electoral Democracy. Edward Elgar Publishing. P.123. 29.

(34) activists had to voice through the magazines, videotapes, and spoken words. Therefore, magazines became the best mediator to pass out new advocacies and recruit new members. It not only served as an instrument for propaganda, but also enhanced the social network for the Tangwai. In a way, it enabled the public to recognize democratic values, and meanwhile it undermined the legitimacy of the ruling party. Magazines served as a panel for the activists to practice democratic values, advocated human rights, redefined nationalism and, and mobilized the public. Take the Kaohsiung incident for example. It was sponsored by Formosa Magazine.. 政 治 大 recognized as a turning point in the process of democracy transition in Taiwan. 立. The incident culminated the pro-democracy Tangwai movement and had been. Although the KMT authorities tried to eliminate those discontent voices from the. ‧ 國. 學. society and used means, such as unjustified trials, this kind of suppressing means only. ‧. made inroad into the reputation of the ruling party.. sit. y. Nat. io. al. er. 3.1.3 The Formosa Incident of 1979 and more unified opposition power. v. n. The Kaohsiung incident also known as the Formosa Incident8 of 1979 demonstrated. Ch. engchi. i n U. the accumulated strength of civil society. On the International Human Rights Day, December 10th of 1979, the Formosa Magazine assembled the public and delivered public speeches to commemorate. This gathering had been applied, but official sanction was not been given by the authority. The government recognized it as an illegal rally, and sent police to dismiss the crowd. The confrontation happened and. 8. The suspension of a planned national election in late 1978 aroused wide discontent and was. considered as an intentional postponement for the political conservatives. In the autumn of 1979, the Formosa Magazine Group and the mass rallied to demand for more political freedom. In December 1979, confrontation and violence occurred when the authority tried to crack down the gathering. The authority jailed most of the leaders to deter further opposition movements. (Cheng, 1989, p.15) 30.

(35) created massive riots between two sides. The fighting broke out and staffs of Formosa Magazine, and opposition activists were arrested. They were under detention to be interrogated and treated violently to confess guilty. (Cohen, 1988, p.41) The activists were accused of the intention to overthrow the government and inciting the public rising in rebellion. The incident caused a prevailing discontent and it was reflected on the results of elections. Because of the unjustified trials and the harsh treatment meted out to the opposition leaders, the social community had formed a widespread sympathy.. 政 治 大 election, and its supporters seemed to form some party identity during this period of 立 Tangwai performed well in the 1980 supplementary election and the 1981 local. time.(Copper, 1990, pp.6-7) It was believed that the strength gained from this incident. ‧ 國. 學. had incubated the power for the forming of the opposition party, the Democratic. ‧. Progress Party (the DPP).. sit. y. Nat. In the mid-1980s, the political opposition played a crucial role in pressing the. io. er. KMT state for liberalization. A mushrooming of social movements emerged after 1983and converged with the opposition movements. Thus, during this period, in Chu. al. n. v i n and Lin’s words, “the socialC movements of the 1980s h e n g c h i U loosened the firm grip of the. authoritarian state on the civil society and provided a mobilized soil in various social. sectors for the political opposition to take root”. (Chu & Lin, 2001, p.120). 3.1.4 The unstoppable social forces and imminent political changes The relation of the state and the civil society had been altered and caused the authority to yearn more autonomous power to the civil society. Lu described that “the lifting of martial law and an end of party ban were regarded by informed public as imminent. In this atmosphere of high expectancy and uncertainty, Tangwai leaders were actively 31.

(36) engaged in the business of forming a new party.” (Lu, 1991, p. 128) In July 1986, after the third plenum of the Twelfth Central Committee of the KMT, it proposed the Six Political Reforms, which included the central representative structure reform, electoral system changes, establishing National Security Law, regulations for social organizations and associations, social safety, and reform in the KMT party. On September 28, 1986, the Tangwai leaders decided to announce the founding of the “Democratic Progressive Party”. The KMT denounced this illegal move but hold off a crackdown on its leaders. The authority evaluated the likelihood of social instability. 政 治 大 lifted bans on the forming of political parties and street protests. The forming of the 立. and riots decided not to repress. The political reforms, which were leaded by Chiang. opposition party could be seen as a big step toward democratization in Taiwan history.. ‧ 國. 學. Despite the huge success of democratization process, the KMT still monopolized. ‧. the resources of the country, such as the financial resources, the police force, the. sit. y. Nat. military forces and many media outlets (example: Central Daily News, Broadcasting. io. er. Corporation of China). Therefore, there were obstacles for the opposition to finally achieve the ideal political freedom through true and fair elections. The DPP. al. n. v i n CKMT candidates competed with the candidates in U a less advantage situation. The hen i h gc. opposition party suffered from political persecution and harassment. Moreover, the abilities of social mobilizations were still in the preference of KMT, which with outspread party cadres throughout the country. Even though in the beginning stage of the democratization process there were foreseeable obstacles ahead, the civil society had successfully pressured the state to accelerate the pace of reform.. 32.

