A Parallel of Taiwanization and Democratization: from 1947 to Present Day - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master’s Program in AsiaPacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文. 立. 政治Thesis Master’s 大. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. 論文題目. Nat. er. io. sit. y. A Parallel of Taiwanization and Democratization: from. n. a l 1947 to Present Day iv n Ch engchi U. Student: Katherine Rose Advisor: Wei Mei-Chuan. 中華民國 102 年 7 月 July, 2013.

(2) 論文題目 A Parallel of Taiwanization and Democratization: from 1947 to Present Day. 研究生: 任凱蒂. Student: Katherine Rose. 指導教授 : 魏玫娟. 國立政治大學. 學. ‧ 國. 立. Advisor: Wei Mei-chuan. 政治大. ‧. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. n. A Thesis. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. iv. n C h Master’sUProgram Submitted to International in Asia-Pacific engchi Studies. National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in Taiwan Studies. 中華民國 102 年 7 月 July, 2013.

(3) Abstract The island of Taiwan, located around 160 km east of China, has existed amongst contention and confusion for centuries, with a complex history of foreign occupation beginning in the mid-seventeenth century with the Dutch and only ending after the Nationalist Chinese Party’s (the KMT’s) relocation in the mid-twentieth century, at which point the desire of the people to rule and be free in their own country began shifting the notions of Taiwan and the Taiwanese. It was at this juncture that the processes of. 政治大. democratization and national identity formation collided and have since. 立. progressed as an influential parallel to the present day, in which Taiwan is. ‧ 國. 學. now an established democratic nation with the majority of its citizens identifying as Taiwanese, distinct from the periods of foreign rule in the past. ‧. and the present threat from across the Strait. An analysis of this paralleled progression through history is essential to fully comprehending the deeply. y. Nat. sit. embedded notions of democracy and national identity on the island which. er. io. are currently influential factors shaping the domestic outlook towards the. n. a l dilemma. Drawing on the continuing cross-strait i v academic literature and n. C. h e nCenter) data from ESC (Election Study g c h iandU TEDS (Taiwan Election and Democracy Studies), a synthesis of agent- and process- oriented approaches, which emphasizes the roles of political elites, civil society and historical context, will be employed in this study to explore the parallel of democratization and Taiwanization in postwar Taiwan.. i.

(4) TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Chapter One: Introduction……………..………...…………………….….1 1.1 Background……………………………………………………….1 1.2 Key concepts……….........…………………………….………….2 1.3 Research method and analytical framework …...…...……………5 1.3.1 Qualitative research…………………………...………...5 1.3.2 Analytical framework………………………...…………8 1.3.2.1. 立. A process. and. actor centered historical. 治 framework………………………………….... 8 政大. ‧ 國. 學. 2 Chapter 2: 1947 – 1979: The collision of national identity and democratic ideals in post-war Taiwan…………………………….………………….21. ‧. 2.1 The early ignition of national identity …………………………..22. formation. of. ethnic. national. sit. Nat. 2.1.2 The. y. 2.1.1 The 2-28 Incident……………………………………….24 identity. in. er. io. Taiwan …………………………………………...…... 26. n. a forms…………………..…………………………29 2.2 A Partnership v. i l C n 2.2.1 The initialhsigns movement alongside its i U e n gof cthehdemocratic revival of the movement for national identity ………….…... 30. 3 Chapter 3: 1980 – 1995: The first signs of democratic progress and a transition of national identity…………………….………..……………….35 3.1 Democratization in Taiwan…………………...…………………36 3.2 Agents of change: civil and political society ....……,,………….38 3.2.1 Civil society………………………..………...…………39 3.2.2 Political society…………………………...…….………41 ii.

(5) 3.3 Civic national identity emerging in Taiwan ……………………52 3.4 Conclusion…………………………….….………….………….55 4 Chapter 4: 1996 – Present day: consolidated democracy, “Taiwanese” national identity and the return of the China factor…………….…………..57 4.1 Tracing the final chapter of development ……………………....58 4.2 The shifts in policy under the first Taiwanese, democratically elected president, Lee Deng-hui …………..…………….…………..60 4.2.1 The 1995-1996 Taiwan Missile Crisis……………...…..61. 治政 4.2.2 “Special State-to-State Relations” 大 and the “New 立 Taiwanese” …..………………………………………..62. ‧ 國. 學. 4.3 Growing tension under Chen Shui-bian……………….…....…...65 4.4 Ma Ying-Jeou’s transition in strategy….…………..…...……….67. ‧. 4.4.1 “Chaiwan” forming under President Ma? ………...........69. sit. y. Nat. io. er. 5 Chapter 5: The voice of the people: a presentation of survey and focus group data………………………….……………………………………………….76. n. a. v. l C quantitative data……………..…………….76 5.1 Analysis of relevant ni. i U. he. ngch 5.2 Focus group data……...…………..……………………..………87 5.3 Concluding remarks…………………………..…….…………...91. 6 Chapter 6: Conclusion…………………………..……………....………..95 6.1 Recommendations for future studies…………………….......….98 References ………………………………………………………………..100. iii.

(6) List of Tables Table 1. Changes in the Taiwanese/Chinese identity of Taiwanese…...…..79 Table 2. Changes in unification/independence stances of Taiwanese…......81 Table 3. Surveys on unification under similar level of political and economic development, 2004–2011 (in %)………………………………...83 Table 4. How much of a democracy is Taiwan today? ……………...…….85. 政治大 Taiwan today? ……………………………………………….…………….86 立. Table 5. Overall, how satisfied are you with the way democracy works in. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. iv. i n U. v.

(7) Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Background In an interview in 1994, the first native Taiwanese President of Taiwan Lee Deng-hui expressed with great resolution a sentiment which still resonates in Taiwan’s society today: “the misery of being a Taiwanese.” This statement is not a reflection of the daily life of people in Taiwan, but rather concerns the complicated historical struggles on the island which continue to echo in political and cultural discourse today.. 治政 From the arrival of the Dutch in 1642 to the relocation 大 of the Chinese Nationalist 立of Taiwan has been home to numerous foreign rulers, some Party in 1949, the island ‧ 國. 學. more invasive and influential than others. As the native people were passed down the line between the Dutch, Spanish, Qing Dynasty, Japanese and finally the Nationalist Chinese. ‧. Party, there lay little time or means to establish a unique national identity, let alone their own political system. Ernest Gellner’s theory of nationalism states that “Nationalism is not previously exist” (2006, p. xxv).. io. sit. y. Nat. not a sentiment expressed by pre-existing nations; rather it creates nations where they did From this perspective, the onset of a rapid. er. movement for national identity, which in Taiwan’s case occurred closely alongside the. al. n. iv n C creating the nation of Taiwan ashit e is perceived today. n g c h i U In fact, it is only in the last thirty transformation towards a democratic political system, can be argued as essential in. years that being ‘Taiwanese’ has even become an option, and this could not have been. possible without the rights and freedoms granted through democracy. The collision of these two processes, that which has been referred to here as ‘Taiwanization,’ and the other democratization, gives proof of the imperative interdependent relationship between national identity and democracy in Taiwan through their progression up to the present day. So we now must ask, what has driven the relationship between the progression of national identity and the democratization on the island, and what impact does this relationship have on the current scenario in Taiwan? If these two processes are still 1.

