在八八水災重建區打造一個數位社區傳播新模式---以台東縣大武鄉大鳥部落為行動及實驗社區

行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫 成果報告

在八八水災重建區打造一個數位社區傳播新模式—以台東

縣大武鄉大鳥部落為行動及實驗社區

研究成果報告(精簡版)

計 畫 類 別 ： 個別型 計 畫 編 號 ： NSC 99-2410-H-004-168- 執 行 期 間 ： 99 年 08 月 01 日至 100 年 10 月 31 日 執 行 單 位 ： 國立政治大學新聞學系 計 畫 主 持 人 ： 孫曼蘋 計畫參與人員： 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：林何臻 報 告 附 件 ： 出席國際會議研究心得報告及發表論文 公 開 資 訊 ： 本計畫可公開查詢 中 華 民 國 101 年 04 月 22 日

中 文 摘 要 ： 本研究有實踐及理論探索兩大部分。先是通過行動研究，在 八八水災重災區的一個原住民社區（台東縣大鳥部落）讓在 地居民與政大傳播學院師生協力打造一個數位社區傳播，以 數位傳播工具及公共網路平台記錄下災後社區／家園重建、 原民（排灣族）文化搶救及傳承的過程，其次，以參與式觀 察、深度訪問等方法，觀察、探索部落居民在「做中學」之 社區傳播參與及行動中，彼等對傳播公民權中媒介近用 (media access)的實踐經驗，以及在社區／族群及文化認同 上的自我賦權(self-empowerment)過程及意義。 中文關鍵詞： 行動研究，八八水災重後重建，數位社區傳播，原住民傳 播，災難傳播，社區傳播

英 文 摘 要 ： This project addresses both theory and practice of digital communication study in an indiginouse

community. The first experimental part is an action research in which the research team of students and research of an university worked with an aboriginal group in Da-Niao Tribe of Tai-Tung County, Taiwan, to build a digital communication model in that

community. The participants from the tribe were asked to document the rebuilding of homeland and the rescue and passing-down of Pai-Wan aboriginal group’s

cultural heritage after the ravage of devastating Typhoon Morakok. The production of this action research could be accessed through a citizen journalism platform on Internet. The second

theoretical part of this research is to investigate how the idea of ’media access’ had been applied and what’s the role of ’self-empowerment’played in cultural identification of this aboriginal community, including its process and meaning. Action research, participatory observation and in-depth interviews were used in the study.

英文關鍵詞： action research, community reconstruction after the Typhoon Morakok attacked, digital community

communication, indigenouse communication, disaster communication, community communication