(37) 3.2. Growing Civil Society and Democratic Evolution between 1987 and 2000. 3.2.1 Economic growth and a favorable environment for civil society From 1986 to 1997, the civil society grew prosperously with the economic development. Unlike the first stage when the society was under absolute state control by highly suppressed or coercive means; the state held a more tolerant attitude towards the development of civil society. Moreover, when the populace experience local level of democratic participation, it brought “grassroots democracy to Taiwan”.. 政 治 大 industrialization, the civil 立society became more influential when dealt with the state. (Copper, 1996, p. 4) With more economic resources that came along with. ‧ 國. 學. The state and the society had been moving consistently in pursuing economic development, and forming a reciprocal interaction. Political and social forces. ‧. converged on the same stream of economic development and a cooperated mechanism. sit. y. Nat. was formed under the capitalism. This new social stratum had the economic and. n. al. er. io. intellectual clout to organize social movements and demand political rights.. i n U. v. The correlation between the economic factors and the democratic development. Ch. engchi. has been discussed in chapter two. Observing the process of Taiwan’s democratization, it is undeniable that the economic growth and middle class factors had noticeable effects on the emerging of the various social groups. The accumulated resources strengthened the power of civil society to negotiate with the state to release more autonomy. As Chu and Lin state that “social transformation brought about by the rapid industrialization and the accompanying demographic changes tended to enhance the mobilizing capacity of opposition candidates.” (Chu &Lin, 2001, p.120) The autonomous demands and political awareness from a rising civil society had enabled Taiwan to gradually open up and accelerate the process of democratic transition. The 33.

(38) basic needs were advocated through different social mobilizations, such as consumers movements, environmental protests, women’s movements, human rights movements, student movements, and so on. The saturated demands from the society had pressed the authority to take a more responsive attitude to maintain the systematical balance. The power of civil society had shifted from low political demands to high political ends of transformation. Wang notes that “since 1983, the Tangwai movement, which formally became DPP in 1986, escalated its confrontation with the regime on issues of democratic reform, ethnic. 政 治 大 local level elections.” (Wang, 2012, p.163) The relations had been changed through 立. cleavage and Taiwan’s future by organizing dissident movements and participating in. the interaction process when political demands were made by the society. The state. ‧ 國. 學. was pressed to take more active attitude to loosen political control and leave more. ‧. autonomy for the society.. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. 3.2.2 The lifting of martial law and democratic reforms. i n U. v. The political leaders were aware that the demand of reforms had become. Ch. engchi. overwhelming. The state leader, Chiang Ching-kuo, made a critical decision to lift martial law. It was a milestone for democratic development in Taiwan when Chiang Ching-kuo proclaimed the lifting of martial law in 1987, which had promulgated for nearly forty years. There was confrontational force in the political arena after the opposition DPP had formed without being imposed political sanctions. This further conducted to a more genial atmosphere for social activists to raise multiple advocacies. In the late 1980s, social movements aligned with political movements to become joint forces to resist the state’s restraint. The social groups bolstered up the DPP because “they believe[d] that an 34.

(39) opposition party [was] needed to maintain a genuine democratic system”, rather than accredit to the DPP’s ideology. (Lu, 1991, p 133) In this way, it helped reduce the cost of mobilizations, and increased the bargaining chips. The emerging civil society enlarged when different social groups jointly made their claims on the state. The demands from the society created a great momentum and paved a way to more democratic reforms. In 1988, the ban on newspapers was lifted and more open and free information was able to be retrieve by the public. Tien notes that “before early 1988, when law. 政 治 大 journals- published either weekly or monthly- were the most popular format for the 立 and government policy restricted the publication of daily newspapers, political. opposition press.” (Tien, 1991, p 46) Abolishing the ban on the newspaper, which was. ‧ 國. 學. a big step for the press liberalization, enabled the general public to receive. ‧. information with multiple perspectives. With the flourish of evidence, the society was. sit. y. Nat. empowered with more autonomy and accelerated the democratic development.. io. er. A series of reform coincided with what Dahl argued to be democracy as citizens were able to “formulate their preferences, signify their preferences to their fellow. al. n. v i n citizens and the governmentC by individual and collective h e n g c h i U action, and have their. preferences weighed equally in the conduct of government.” (Dahl, 1971, p.2) In 1990, the Wild Lily student movement, a large scale of student sit-in at Memorial Square in Taipei, demonstrated a rising civil society which clashed with the state power. The student group appealed for Taiwan’s direct presidential elections and National Assembly reform. Wild Lily student movement was considered as a critical turning point in bringing up dialogues between political elites and civil society. The then incumbent president, Lee Teng-Hui, negotiated with the students and promised to take on democratic reforms. Six years later, the first direct presidential election was held which marked the summit of Taiwan’s democratic reforms. Lee Teng-Hui became the 35.

(40) first direct elected president by winning the support of the society. Democratic consolidation was still processing over the subsequent years. The institutional designs were gradually opening up for the opposition of the government to compete in the frequent election. The democratic development in Taiwan ushered in a new phase when the political earthquake9 of the 2000 presidential election pushed the DPP into power.. 3.3. Weakening Civil Society and Democratic Consolidation after 2000. 政 治 大 There was a sign for Taiwan 立 moving towards the path of democratic consolidation 3.3.1 Power transition and democratic consolidation. ‧ 國. 學. when the DPP won the presidential election in 2000 for the first time since the long dominant KMT regime. According to Huntington’s definition of democratic. ‧. consolidation, the power transfer in power 2000 and 2008 had passed the. sit. y. Nat. two-turnover test10 as a democratic consolidated country. (Huntington, 1991) The. n. al. er. io. peaceful transition proved that democracy had come and the voters and civil society had become increasingly sophisticated.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. This political power transfer signaled the coming of a new phase of state-society relations. (Chu & Diamond, 2001, p.224) The 2000 presidential electoral victory was gained by a strategy of aligning with various social groups. There had been a long. 9. In 2000 presidential election, the KMT lost power and ended its undisrupted ruling for the first time. since 1947. This stunning defeat of the KMT signified an end of one-party dominance and a great move toward democratic consolidation. 10. Huntington defines that “[t]he party or group that takes power in the initial election at the time of. transition loses a subsequent election and turns over power to those election winners, and if those election winners then peacefully turn over power to the winners of a later election”. In Huntington, S. P. (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (3rd ed.). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. p.267 36.

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