(8) evolving, is it possible for the recent, or rather returning, “China Factor” to impede on the ‘nation’ which has been developed over the past 60 years? An initial, detailed historical analysis of the mutual dependence of these two processes in their proper historical context will first be presented, focusing on key events and actors which have molded the unique relationship between democratization and national identity formation in Taiwan. This is not to say that the development of democracy and that of national identity will be treated as equal, nor will their development be seen as interchangeable, but this dissertation will rather argue the crucial influence which each process has had on the other throughout their distinct periods of. 政治大. development. As this study is brought into a more contemporary focus, it will turn to analyze the impact of the historical relationship between political and national identity. 立. development on Taiwan in light of recent shifts in cross-strait relations.. ‧ 國. 學. The “China Factor,” which encompasses the growing economic relationship across the strait and its implications for Taiwan’s political stance, over the past five years. ‧. has raised a collection of questions among many local and international academics alike as to the negative impacts which this has already had and may in the future continue to. y. Nat. sit. have specifically on democracy and national identity in Taiwan. However, this thesis will. er. io. also explore another point of view, in which the strong relationship between the progressions of democratic ideals alongside a growing confidence in a “Taiwanese”. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. identity contrarily seem to show strength amongst the people of Taiwan, possibly posing. engchi. a greater threat to the hopes of China to continue its pursuit of the “One China Principle”. The continued discourse on the issues of democracy and national identity in Taiwan shows that these processes are still developing, and therefore now more than ever deserve greater attention in order to not only examine how China is affecting democracy and national identity in Taiwan, but also conversely to address how the state of these two processes is affecting cross-strait relations.. 1.2 Key concepts. 2.

(9) Before embarking on the main body of this dissertation, it is important to clarify the key and at times controversial concepts which are the base of this study: the terms ‘Taiwanese,’ national identity and the other democracy. These concepts will all be expanded on in further detail throughout the thesis; however this brief introduction will aim to first provide a clear definition as a guiding reference throughout the study. The label ‘Taiwanese’ is a slightly deceptive classification of the people in Taiwan, since as is the case with many labels of nationalities such as Americans and Australians, the term Taiwanese actually neglects the first native people inhabiting the island, which are referred to as aboriginals, while the movement of the Taiwanese most. 政治大. commonly refers to those immigrants from China, mainly from Fujian province, who emigrated to Taiwan 400 to 600 years ago and constitute the majority ethnicity on the. 立. island. The “Taiwanese” are commonly differentiated from those who immigrated to. ‧ 國. 學. Taiwan after 1949 who represent the mainland Chinese, or waisheng ren. However the meanings denoted by ‘Taiwanese’ and ‘Chinese’ have shifted through the island’s recent. dissertation as they become relevant. ‧. history, and therefore varying more inclusive definitions of the terms will arise in this The term “Taiwanization” is a political concept. sit. y. Nat. construed by President Chiang Ching-kuo mainly in an effort to recruit Taiwanese elites into the party-state in order to retain the legitimacy of the KMT. This strategic directive. io. er. from above cannot be said to have been directly formulated to promote a Taiwanese. al. n. iv n C hiseunderstood presented in the title of this study, i U as the formation and process of n g c hprimarily. nationalism or identity, however in this dissertation, the term “Taiwanization” as is. a growing Taiwanese identity on the island.. National identity has more recently began to attract a greater amount of attention from the academic community, however despite the rich research already conducted, this term is still very complicated and a clear definition of national identity remains unresolved. For the purpose of this dissertation, the definition of national identity as presented by Anthony D. Smith (2010) will be adapted, in which he defines national identity as: “the continuous reproduction and reinterpretation by the members of a national community of the pattern of symbols, values, myths, memories and traditions that 3.

(10) compose the distinctive heritage of nations, and the variable identification of individual members of that community with that heritage and its cultural elements” (p. 20). Smith’s definition gives credence to the influence of historical events shared by the people in Taiwan which have played a large role in helping to form the national identity developed amongst the Taiwanese to separate themselves from their previously enforced colonial rules. National identity can be either conceived as an ‘ethnic’, cultural identity, or as a ‘civic’, more politically derived identity1, however the story and differentiation of these two forms of identity becomes more complicated in the case of Taiwan once we. 政治大. arrive at the discussion of the relationship between national identity and the choice of state2. This debate prompts a puzzling phenomenon in Taiwan. Even if a person identifies. 立. him/herself as Taiwanese, this does not infer that he/she subsequently supports Taiwan’s. ‧ 國. 學. independence. Greater specification must therefore first be clarified, stipulating that there is currently no positive link between national identity and stances on unification-. ‧. independence, and this dissertation will focus mainly on national identity in order to avoid being wrapped up in the complexity of this contradictory predicament. This. y. Nat. dilemma is often reasoned by scholars in part to break down to the people of Taiwan. io. sit. separating the realm of politics and economic relations with China, viewing ‘politics as. er. politics’ and ‘economics as economics’, avoiding any interference between their identity. al. n. iv n C U literature on the subject (Wu, h e n2012). (Cheng, 2009; Chow, 2008; Danielson, g c hThei existing beliefs with the complex issues of political and economic exchanges across the Strait. 1993, 2011, 2012; Cheng, 2009; Chu, 2004) however does show that those people of. Taiwan who identify themselves as Taiwanese do tend to be more inclined to be biased in their support for Taiwan, even when this is not directly in the form of choosing or preferring Taiwan independence. 1. The different types of national identity experienced by the people of Taiwan are addressed in this dissertation as ‘ethnic national identity’, which is a historical and cultural construct, and ‘civic national identity’ which derives from an attachment and support for a country’s political as well as territorial dimensions (Brown, 1994). These terms will be elaborated on in more detail as they arise in the relevant chapters of this thesis. 2 This refers largely to the ongoing dilemma of over the many different conceptions which have arisen aiming to define the state residing on Taiwan, for example whether it should be defined as the Republic Of China (ROC) on Taiwan, the ROC, One China under the ROC, or One China under the People’s Republic of China (PRC).. 4.