行政院國家科學委員會補助專題研究計畫

▓成果報告

□期中進度報告

在八八水災重建區打造一個數位社區傳播新模式—

以台東縣大武鄉大鳥部落為行動及實驗社區

計畫類別：█個別型計畫 □整合型計畫

計畫編號：NSC

99-2410-H-004 -168

執行期間： 99 年 8 月 1 日至 100 年 10 月 31 日

執行機構及系所：國立政治大學 新聞系

計畫主持人：孫曼蘋

共同主持人：無

計畫參與人員：

林何臻、江慧珺、高琬涵 、張雅晴

成果報告類型(依經費核定清單規定繳交)：■精簡報告 □完整報告

本計畫除繳交成果報告外，另須繳交以下出國心得報告：

□赴國外出差或研習心得報告

□赴大陸地區出差或研習心得報告

■出席國際學術會議心得報告

□國際合作研究計畫國外研究報告

處理方式：

除列管計畫及下列情形者外，得立即公開查詢

□涉及專利或其他智慧財產權，□一年□二年後可公開查詢

中 華 民 國 101 年 4 月 20 日

在八八水災重建區打造一個數位社區傳播新模式—

以台東縣大武鄉大鳥部落為行動及實驗社區

本研究在實驗，數位科技、社區／族群傳播在八八風災社區／社群重建過程中可以有怎樣的結合？ 可以為常民／在地發聲帶來些什麼想像?可以讓原住民族人如何被社會大眾看到、聽到?以及反思此一 數位社區傳播模式有何社會性、傳播教學上的意義？ 一. 前言 氣候變遷已是全球化現象，台灣不能倖免。2009 年 8 月，莫拉克風災在台灣南部、東部造成了 比 921 地震還要嚴重的破壞及傷害，重建之路也比十年前的那場災難走的更艱辛而緩慢。這次災難受 災區大多集中在原住民部落，由於文化、宗教、生活習慣及思維方式的不同，加上缺乏有效的溝通， 政府及一些參與重建的慈善組織無法切身體會災民的需求，災後重建進度緩慢，一般社會大眾甚至都 遺忘了我們還有災區、災區還在重建，原民社群不得不兩度動員族人「夜宿凱達格蘭大道」，抗議政府 重建不力、提醒國人：重大重建問題仍未解決。 如何讓部落心聲被社會大眾聽到？在重建過程中，傳播科系師生可以在社區內外溝通上做些什麼？ 「在地發聲」的社區性媒介曾在 921 地震災區一些社區中表現亮眼，從安置階段我們即在思考：數位 傳播科技已相當普及的新世紀初，在災區原民部落建立某種「在地發聲」傳播模式可能嗎？ 2009 年 9 月，我們透過台東縣南島社區大學的聯繫，尋找一個「沒有得到社會大眾及傳播媒體 足夠關注」的災區，嘗試打造一個數位部落傳播的可能性。12 月以記錄災後重建為切入點，師生十人 來到連地名都是第一次聽到的陌生地—台東縣大武鄉大鳥村，展開了此後長達兩年多的社區傳播實 驗。 大鳥村位處台灣東南部、一個幾乎被社會遺忘的角落，八八風災前堪稱是偏鄉中的偏鄉，背山面 海，景色優美，自然環境上卻也是淨土中的淨土。全村將近有 500 個住戶、1600 個居民，九成是排灣 族，這裡雖是大武鄉最大的原民部落，但地處偏僻，不論社經發展、文化建設都是極度邊緣化的一群。 莫拉克颱風來襲時，相當五、六層樓高的土石流從山上傾瀉而下，全村村民及時集體撤村，幸無 人傷亡，但有 14 戶人家房屋全毀，52 個老少村民無家可歸。經過一番爭取、抗爭，即使到了隆冬， 災民仍堅持住帳棚、睡水泥地板，次年 3 月，災民如願住進全新的中繼屋，開始新生活，終結了長達 181 天的帳棚歲月，全村遷村之議也在絕大多數居民反對下作罷。之後，自發性的社區組織「笆札筏1 文化發展協會」組成，原有的「大鳥社區發展協會」改組、重新運作，凝聚部落青年及青少年的「青 年會」也更積極運作，過去兩年多，在政府挹注資源、社區組織戮力經營及組織、動員下，大鳥部落 展現空前的活力、行動及凝聚力，莫拉克風災的陰影似已漸遠，文化重建成果也越加具體可見2 。我們 一邊以數位工具記錄下部落家園、文化重建的過程，將之發表在公視 PeoPo 公民新聞平台，讓散居大 鳥部落內、外的族人相互看到、也讓社會大眾看到，一邊也在反思、觀察這種小眾、分眾的傳播，在 部落重建與社區發展、傳播教學上的意義。本報告要討論的重點有三： 1. 我們如何為社區及災民「在地發聲」？ 2. 「在地發聲」為社區、村民帶來什麼改變？ 3 田野教學實驗在我們教與學上的反思 二、文獻 1 _{笆札筏，是大鳥部落的排灣族語（Pacavalj）之中文譯文。} 2 例如由新生代做耆老口述歷史訪問及整理、組織部落老中青參與族語戲劇比賽並獲得全縣冠軍、組織族人傳承排灣刺繡、 木雕等技藝，並帶來小額商機等。