(11) The term democracy is also laden with definitions, of which a commonly agreed upon, basic definition is sufficient for the purpose of this dissertation. Samuel Huntington provides just such a definition, explaining that a democracy is reached when the “most powerful collective decision makers are selected through fair, honest, and periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote” (1991). This dissertation will analyze the process of democratization preceding the achievement of a democracy in Taiwan under Huntington’s conditions, and then continue to analyze democratic consolidation on the island, which according to Shelley Rigger (2012) “is still underway.” Although the current state of democracy in Taiwan fulfills the requirements of consolidation as. 政治大 that the process of deepening democracy is complete, and it is clear in Taiwan’s case that 立. outlined by Huntington and Diamond3, to say a democracy is fully consolidated implies. further growth of democracy on the island is still a prominent issue among the society as. 1.3 Research method and analytical framework. Nat. sit. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. well as among political institutions.. io. er. 1.3.1 Qualitative research. al. n. iv n C approach to research defined byhCynthia A. Hunt U e n g c h i with the objective to “gain a deeper understanding of a person's or group's experience.” According to Ross (1999), qualitative This dissertation will be predominately conducted as qualitative research, an inductive. research takes a holistic approach which is in part based upon perceptions dependent on each person and differing over time, as well as emphasizing the contrasts in meaning dependent on the situational context. This approach varies from that of a quantitative method which is a more controlled study utilizing large data sets of numbers in order to solve a set problem (Ross, 1999). There are many different research methods within the. 3. Samuel Huntington confirms a consolidated democracy at the “second turnover,” of an election in which political power changes hands for the second time. Larry Diamond offers a more detailed description stating that a “democracy can be consolidated only when no significant collective actors challenge the legitimacy of democratic institutions or regularly violate its constitutional norms, procedures, and laws” (1999).. 5.

(12) realm of qualitative research and this dissertation will be conducted primarily as a historical analysis, relying predominately on the rich literary resources available to trace the key historical events, actors, and their influence on the processes of democratization and Taiwanization, the collision of these processes, and the historical background leading up to the present day scenario on the island. Samuel L. Huntington defines a “good history” as one which “describes chronologically and analyzes convincingly a sequence of events and shows why one event led to another” (1991, p. xiii). This dissertation will strive to do just that, focusing on how key historical events and actors influenced and impacted the processes of democratization and national identity formation in their proper historical context.. 政治大 present further insight and a deeper understanding of the relationship between the 立 Extensive literature addressing these processes in Taiwan will be explored in order to. historical processes of democratization and national identity formation on the island.. ‧ 國. 學. Further comparison will also be drawn from focus group data conducted by Professor Sufeng Cheng of National Chengchi University. Although this study remains that of a. ‧. qualitative nature, survey data offered by the Election Study Center (ESC) and Taiwan Electoral and Democracy Study (TEDS) will also be examined when available in order to. y. Nat. sit. provide a more in-depth correlation between the historical lineage of events and the. al. er. io. shifting perceptions of national identity and democracy in Taiwan.. n. There are a number of key actors and events in distinct time periods which will be. Ch. i n U. v. focused on as turning points and deciding factors for the unique development and. engchi. interaction of these two processes. This dissertation will separate the phases of national identity formation and democratic reform into three distinctive stages distinguished by time period, analyzing the key agents and historical events characterizing each stage and the resulting relationship developing between Taiwanization and democratization. The time periods selected to be analyzed are by no means meant to infer that the development of national identity and democratization in Taiwan have occurred synchronously. These sections of time will rather be implemented in order to create a structure and framework for a deeper analysis into the relationship of how each process is influenced and interconnected during their historical and shared periods of development.. 6.

(13) For the purpose of this study, the historical analysis will be divided into three time periods, the first from 1947-1979, the second 1980-1995, and the final analysis from 1996-the present day. The first stage of research will account for the period of post-war Taiwan through to critical early political incidents which occurred in the 1970s, providing an essential base for the formation of and early relationship between the two processes. The second stage (1980 – 1995) will cover the period of rapid democratization, the formation and development of the opposition party, and the policies and shifts under former presidents Chiang Ching-kuo and Lee Deng-hui. Although this period in Taiwan’s history is most reputable for its political transition, this dissertation will devote an equal amount of attention to both democratization and the shifts in national identity during this. 政治大 between the two processes in their historical context, the political policies endorsed 立 period. Since the key argument of this study remains committed to the close relationship. during this period promoting democratization will be proved to also be largely correlated. ‧ 國. 學. with the paralleled transition of national identity.. The third and final stage will trace the progress of democratization and national. ‧. identity in Taiwan from 1996 through to the present day, further analyzing the consolidation of democracy and national identity while depicting the current status of. y. Nat. sit. both political development and national identity on the island, as well as examining the. al. er. io. effect of the recent “China factor” on the current developments. The latter period of. n. analysis will be followed by a final chapter comparing the more recent conclusions and. Ch. i n U. v. observations with quantitative data collected from the Election Study Center (ESC) and. engchi. Taiwan Election and Democratization Study (TEDS), as well as 2009 focus group data from Professor Su-feng Cheng of TEDS, on the topics of national identity and political perspectives in Taiwan. Comparisons will be drawn to interconnect the historical patterns with the results of the available surveys and focus group responses, showing the popular views on national identity and Taiwan’s political stance in response to historical events and political policies over the past twenty years. The results of this data will further clarify the parallel between these two processes and bring the study to a more contemporary focus in order to provide a deeper insight and more rounded picture of the development from the 1990s to the present day and its impact on cross-strait relations.. 7.

(14) 1.3.2 Analytical framework A ‘synthesized’ analytical framework to guide this historical analysis in extracting a deeper knowledge of the key elements throughout history which have influenced the unique development of democracy and national identity in Taiwan has been configured by the author to best suit the case of Taiwan. Many prominent theories have been proposed in regards to both the studies of national identity as well as that of democratic transition, however for the purpose of this study, a theoretical framework to address these congruent developments in Taiwan has been formulated, focusing on the historical processes and the roles played by key actors, specifically the political elite, in shaping the. 治政大as well as specifically concerning attempted to define both of these processes in general 立 the scenario as they have developed in Taiwan, and the theoretical perspective presented development of these two processes. There are many factors and theories which have. ‧ 國. 學. here is not limited to but has been largely inspired by the constructivist theory of national identity and the transition theory of democratization in order to most accurately and. ‧. effectively address the case of Taiwan. This is not to completely negate other theories such as Lipset’s modernization theory, which has previously been commonly linked to. sit. y. Nat. Taiwan’s development and which will still be referenced in this dissertation. Rather the. io. er. theoretical outline constructed here will incorporate the relevant and overlapping principles supported by the constructivist and political transition theories to best grasp the. n. al. i n U. v. historical relationship and how this influenced and was influenced by the motivations and. Ch. engchi. actions of the respective agents in Taiwan. It is imperative to first outline some key characteristics of the influential theories which are guiding this study, followed by addressing more specifically the key influence which these theories have shed on the guiding historical process and actor-centered analytical framework which will be applied specifically for the case of the development of national identity and democracy as experienced in Taiwan.. 1.3.2.1 A process and actor centered historical framework. 8.

(15) There are two pertinent theories which are responsible for the process- and actororiented theoretical framework which is guiding this dissertation, and those are the theory of political transition and the constructivist theory of national identity. Initially these theories may more commonly be viewed as methods to separately analyze the one democratic transition and the other, the formation of national identity. However, when treated together these theories prove not only to share many overlapping traits but also to support a comprehensive framework which is more effective than any single theory in explaining the development of and relationship between democracy and national identity in Taiwan. This section will begin by presenting a review of the common theoretical discourse on both transitional theories as well as constructivist notions regarding national. 政治大 focus will then turn to examine the intersection of these theories as they will here be 立. identity, referring to the research of prominent scholars in their respective fields. The. adapted to examine the processes of democratization and national identity formation as. ‧ 國. 學. they have occurred in Taiwan.. ‧. The first theory introduced here which has provided a great influence for the framework of this dissertation is the theory of political transition. In regards to discussing. sit. y. Nat. democratization, there are three general types of theoretical approaches commonly applied: the modernization theory, structuralist theory and transition theory (Potter, 1997,. io. er. p.12). The modernization approach, established by Martin Seymour Lipset in his 1963. al. n. iv n C U h e n tog support attention as a popular model employed successful democratization. c h i Taiwan’s. work The Political Man, is a prominent theory which has previously attracted much David Potter defines this school of thought as “emphasizing a number of social and economic requisites either associated with existing liberal democracies or necessary for. successful democratization” (1997, p. 12). Lipset very clearly expresses the main theme of this theory, which is “The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chance it will sustain democracy" (p.31). As one of the four “Asian tigers,” the economic success of Taiwan beginning in the early 1960s preceding its political liberalization, created a frenzy of scholars viewing the island, along with its neighboring countries such as South Korea, as prime models for this “wealth theory” (Pye, 1985; Hing, 1997). However this model and its credibility in wholly explaining the successful transition of democracy in Taiwan has since been criticized and challenged. 9.

(16) The modernization theory began losing steam as exceptions to the concept of economic predisposition supporting democratic transitions began popping up around the world, such as in Singapore and Latin America (Potter, 1997, p. 12), and a reexamination of Taiwan’s case proves that although socioeconomic influences continue to be important in discussing Taiwan’s successful transition, this theory excludes many of the key factors essential to the island’s political transition. Almond (1970) warns that “The movement of modernization might be in a liberal democratic direction, but it might with equal probability be in an authoritarian direction.” Rustow succinctly expresses the discrepancy left behind by the modernization approach and filled in with the political transition approach, writing that “modernists ask ‘what factors can best preserve or enhance the. 政治大 comes into being in the first place’” (Rustow, 1970, p. 340). This dissertation will not 立. health and stability of a democracy’, while transition theorists ponder ‘how a democracy completely disregard the value of modernization principles in Taiwan’s democratization. ‧ 國. 學. process, and according to many prominent transitional theorists such as Rustow, O’Donnel and Linz, “economic development helps to trigger the actions of competing. ‧. elites busy crafting the democratic compromise” (Potter, 1997, p. 24). The political transition theory will be adapted to the analytical framework of this thesis in order to. y. Nat. sit. fully account for the varied factors which have played essential roles in the process of. er. io. democratic development on the island.. n. al. iv n C U 1997)h is to iDankwart e nlinked gch. A common “reference point” of the political transition theory (Haggard & Kaufman, 1997; Potter,. A. Rustow’s 1970 article. "Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model." Rustow's article has largely served to “reject the ‘functional’” approaches that focused on democracy's economic, sociopolitical, and psychological prerequisites and instead focus on agency, process, and bargaining in explaining democratic transitions” (Haggard & Kaufman, 1997, p. 263). Potter (1997) defines the transition approach as “emphasizing political processes and elite initiatives and choices that account for moves from authoritarian rule to liberal democracy” (p. 12). Under this school of thought, O’Donnel and Schmitter like Rustow break away from the earlier studies on political liberalization (Lipset, Dalh, etc.) and argue that democratization is understood as a complex historical process (Chu, 1992, p. 3). Potter goes further to argue that “Democracy is produced by the initiatives of human 10.

(17) beings” (p. 15), which will be discussed through this thesis in regards to the political elite, including those involved in the opposition, along with the greater social forces of civil society. Since Rustow’s work on this theory, many more studies have arisen focusing on the process of transition from authoritarian rules to democracies, such as those from Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Adam Przeworski, Juan J. Linz, Giuseppe Di Palma, Michael Burton, Richard Gunther, and John Higley, and although these interpretations all differ slightly, there are a number of commonly shared principles which are highly relevant for Taiwan’s scenario. Rustow (1970) outlines four historical stages on the “route to democracy” which. 政治大. largely correlate with this historical analysis to accurately explain the process and key actors involved in Taiwan’s transition. The first stage presented by Rustow is “a phase. 立. when national unity within a given territory is being established.” Potter explains this. ‧ 國. 學. preliminary phase as constituting a majority beginning to “share a political identity,” such as “we are British, we are French,” or in the case of Taiwan, ‘we are not Mainland. ‧. Chinese’ (1997, p. 14). The second stage outlined is what Rustow refers to as that of “inconclusive political struggle,” during which “new… elite (are) coming to prominence. y. Nat. and demanding a significant place in the polity.” Although this phase is markedly. io. sit. different for each country with varying historical paths, “there is always major conflict. er. between opposed groups” (Potter, 1997, p. 14). The third phase in Rustow’s outline. al. n. iv n C h e ntogcompromise inconclusive political struggle decide c h i U and adopt democratic rules which. marks “the first transition or decision phase, a ‘historical moment’ when the parties to the gives each some share in the polity,” and the final stage is labeled the “habituation phase,” in which “The conscious adoption of democratic rules during the ‘historical moment’ may have been seen by the parties…as necessary rather than desirable due to compromises that had to be made; gradually, however, such rules, once made, become a habit” (Potter, 1997, p. 14). This historical analysis of Taiwan’s progression of democracy and national identity will be shown to very closely progress as outlined by Rustow, along with the crucial actors involved in realizing the democratization as defined under the transition theory.. 11.

(18) In addition to the general outline provided by Rustow, Stephan Haggard and Robert Kaufman’s 1997 article “The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions,” provides a number shared themes which are commonly promoted among the community of transitional theorists explaining democratization. One of these collective themes presented in this article is that “the key actors in the transition process,” include the political elites in both the government as well as those involved in the opposition movements (p. 265). Shain and Linz advise that “Crucial to the outcome of democratic transitions is the question of who governs in the interim period and the way they use their power” (1995, p. 21). Under this theoretical perspective it is commonly believed that the actors play essential roles in instigating and promoting the political transition, as is. 政治大 of the process” which he defines as “the way democrats and anti-democrats interact and 立. outlined above by Rustow, towards democratic rule. Huntington argues this as “the nature the strategies employed by both sides in the process” (1991, p. 108-110). Michael Burton. ‧ 國. 學. (1987), Richard Gunther (1992), and John Higley (1987, 1992) have attributed democratic consolidation to "elite settlements" and "elite convergence,” while Adam. ‧. Przeworski (1991) also emphasizes the importance of the roles of the different actors involved alongside the process of democratic transition (Chu, 1992, p. 4). When. y. Nat. sit. discussing the vital role which the political elite play in political transition, the motivation. er. this theory.. io. and strategy which underlie the promotion of the transition is also a key concept under. al. n. iv n C h e na second Haggard and Kaufman outline i U theme shared among theories of g c hcommon. political transition, which is that “actors behave strategically; their actions are influenced. by expectations concerning the behavior of allies and rivals” (1997, p. 265). This is to take into account the factors which motivate the relevant actors to guide political transition one way or another, which in the face of political struggle is often influenced by threats or possible gains to legitimacy of rule. This latter shared point is also closely connected to the final common feature explained by Haggard and Kaufman, which is that “democratization is the outcome of explicit or implicit negotiation; new institutions are ‘bargains among self-interested politicians’ (p. 265). Under this final point, the successful transition towards a democracy comes from successful political ‘negotiation,’ which therefore must have benefits for all of the actors involved in order for them to 12.