（一）災難與媒體報導 在整理媒體災難報導之相關研究時，臧國仁、鍾蔚文（2000）發現，媒體不但是社會大眾在災難 事件中極度倚賴的互通有無管道，也是滿足其資訊需求及渴望的重要工具，更是災難後期有關重建、 拯救、恢復社會正常運作的重要資訊「論壇」（disaster forum）。 台灣媒體在報導百年來從未有的 921 大地震時，媒體人雖自評媒體表現是「大事小非、大功小過」 3 ，但是這些小非、小過卻也值得動員產官學三方重要人士檢討再三（見新聞局編，2000）。三方大致 同意，在賑災、安置階段，媒體確已盡到「告知」、「監視」功能，但在過度競爭下，媒體的人道關懷 不足，對人權不夠尊重，尤其災後三個月起，各方重要議題爭奪版面，媒體喜新厭舊的本質再露，主 流媒體篇幅終被幾宗政商勾結的大案及總統大選議題所取代，使得在重建過程中，最需要媒體長期監 督、尋找「集體記憶」教訓時，主流媒體卻幾乎全部缺席，更遑論發揮上述的災難論壇功能。 不過上述討論似乎只聚焦在災區內、外間資訊的傳布及溝通問題，或可說這只是「非災區、非災 民、大眾傳播」的制式化思維。九二一地震的第一個月，四個傳播體系（電力、交通、通訊、大眾傳 播）同時癱瘓，社會系統失靈，謠言傳聞時起，社會秩序幾近瓦解。學者陳世敏觀察到，小媒體如日 趨分眾、小眾的廣播、如鄰里社區或大樓內部的播音系統卻立下了資訊傳布、互通的大功（陳世敏， 2000），這些承平時期幾乎被遺忘的小眾傳播媒介，最大特性就是其具有因地制宜的彈性，適時彌補了 大眾媒介行政科層化的僵硬。 小眾媒介傳播在災難過後的重建期尤其能顯現其「追蹤重建過程」、「對特定社區提供在地資訊」 的重要性（孫曼蘋，2011）。此一論點似乎要延伸到社區、社區媒介、參與式傳播面向上討論。

（二）社區、族群媒介（ethnic community media）

廣義的社區媒介指的是範圍廣泛、經由中介的傳播形式（Jankowski, 2002:6），由草根、常民參與 產製的社區媒介泛指的是，為那些被主流媒介拒絕接近使用的社區或群體服務的媒介（ Thomas, 1993:63-65），這類非營利的社區媒介刻意與商業營利的主流媒體不同，表意形式也極多元，包括了從 較簡陋的貼紙、旗幟、傳單，到傳統平面、電子，到創意性強的音樂、舞蹈、戲劇（Downing, 2001）， 到現在科技導向的數位多媒體混搭（孫曼蘋，2009）等，這類媒介「另類」特性相當顯著，只是程度 有別。 歐美研究者認為，這種參與式傳播都是一種小規模的公共傳播。這些由下而上、「從在地發聲」的 社區媒介，在共享社區利益的資訊再製與再現中，遂產生了政治及社會性意義（Hollander, Stappers, & Jankowski, 2002）。 社區媒介也是媒介公民權的實踐場域，既是社區重要的政治資源、也是文化資源，因此草根近用 媒介更有文化上的意義。英國研究者 Nigg & Wade （1980）早期觀察英國若干有社運特質的社區媒介

運作即指出，社區媒介能刺激弱勢團體的集體察覺（group awareness）、建立文化認同；Forde 等人

（2003a，2003b）研究澳洲少數族群及原住民社群在社區電臺自製節目的實踐中指出，社區媒介是促 進文化公民權的文化資源、它在一系列文化實踐中居主導角色。

Meadows、Forde 等人研究澳洲社區媒體達 10 年以上，彼等認為（Meadows, Forde & Foxwell, 2002）， 社區媒介應該被視為是個文化賦權的過程，媒介資訊傳送能促進產製者與社區組織、社區文化的關係 （Tomaselli and Prinsloo 1990, p. 156，轉引自 Meadows, Forde & Foxwell, 2002），例如澳洲是 個原住民、多元族群組成的國家，社區、族群媒介因此扮演了一個很重要的文化角色，通過分享意義、 價值及理想，社區媒介形構了社區人對文化、公民權這些概念的想像，簡言之，社區傳播應該是個讓

3 _{這是當時中國時報社長黃肇松在主持「媒體在重大災難及社會事件中的角色與分際」座談會上所言。見新聞局編（2000），}

我們對世界、我們置身所在的位置認識其意義（making sense）的過程。社區媒介同時生產、維護社

區文化，在創造社區公共領域上位居要津。多年前他們即提出主張（Meadows et. al., 2009）：不論

是社區層級或個人層級的參與，這類社區媒介是文化素養的重要資源；在鼓勵社區成員對話、整合社 區組織的過程中，社區媒介自有其重要的文化角色。 網路及數位科技普及後，網路傳播能促進社區參與及行動的主張幾乎無人質疑。如Sundar（2007） 即認為，社區居民通過各式傳播科技參與社區媒介，不但內容更真實，而且還能反映出社區的文化、 價值或個人抱負；產製過程中，不但個人因此賦權，還能培養社區參與、創造社會資本、促進發展社 區。孫曼蘋觀察（2009）台灣新起兩年的公民新聞網站及公民記者動態發現，從在地視野出發的草根 素人記者報導，可以讓「無聲之人發聲」、讓基層社區的行動力被外界看見，並贏得外界肯定及尊敬， 在地發聲也能與主流媒體合作、協商，不但因此引進政府資源改造社區，更讓社區取得了在地文化詮 釋權，形塑了文化公民權的可能面貌。 （三） 數位敘事與社區傳播 簡義而言，數位故事是以影像(包括靜態圖像照片與動態影片)、音樂、敘事(narration)，依照說 故事的原則與規範，將各個故事元素－包括衝突(conflict)、轉變(transformation)、收尾(closure) －整合成篇幅極短、由個人主述的故事片段。其呈現形式包括個人敘事、極短紀錄片、虛構故事、回 憶錄、電影或書籍預告片、公關訊息、動畫、學習教材、訪問、詩、歌、攝影集等等（Campbell & McDonagh, 2009）。 數位敘事首重「賦權」(empowerment)概念，也就是將發聲的工具交給傳播弱勢社群，讓他們傳播 出自己聲音、觀點，敘事者所說的故事，包含了批判反思、創意自我表現，探討沈默且被邊緣化的群 體相關議題（Layton-Jones, 2008）。 在本行動研究中，我們學習儘量以災民、在地族人的觀點來認識、報導部落重建。初期重建記錄 重點在災戶的居住問題，進而擴及到包括整個村莊受災、受驚戶在內的族人心靈重建，乃至到族人文 化重建的議題上。在報導呈現上，我們儘量由族人自己說自己的故事，交叉運用畫面、訪問現場的自 然人文聲音（如受訪者訪問原音、族人工作場所之自然音效、族人所唱之古調音樂等）、照片等多種媒 介形式，依據敘事、新聞報導之原理原則，串接相關議題之故事元素而成長短不一的新聞、特寫或系 列報導。 三、 研究方法 本研究是以大鳥部落為實驗社區，進行數位社區傳播之行動研究。行動研究是指一種探究研究者 本身學習歷程的特殊研究方法，這種研究是兼具行動和反思的學習歷程（McNiff & Whitehead, 朱仲

謀譯，2004，p. 20）。換言之，我們是先有以數位科技、數位形式進行社區傳播的想像，然後邊做邊 檢討我們的行動、並隨時檢討、修正行動。 本研究原計畫參與重建報導有兩支人力資源。先是以政大新聞系師生團隊為主力進行重建追蹤之 報導，繼之對在地社團組織的中、青世代透過我們的工作坊課程、經由「做中學」模式，培訓新世代 部落族人的基本數位科技操作及敘事能力、然後與我們一起參與社區報導。但是努力了一年多後我們 承認，在地族人不足以、也無意識或意願擔下此一重任，於是政大團隊繼續全力報導部落重建，而族 人對「參與」之公民權、媒介近用之傳播權等之認知及實踐則調整為相機行事。簡言之，就教學面向 上看，本研究是將學習場域從教室、都會，搬移到事件現場、偏鄉，從在學術殿堂向老師、書本學習， 換到基層草根向社區、不同族群的人學習，此一過程應能激發許多學習反思。 本研究實驗期從 2009 年 9 月起到 2011 年 8 月底止（2009/9-2010/7 可說是研究前導期，並無資源， 只是出於研究者的個人關懷），我們前後造訪部落 10 次，完成了 25 則多媒體故事報導，自 2009 年 1