(19) consciously promote democratic transitions. The very actor and process-centered perspective underlying the political transition theories discussed above can be found to relate to and resonate within the historical and socially influenced constructivist theory of national identity. The second theory which has provided great inspiration for the analytical framework applied in this dissertation, and which is well-suited to this theoretical adaptation in conjunction with the political transition theory, is the constructivist perspective of national identity formation. The field of constructivism has in recent times commonly been associated with the study of national identity. The constructivist theory. 政治大. of national identity has been presented by those such as Gellner, Anderson, Smith, Wendt and Peter Katzenstein, placing special emphasis on the historic role of the people creating. 立. nations, and “social factors” such as culture, norms and politics which may create, affect. ‧ 國. 學. or shift trends in national identity. According to the constructivist reasoning, “the interests of states (nations) are shaped by their identities, while state identities (and. ‧. therefore interests) themselves are subject to change in the process of interaction” (Alexandrov, 2003). Before delving into an analysis of the more recent constructivist. sit. y. Nat. discourse on national identity and its impact on ‘the state’, it is important to provide a brief overview introducing some of the earlier resources on primordialism (Smith and. io. n. al. er. Armstrong) and constructivism (Gellner, Anderson, Deutch and Renan) which trace the. i n U. study of national identity far back to its historical roots.. Ch. engchi. v. Primordialism according to John Armstrong, emphasizes “the belief that nations have usually existed from time immemorial” (1982, p. 9). This conception of the nation suggests that “nations are ‘real’ (not imagined) entities. Nations so defined differ from other territorially defined units of governance (such as city-states, empires, and states, which are not nation-states) because their inhabitants defines their identities in cultural terms exclusively” (Hass, 1997, p. 41). According to Anthony Smith, the continued existence of states may be viewed as proof of the ‘primordiality’ which the nation embodies. Smith notes these visions as “heavily influenced by an organic nationalism which posited the ‘rebirth’ of nations after centuries of somnolence, amnesia and silent invisibility” (2004, p. 53). This school of thought argues that national identity “is 13.

(20) immutable…(and) cannot be created or altered through social construction or through purposeful manipulation,” with Smith presenting the failed efforts of nation-building such as from the communist elites, as a clear example of the “cultural and primordial limitation” on the purposeful efforts from above to construct a strategic identity (Dawisha, 2002, p. 4). Primordialism, however, has received much criticism, being argued by those in the constructivist school of thought as the “straw man of ethnic studies….for supposing that ethnic affiliations are given rather than chosen” (Horowitz, 2004, p. 7273). The constructivist perspective, on the other hand, such as stipulated by Ernest. 政治大. Gellner, attributes the formation of nations rather as a product of nationalism formed amongst the people: “Nations as a natural, God given way of classifying men are a myth.. 立. Nationalism…sometimes takes pre-existing cultures and turns them into nations,. ‧ 國. 學. sometimes invents them” (1983, p. 48). Hugh Seton-Watson very plainly states that “all I can find to say is that a nation exists when a significant number of people in a community. ‧. consider themselves to be a nation” (1977, p. 5). This school of thought differs from primordialism in that it understands national identity as being susceptible to change as. y. Nat. social interactions change, viewing a nation as “wholly subjective” rather than. io. sit. ‘immutable’ (Dawisha, 2002, p. 5). Reaching further back to earlier studies of. er. nationalism, Deutsch imparts great importance on the ‘social mobilization’ and the. al. n. iv n C hen and over a wider range of subjects, with members g c h i Uof one large group more than with. cohesion of a nation as in large part dependent on the “ability to communicate effectively,. outsiders (1969, p. 97). Benedict Anderson takes the constructivist approach towards national identity, addressing the importance of a group’s own “active involvement in the construction and reconstruction of identities, negotiating boundaries, asserting meanings, interpreting their own pasts, resisting the imposition of the present, and claiming the future” (1991, p. 8). The more classical literature as briefly discussed here is vital to the discussion of the constructivist theory of national identity, however the work of Alexander Wendt which is more commonly associated under the school of International Relations, is also relevant in the discussion of national identity as it will be related to the case of Taiwan.. 14.

(21) According to Wendt, “Constructivists are interested in the construction of identities and interests and, as such, take a more sociological than economic approach…On this basis, they have argued that states are not structurally or exogenously given but constructed by historically contingent interactions” (Wendt, 1994, p. 385). Wendt presents the claim that “states are socially constructed,” which infers both the importance of society in shaping the interests and actions of the state, but also the importance of states’ strategies towards maintaining support from and leading the direction of society’s interests (1994, p. 385). Yun-han Chu writes in 2004 that “Essentially, national identities are not inborn but are socially and politically constructed. sentiments that are subject to change and manipulation, especially under the intensive. 政治大 Cheng presents a clear definition of the impact of the state in molding national identity, 立. mobilization of political elites at times of regime transition” (Chu, 2004, p. 498). In 2010,. explaining that “Through such socialization mechanisms as education and state policies,. ‧ 國. 學. individuals are exposed to the cultures and norms of the society as well as the historical memories of the nation” (2010, p. 2). In regards to the role which national identities plays. ‧. in influencing the actions and movements of states, Wendt emphasizes “the role of identity as a factor that shapes states’ interests and behaviours and attaches a high degree. y. Nat. sit. of importance to the dynamic interplay between agents and structures” (p. 1999, p. 193).. al. er. io. Wendt also argues that “interests (of state actors) are dependent on identities,” signifying. v. n. that motivations and changing structures of the state can consequently be at least in part. Ch. i n U. contributed to the trends of national identity. This study of Taiwan in particular will take. engchi. into account both the impact which shifting national identity has had on the policies of the political elite as well as the influence of the political elite through tracing the evolution and shifts of national identity on the island. Under this constructivist framework for national identity, it is apparent that there are a broad range of social factors such as culture, religion, and language, political factors, and the common “shared historical memories” (Anderson, 1983) of the people which are responsible for contributing to the conception of different types of national identities. Benedict Anderson (1983) and Anthony Smith (1991) both argue against the ‘Western’ conception of national identity which tends to relate and limit national identities to their geographic territory. In Anderson’s work Imagined Communities, he fights against 15.

(22) distinguishing nationalities along “East and West lines,” but rather premises the formation of national identities on “ethnic, state, cultural and socioeconomic traits that emerge over time as a result of events” (White and Cheng, 1993, p. 162). With this multitude of influential factors, there are a variety of different forms of national identity which may form, however for the purpose of this paper, the author will focus on two forms of national identity which are relevant to the case of Taiwan, that of “ethnic” and “civic” national identity. These concepts will be expanded on and defined in more detail as they appear in the body of this dissertation, however the main contrast between the two distinct formations is neatly captured here by David Brown (1994):. 政治大. “The idea that a group of people might constitute a “nation” with some right to political autonomy sometimes rests mainly on the claim that they have common. 立. ethnic ancestry and similar ethnocultural attributes, and sometimes mainly on the. ‧ 國. 學. claim that they occupy a particular territory and have a common pride in the public institutions and public way of life associated with that territory. These two ethnocultural) nationalism and civic nationalism.”(49). Nat. y. ‧. bases for national identity are usually referred to, respectively, as cultural (or. sit. The perception of national identity is therefore argued through this thesis as anything but. al. er. io. a static concept, and these two forms of national identity are not simply argued to be. n. mutually exclusive. National identity is rather explored here as a fluid and fluctuating. Ch. i n U. v. belief which continuously ‘reconstructs’ itself alongside further historical events that. engchi. create new and distinct “shared memories”, shifting motivations from the state and changing the interests of the people. This will be the path explored by the historical timeline of this dissertation examining the development of national identity alongside democracy as they progressed in Taiwan. The focus may now turn to the specific case of Taiwan and the many shared features from both the constructivist and political transition perspectives which are relevant in the discussion of the relationship between the formation of national identity and development of democracy on the island. This study begins in 1947, marking the conception of the analysis of these two processes under what Rustow prescribes as the first historical phase of “national unity.” The ‘national unity’ designated by Rustow as the 16.

(23) formative stage of democratization is also seen in Taiwan’s case as the initial explosion of national identity felt island-wide following the arrival of the KMT troops in 1947. This came as a result of the built up “shared memories” of the Taiwanese people from the numerous periods of colonial rule and oppression, and sparked the debate which continues to this day of “Taiwanese” vs. “Chinese” identity. This early formation of identity stems from the influence of “social forces” in creating these shared memories, as supported by the constructivist approach, and the role of national identity in “shaping states’ interests and behaviours” as well as states’ interests being “subject to change in the process of interaction” can be seen in turn to follow this initial burst of ‘unity’ which formed amongst the Taiwanese and influenced the fluctuating perceptions of the labels. 政治大. “Taiwanese” and “Chinese” as identities valued among the people.. 立. The great shifts which have occurred in national identity and democratization. ‧ 國. 學. from the post-war period to the present day have largely been influenced by the social movements provoked by the opposition and the responses of the political elite taken to. ‧. promote their interests and maintain legitimacy, within which we can clearly see the application of Rustow’s second and third historical stages to Taiwan. Rustow’s second. sit. y. Nat. historical stage delineates “political struggle,” where the growing opposition movement, which emerged in Taiwan in the late 1970s and expanded through the 1980s, act as the. io. er. “new elite,” in Taiwan’s case demanding not only “a significant place in the polity”. al. n. iv n C alongside this political struggle,hfurther e n gpoliticizing c h i Uthe notion of “Taiwanese” on the. through democratic rule, but also continuing the movement for Taiwanese identity. island towards a greater civic rather than ethnic identity. The late 1980s in Taiwan witness the ‘historical moment’ of Rustow’s third stage towards democratization, at which point the ruling KMT party made democratic concessions to the opposition party while simultaneously, as explored by Wendt, shifting their interests due to the overwhelming support for a local identity different from that being forced by the government. The KMT preserved their legitimacy not only through compromising with the opposition party, but also through shifting their motivations in response to the national identity and interests of the people. Rustow’s final proposed phase or “Second transition or habituation phase” will be analyzed here in regards to the consolidation of. 17.

(24) democracy on the island, to examine the degree to which democracy and national identity are developed and supported by the elite and society up to their most current state. During this period of study, the notions of ‘Taiwanese’ and ‘Chinese’ national identity have both been promoted under the political elite as well as by the people on the island, initially stemming from strong ethnic relations and then progressing through political objectives. The role of the political elite in promoting a ‘Taiwanese’ national identity arose while fighting a growing opposition and struggling to maintain legitimacy. One clear example is the policy of “Taiwanization,” first initiated by President Chiang Ching-kuo and then continued by President Lee Deng-hui. Hung-Mao Tien claims that. 政治大. Ching-kuo’s policy of Taiwanization was one of the key reasons for which the KMT was able to retain its power (1997, p.145). This policy was a response to the peoples’ waning. 立. support of the government and growing social unrest, reflecting the changing interests of. ‧ 國. 學. the political elite during this period in reaction to the frustration among the general public demanding their unique Taiwanese identity as opposed to the previously enforced. ‧. Chinese identity. This sudden shift in attitude among the political elite to not only allow but also strongly support a Taiwanese identity is proof in Taiwan’s case not only that “the. sit. y. Nat. interests of states (nations) are shaped by their identities,” but also that “state identities (and therefore interests) themselves are subject to change in the process of interaction”. io. er. (Alexandrov, 2003). The more current stages of development on the island will also see. al. n. iv n C h eacross interests in forging better relations i Uhowever it will be argued here that n gthe c hStrait,. the return of the promotion of “Chinese” identity by the government as a response to their the peoples’ continued escalating support of Taiwanese identity and democracy may again influence and shift the interests of the political elite. This line of reasoning in regards to the interests and actions of the relevant actors being of great importance for the development of national identity is also strongly endorsed by the transitional theories in discussing the historical analysis of the political development in Taiwan. Taiwan’s case strongly reflects Rustow’s concepts of “agency, process, and bargaining.” In regards to ‘agency’ or the role of the political elite, it is clear not only through policies such as former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s above mentioned “Taiwanization” policy for national identity, but also the moves towards democratic 18.