月起陸續發表於公共電視台之 PeoPo 公民新聞平台上，其中有 12 則報導獲選於公廣集團無線電視頻道 上播出（國語、閩南語新聞及原民電視台）。此外，還有 10 戶受災戶追憶其半年帳棚生活之口述歷史 逐字稿整理。未訪問的有 4 戶，有的是因拒訪、或不諳國語、或多次拜訪均找不到住戶。以下僅就協 助部落在地發聲部分作一初步分析、檢討。 四、 結果與討論 本實驗性行動前後歷時一年半，初步發現本行動對社區最大貢獻是： （一）、讓部落族人彼此看到，也被外面看到 八八風災從救災、安置到重建初期，各災區資訊傳播系統混亂、供需極度失衡。非明星災區如大 鳥部落，對主流媒體、行政體系對其關注有限而多所抱怨。受災戶尤感委屈，一是地方行政體系沒有 用心處理、充分向上反映他們的心聲及需求，再者，災戶因接受各方善心機構的行動資助而備受部分 族人奚落，災後部落無形中劃分為災戶、非災戶兩個群體，流言傳聞充斥，災戶尤其感到委屈。 本研究的重建報導，至少讓部落內災民、非災民透過自述方式發出心聲，各自說出委屈、不滿， 同時也相互看到在重建上大家投注的努力及部落參與。部落志工 Saljeljeng 陪伴災戶走過寄宿帳棚半 年的日子，她說這是一份「最真誠的紀錄，不是打廣告」。受訪族人說話真誠，沒有粉飾，「告訴人家 我們做了什麼？我們是怎麼走過來的？」我們的報導讓受災戶有機會說出「我也不願意一直當受災戶」 的心情。 （二）促進族人的文化及部落認同 透過我們這些外人視野報導部落裡尚存的一些原民生活與文化，如錄製老人家傳唱的排灣古調， 壁畫、木雕等，也讓部落人重新審視這些珍貴的文化資產，一位任教國小的大鳥子弟在寄給我們的電 子郵件中提及： 每一次收看「大鳥部落重建系列報導」，心中滿是感激和感動，從你們的報導中，讓我們更珍視自 己的文化，也警覺到傳承工作的急迫性，這被關懷的感覺將化為我們繼續努力的力量！

根據社會認同理論所述（Code & Zaperyniuk, 2009)），本研究印證了，部分大鳥族人透過我們這

些「外人眼中大鳥部落的樣貌」形塑了一個「我們如何確認自己」、「他人如何確認我們」持續相互辯 證的社會認同過程。在此一過程中，個人確認了部落族人和我的相同處，一旦這種相同吸引了個人進 入部落群體，這種原初的吸引自然能讓個人去接受個別差異、或是以前看來「不怎麼樣、或是老套過 時」的事物、觀點或價值，從知覺進而有了警覺、行動、改變。我們或可說，在地發聲促進了部落認 同、行動及改變。 （三）促進部落正面改變:改變行動者個人與社區權力的關係 我們的在地發聲行動，也對部落行動者產生激勵作用，改變了行動者與社區、社會的權力關係， 使其行動得到更多族人認可、支持，進而強化社區凝聚及向心力。像笆札筏文化協會中的鐵三角：理 事長王中山、總幹事潘世珍、營造員王曉彤，八八水災之前，三人彼此雖有親疏不一的親戚關係，卻 少有互動，各自忙於自己的工作及家庭，八八水災讓這三條平行線有了交會點。該協會在過去一年多， 在文建會、原委會、世展會的輔導下，進行多項培養部落婦女就業能力、重建部落文化、傳統等社造 行動。我們亦步亦趨記錄、報導部落自發性組織的行動及部落族人的參與，這些報導讓他們的行動被 部落內外看到，有時會意外的帶來善心讀者的經援，更有意義的是讓他們彼此看到各自專長、並藉外 人視角反思自己內心，更堅定知道自己對部落參與的價值及使命。

鐵三角之一的潘世珍即承認，我們這些重建報導很實用，等於是幫她作了一番心理上的整理，讓 她從忙亂的社區參與中能有條理的審視自己這些作為的意義，同時因為報導貼掛在網路上，讓許多遠 近朋友都知道她做了什麼，很多朋友還給她回應（feedback）、鼓勵，「我想說糟糕，很多人看到了， 那不走下去不行！」 最重要的是行動加報導產生相乘效用，無形中將他們的部落位置，從一般村民提升到部落意見領 袖，也讓大鳥部落不時讓公部門、公益組織看到，於是這些行動者常是某些部落議題的重要發言者（例 如集體遷村、部落文化復興、社區營造成果分享），也是外部資源想要進入部落使力中介者、或是主流 媒介追蹤重建成果的代言者、設定採訪議題的主導者。 （四）、教與學的反思 對我而言，原民社區、原民傳播都是個全新考驗。我從不知道，有這麼一群不知如何溝通、表達的 人，例如家園全毀後，災民都不知道如何組織自救會、如何先建立內部共識、再一致對外表意，好讓 外界知道如何幫助他們。即使部落菁英也不太知道在地發聲的重要，遑論動念要取回發聲權力，要自 我發聲。 另一察覺是，激發族人採取自我發聲行動比我原先想像要困難的多。我曾在社大、部落試辦幾次數 位傳播工作坊均無什效果，進而發現在地發聲的啟蒙、自覺過程遠比行動要辛苦、漫長的多。讓原住 民在地發聲遠比激發漢人社區的草根發聲要困難的多，兩者文化有甚大差異，這是研究者如我今後一 個重要探究議題。 對一個教育者而言，這段行動研究經歷驗證了，田野是讓學子透過「做中學」務實檢驗、反思課堂 上所學理論的最好的場域。進入大鳥前，同學們對由使用者自製內容（User-Generated Content）、 讓資訊弱勢在地發聲、公民新聞等雖有些概念認知，但似乎不太相信這種草根力量能有多大作用。但 是目睹大鳥報導貼上 PeoPo 平台上後的發展，他們對在地發聲有了不同想像，一位學子在他的田野日 誌中反思道： 我們的聲音，或者說部落的聲音，確實傳出去了。即使，仍是只有這一群人在關心，但是，如果 沒有（我們）這一群人在做這些事，部落的聲音也許就這樣只停留在部落裡面，走不出來。 直到進入大鳥部落，我們才發現，原來我們對於這樣一個弱勢族群這麼不了解。但是透過影像、 科技、還有一點點熱情和堅持，我們讓這個偏鄉中的偏鄉，向外界展露了部落及族人真誠、堅強、有 行動力的一面。我們的知識版圖似乎因之擴增了一些，大鳥也因為我們的陪伴、參與、行動、激勵， 而強化了行動者持續行動、族人對部落的認同及參與，讓部落繼續朝正面改變。

參考書目 孫曼蘋（2011）：〈在地發聲、媒介素養與社區行動—彰化縣員林鎮《員林鄉親報》之個案研究〉。《新 聞學研究》第 108 期，頁 59-102。 孫曼蘋（2009）：〈公民新聞 2.0：台灣公民新聞與「新農業文化再造」形塑之初探〉，《傳播與社 會學刊》，（總）第九期，頁 153-180. 陳世敏（2000），〈小媒介立大功〉，新聞局編，《重大災難新聞之處理：從九二一震災談起》，頁 191-205， 台北：新聞局。 臧國仁、鍾蔚文（2000），〈災難事件與媒體報導相關研究簡述〉，新聞局編，《重大災難新聞之處理： 從九二一震災談起》，頁 129-143，台北：新聞局。

Forde, S., Foxwell, K., & Meadows, M. (2003a). Through the lens of the local: Public arena journalism in the Australian community broadcasting sector. Journalism, 4(3): 314-335.

Forde, S., Meadows, M., & Foxwell, K. (2003b). Community radio and local culture: An Australian case study. Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research, 28(3): 231-253.

Hollander, E., Stappers, J., & Jankowski, N. (2002). Community media and community communication. In N. Jankowski & O. Prehn (eds.). Community media in the information age: Perspectives and prospects, pp. 19-30. NJ: Hampton Press.

Jankowski, N. & Prehn, O.(eds.). (2002). Community media in the information age: Perspectives and prospects. NJ: Hampton Press.

Meadows, M., Forde, S. & Foxwell, K. (2002). Communicating culture: Community media in Australia. Paper presented at Our media not theirs II: A pre-conference on alternative media at IAMCR, Barcelona, Spain.

Meadows, M., Forde, S., Ewart, J. & Foxwell, K. (2009). Making good sense: Transformative processes in community journalism. Journalism, 10(2): 155-170.

Nigg, H. & Wade, G. (1980). Community media: Community communication in the UK: video, local TV, film, and photography. Zürich: Regenbogen-Verlag.

Sundar, H. U. (2007). Community informatics and the power of participation. Pacific Journalism Review, 13 (2): 29-45.

附件：應澳洲 Griffith 大學之邀，在其主辦學術會議上發表演講之文稿

Let the voiceless indigenous people be seen and heard：

a case study of an indigenous community in Taiwan

Mine-ping Sun Dept. of Jour., NCCU 23, 9, 2010

Good morning, distinguished guests,

Thank you for giving me the chance to share our views on “digital community communication” and how to enable local inhabitants’ voices to be heard. The students of my Journalism Department and I have launched an experiment in an indigenous community which was ravaged by a typhoon and mudslide last year. There we helped the residents and the community itself be seen and heard by the majority.