(25) reforms made by both Chiang and Lee during their administration, such as ending martial law, legalizing opposition parties and holding popular presidential elections, that the elite played a major role in Taiwan’s transition, not only of national identity but also democratization. Tien also argues the “elite theory,” for the case of Taiwan, which he explains on the one hand emphasizes the choices of the political leadership, and on the other hand stresses the contribution of the political opposition (1993, p.103). Tien writes that “The DPP’s birth and the KMT authorities’ tolerance marked the beginning of democratic transition in the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROC)” (1997, p.123) Thomas Gold (1997) argues that “Taiwan’s experience most closely exemplifies “transformation” with the elites taking the lead to liberalize and then democratize the system” (p. 163). The. 政治大 the first popular elections, the transition of power, great shifts in national identity, and 立 strong role of agents of both the incumbent and opposition parties has continued through. continued consolidation and progression of both democracy and national identity on the. ‧ 國. 學. island.. ‧. Rustow’s emphasis of “process” of transition will also play a large role in the framework of this dissertation, as this will primarily be a historical analysis, and therefore. sit. y. Nat. the process of the national identity and democratic development on the island since the post-war period is essential to this study in order to best illustrate the background as to. io. n. al. er. what motivated the decisions and policies of the political elite. In their 1997 article,. iv n C that h “They i U the e n fail g ctoh address. Haggard and Kaufman express one critique of the above mentioned variations of the transition theory, stating. factors that shape actors'. preferences and capabilities in the first place and the conditions under which they might change over time” (1997, p. 265). This dissertation, however, will aim to present these factors through the in-depth historical study, attributing more importance to the socioeconomic or “social factors” as discussed by the constructivist school as well as the influential events in discussing how they influenced the “strategies” of the political elite. The final key concept iterated by Rustow and further concreted by successors in the field is the importance of “bargaining.” For Taiwan’s case, the leadership reverted to ‘bargaining’ due not only to the growing popularity of the opposition party, but also due to a growing restlessness amongst the society which was evident in the political uprisings 19.

(26) in the late 1970s through the 1980s and shifts in Taiwan’s political position internationally in the early 1970s. This thesis will focus not only on the roles of the leadership in Taiwan’s transitions of national identity and the island’s political structure, but also on the importance of the opposition party in the early stages with the growing restlessness among the people which lead to the shifts in leaders’ “strategies” in favor of rapidly democratizing and re-enforcing a local identity instead of further suppressing the people and forcing authoritarian rule. This examination will continue through to the most recent period in Taiwan’s development of democracy and national identity to examine the continued factors, influences and key actors involved in the most recent trends of these processes. Analysis of the key events preceding and following the shifts in the. 政治大 promoted by the elite and their prominent roles influencing the relationship between and 立 leadership’s policies will help to further clarify the motivations behind the transitions. development of national identity and democracy on the island throughout this historical. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. io. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. timeline.. Ch. engchi. 20. i n U. v.

(27) Chapter 2 1947 – 1979: The foundation of national identity and democratic ideals in post-war Taiwan Taiwan’s historical legacy of constant foreign rule beginning from the mid-seventeenth century does not easily lend the island to either democratization or the formation of a national identity (Haggard, 1992). One need not trace back hundreds of years to uncover the first signs of national identity and democracy in Taiwan, as studies have proven that the country was not even open to liberalization until the late 1980s. While commencing. 治政 democracy, there are varied viewpoints about which大 process has activated or led to the other. In his work Clash立 of Civilizations (1996), Huntington rationalizes national identity the discussion on the relationship between the formation of national identity and that of. ‧ 國. 學. as a product of drawing on politics to define oneself, therefore requiring politics to first inspire a unified national identity. Hans Stockton on the other hand in 2008 declared that. (p. 100).. ‧. “demands to open discussion of Taiwan’s national identity gave rise to democratization”. y. Nat. sit. It is evident that the concepts of national identity and democratic politics are in. al. er. io. many cases strongly connected, despite conflicting views regarding which one is the. v. n. initial dominant influence. The strong role of the political elites in promoting a localized. Ch. i n U. Taiwanese identity national identity will be advocated as a dominant role in the. engchi. development processes of national identity and democracy, however the historical events preceding and influencing the actions of the political elite are also key to this study. In the earliest collision of these two processes, it will be argued for Taiwan’s case that an initial push for an independent national identity can be found stemming from one major historical event, the 2-28 Incident, after which the national identity movement became enveloped in the efforts for political transition on the island. This chapter will therefore begin by illustrating the scenario or historical process leading up to and resulting in the 228 Incident which will be argued here as establishing the initial sentiment of national identity in this context, followed by examining the origin of the democratic movement in. 21.

(28) Taiwan and the earliest relationship between national identity and democracy on the island.. 2.1 The early ignition of national identity More recent studies of Taiwanese national identity since the year 2000 have reached further back in Taiwan’s history than ever before, laying new emphasis on the period around the 1920s, under Japanese colonial rule, and extending even further back to the Qing Dynasty, as fostering the earliest signs of national identity on the island (Chang,. 治政大 identity arising in Taiwan in argument and evidence showing the earliest signs of national response to the island’s 立 historical experiences under foreign rule. Rwei-ren Wu in 2004 2000; R. Wu, 2003; Wang 2004, 2009). This dissertation does not wish to question the. ‧ 國. 學. defines modern Taiwanese nationalism as “a complicated case of peripheral nationalism that emerged, submerged, and re-emerged as a result of successive yet unfinished state-. ‧. making and nation-building projects on the island by various imperial centers” (p. 16). The historical impacts of foreign rule on the island, both in regards to the formation of a. Nat. sit. y. state and the experience of the people, have undoubtedly provided a crucial framework. io. al. er. and foundation for the future development of national identity on the island.. n. The impact of Taiwan’s period of colonial rule under Japan has especially drawn. Ch. i n U. v. attention from the academic community in recent years. Japan’s efforts at “colonial. engchi. nation-building” during their fifty years of rule on the island has been seen to have inadvertently gave way to an emergence of ‘Taiwanese’ national identity and nationalism among the people, differentiating themselves from their colonial rulers (Wu, 2004, p. 17). Wang (2009) discusses the early notion of “Formosa for Formosans…found in the debates among some Taiwanese cultural and political elites in the 1920s” (p. 13). However Wang also goes further to stipulate that “a political doctrine that openly propagates an independent Taiwan only emerged after the 2-28 Incident of 1947, when Taiwan was under Chinese rule” (2009, p. 13). Determining the earliest influences and appearances of national identity in Taiwan is a complex and controversial subject, which could alone suffice as a rich subject of study. The core of this thesis however is primarily 22.

(29) concerned with tracing the development of democratization alongside national identity formation. Given the base formation and promotion of a local national identity bubbling to the surface under Japanese colonial rule, democracy, understood as self-rule or selfgovernment, was simply not yet possible during this historical period. The timeline of this historical analysis will therefore begin after the Japanese colonial era in order to better suit the main purpose of this dissertation and focus on the early formation not solely of national identity, but of the distinct relationship which formed between the movements for national identity and democracy following the arrival of the KMT. Another motivation for beginning this study after Japanese colonial rule is that the. 政治大. national identity which arose alongside democratization, despite the groundwork laid by the growing unrest under the Japanese, is geared towards the continued controversy of. 立. differentiating between ‘Taiwanese’ and ‘Chinese’. Scott Simon in 2005 writes that “The. ‧ 國. 學. ‘other’ that spurred early Taiwanese nationalism was the regime that arrived with Chiang Kai-shek in 1945” (p.118). The nationalist sentiment amongst the Taiwanese political. ‧. elites which developed under Japanese colonial rule has clearly played a role in creating and harboring the growing desire for a distinct national identity among the people of the. sit. y. Nat. island. Although the groundwork of formulating national identity preceded and influenced the sudden explosive movement for Taiwanese national identity which erupted. io. er. in response to the arrival of and abuse from the Nationalist Chinese party, this movement. al. n. iv n C their “Chinese” counterparts, orh aseSusan Henders (1994) wrote, “a dichotomy between ngchi U. became and continues to this day to be a means to differentiate the “Taiwanese” from. Native Taiwanese and Mainlanders in Taiwan” (p.74). The surveys conducted by both the Election Study Center (1992-present) and Taiwan Electoral Democratic Study (2000present) on national identity in Taiwan all ask whether people believe themselves to be Taiwanese, Chinese, or both Taiwanese and Chinese4. It could even be argued that the shock of the Chinese arrival and the great differences between their Japanese counterparts drew some animosity away from the Japanese only to then direct more towards the Chinese. Alan Wachman briefly touches on this idea, writing that:. 4. Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, http://esc.nccu.edu.tw/english/ ; Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study, http://www.tedsnet.org/cubekm2/front/bin/ptlist.phtml?Category=10. 23.

(30) “The first encounters with the mainlanders who arrived to replace the Japanese after the Second World War caused some Taiwanese to acknowledge, with chagrin, that in many ways the Japanese were superior to the Chinese. It also caused them to see themselves as different from the Mainlanders.” (Wachman, 1994, p. 94) The shock of witnessing the newly arrived mainland Chinese wearing no shoes and appearing less “civilized” than what the Taiwanese had become accustomed to under Japanese rule created a greater drift between the Taiwanese and their Chinese counterparts due to the connection or influence of the progress from 50 years of colonial. 政治大 This dissertation will therefore examine the historical process of the developments 立 of national identity and democracy in Taiwan beginning with an analysis of the early rule under the Japanese.. ‧ 國. 學. period of national identity which developed in response to and alongside KMT rule. The people’s long-felt experience under colonial rule and early activism specifically under. ‧. Japanese rule have all in some shape or form influenced and sheltered a longing for a unique national identity, and can be linked to the velocity at which outbursts over. y. Nat. sit. national identity occurred following the arrival of the KMT. The repression from the. al. er. io. newly arrived Chinese Nationalists was the last straw for the people of Taiwan and. n. caused the eminent uprising for a unique Taiwanese identity as opposed to that being. Ch. i n U. v. forced on them by the mainland Chinese, a movement which soon after coincided with. engchi. the subsequent efforts towards democratization.. 2.1.1 The 2-28 Incident The constructivist perspective as well as the theoretical discourse on political transition such as that from O’Donnel and Schmitter both emphasize the importance of historical events and the historical process in influencing the formation national identity as well as democracy. In Taiwan’s case the 2-28 Incident is one of the most influential events in this study, initiating Rustow’s first stage of national unity among the local people to act as a notable foundation for the future development of national identity and 24.

(31) democracy on the island. Mark Harrison in 2006 writes of the 2-28 Incident as “the first in a series of events that contributed to the construction of a Taiwanese national identity during the five decades of Nationalist supremacy” (Dawley, 2009, p. 449). Wang and Liu (1997) comment that “By 1947, the animosity between the KMT government and Taiwan’s residents culminated in an island-wide uprising, known as the ‘2/28 incident’” (p. 98). Before discussing the great impact of the 2-28 Incident on the formation and movements of national identity and democracy in Taiwan it is important to begin by explaining the event in its historical setting. The 2-28 Incident occurred on February 28,. 政治大. 1947, and was “an island-wide uprising…during which thousands of local people were massacred by KMT troops” (Wang and Liu, 2004, p. 571). This incident was preceded by. 立. a growing frustration among the people of Taiwan at the immediate oppression by the. ‧ 國. 學. newly arrived KMT troops. According to Yun-han Chu and Jih-wen Lin (2001), “The new administration under the administrator general and garrison commander Chen Yi. ‧. paid little attention to the aspiration for equality of the disoriented native elites” (p. 112). The local people were not only upset with the mainland Chinese filling the “voids” and. sit. y. Nat. government positions left by the Japanese, but the Nationalist party also brought their. io. er. economic issues across the strait with them:. “The economy deteriorated rapidly. Taiwan’s resources were siphoned off to the. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. mainland by the Nationalists to fuel their military struggle with the Communists. engchi. and by corrupt carpetbaggers to enrich themselves. The transmission of hyperinflation from the mainland to Taiwan had a devastating impact on the war-torn island economy” (Chu and Lin, 2001, p. 112). According to Yun-han Chu and Jih-wen Lin, by late 1946 and early 1947, the island was already at “boiling point” (p. 112), and this is where the 2-28 Incident comes into play. The aforementioned oppression and distress felt by the Taiwan locals during their transition from Japanese to Chinese rule resulted in the infamous 2-28 Incident. This uprising was sparked by the confrontation between agents of the Taiwanese Monopoly Bureau, a part of the Chinese Nationalist Government, and a 40-year old Taiwanese 25.

(32) woman selling illegal cigarettes, in which the Nationalist party agents hit the women with a pistol (Simon, 1997). This was the last straw for the people and this public abuse generated hatred and anger amongst the witnesses to this offense. The local people organized mass protests the following day, February 28 (2-28), in response to this act of violence, during which the police fired into the crowd, “inciting an uprising that spread across the island” (Simon, 1997). Li in 2001 remarked that “Local leaders took the opportunity to demand all-out reform, and because some areas were armed with military and police weapons, armed conflict ensued,” leaving anywhere from 10,000-30,000 local Taiwanese people dead.. 政治大. According to Chu and Cheng, “The tragic event had a profound and lasting effect on the Taiwanese people” (2001, p. 113). This outbreak of violence as described by. 立. Wang and Liu “solidified the local perception of the KMT as a new alien occupying force,. ‧ 國. 學. and the ethnic cleavage between “mainlanders” (waishengren) and “Taiwanese” (benshengren) became the major division within society” (2004, p. 571). The 2-28 Incident, is. ‧. described as a “lightening-rod event,” proved to create an island-wide sentiment which played the role to constantly remind the people of Taiwan of their “common sorrow”. y. Nat. (Chu & Cheng, 2001, p. 113). This incident was followed by a period in Taiwan known. io. sit. as the “White Terror,” in which the local people on the island were ridden with fear and. er. uncertainty as many elites were kidnapped, tortured and killed by the oppressive Chinese. al. n. iv n C h eA City is displayed in the Taiwanese film h i Ushowing the frustration and anguish n gofcSadness Nationalist regime. The atmosphere in Taiwan during the aggressive arrival of the KMT. felt by the people with the immediate and turbulent transition from one repressive foreign. regime to another. The violent oppression under General Chen Yi successfully suppressed the voices of dissent, if not largely destroying this generation of activists, however the events leading up to and resulting in the 2-28 Incident remained solidified as a common, traumatizing experience felt island-wide by the local people, and it is this “shared memory” which will be argued here as providing a substantial groundwork in creating a widespread sentiment of ethnic national identity among the people of Taiwan.. 2.1.2 The formation of ethnic national identity in Taiwan 26.