Here is my presentation, which consists of three parts:

1. What did we do for the community and residents to give them a voice? 2. Did this action bring any change for the community and residents?

3. What reflection do we have on both teaching and learning from this field study experiment?

A. Introduction

Global climate change has had a great impact on Taiwan. In August 2009, according to official statistics, within three days, rainfall from the medium-strength typhoon Morakot equalled the total precipitation per year in the Taiwan area. The south and east parts of Taiwan were severely battered. Those who suffered most were from the indigenous tribes. Because of the cultural, religious and lifestyle divisions, worsened by the lack of efficient ways of communication, the government could hardly grasp what those victims needed. The reconstruction progressed slowly. But on the contrary, relief efforts by civic and non-government organizations were swift and effective.

At the end of September, through a connection with the Taitung Community College, we

contacted an affected area which “lacked the concern from media and the society.” It served as a base for us to keep a reconstruction record following the disaster. That’s how we got to know the name of this indigenous community—Da Niao, which means “big bird” or “eagle” — in our lives for the first time.

Da Niao is located at a corner of southeast Taiwan. The village is surrounded by sea, mountains, and beautiful landscape. There are 500 households, 90% of which are from the Paiwan tribe. The rest are the Hans. Despite the fact that Da Niao is the biggest indigenous community in Dawu Township, it

is geographically remote, and its social, economic and cultural development here is extremely marginalized.

It was during consecutive holidays—Taiwan’s Father’s Day — when typhoon Morakot attacked. Those who left home and worked in northern and western Taiwan came home to celebrate. On the afternoon of the 9th August, as the mudslide five to six stories high was pouring down from mountains, 1600 inhabitants decided to retreat. The catastrophe destroyed 14 estates, rendering 52 youngsters and elders homeless. After a series of endeavors and protestations, the victims insisted on living in tents with a cement floor for their bed. It was not until March 2010 that their wishes were finally granted. They moved into transitional houses to begin their new lives. This living without a shelter lasted 181 days in total.

B. Supposition in Terms of Recording the Process of Disaster Restoration

What prompted me to take part in recording the process of restoration in the countryside came from my observation and research over the past ten years. I have found that participatory community media play a significant role in culture, society and politics. The indigenous people, also the

disadvantaged minority, needed a medium to give them voices in the aftermath of the 88 flood. When they said ‘No’ to the government who suggested they leave their dangerous land and move to new places, they cried out, “Cultural restoration of our native place is much more important than homeland reconstruction.” The other 98% of the Taiwan citizens could hardly realize what they really meant. I believe, if a channel for giving them voices constantly was constructed in the village, it would be easier for the Han and the indigenous people to understand each other. This could assist cultural restoration and relief efforts. Harboring this supposition, we started our field study which was an experiment on “moving the classroom to the affected area,” “giving voices to the voiceless people,” and “recording the reconstruction progress after the 88 flood.”

We had butterflies in our stomachs before we started. The first reason was the divide between the Han and the indigenous people. We had not felt it until the flood. I had consulted an indigenous opinion-leader in Taitung. He told me frankly, “Why do you come? You simply take what you want and leave. ” Secondly, we were afraid that we would hurt inhabitants’ feelings one more time while interviewing them. Thirdly, we had no explicit schedule. Every time we tried to make some major appointments, we got the same answer, “I’ll decide when you come.”

However, getting together with them for three days dispersed our anxiety. We took seven video camareas with us and recorded almost 150G of material. We found those villagers pristine and passionate. They expressed their dissatisfaction with administrative inefficiency, and we tried to comprehend their fear. Their perseverance moved us deeply. Given that they had lost everything, still,

they struggled to take actions to improve their circumstances. Besides this, a group of youngsters continued participating in the reconstruction works with self-consciousness and action.

That is the background for our pilot field study. The following is a slideshow, from which we can observe the people who touched our hearts the first time we visited this community.

C. Let the Inhabitants Tell Their Own Stories

We had orchestrated three major points before we took the trip: 1. The progress of transitional houses and the settlement of 14 households; 2. How do these inhabitants recover from trauma? And 3. What did they mean by saying “cultural restoration?” What motivated them? And what did they do to achieve it? The 19 reports posted later focused on these dimensions.

Through the technique of story narrative, we attempted to convey the pristine and sincere

dispositions of these people, and to pay homage to their courage and actions. The stories are presented in digital format. Usually, we gathered the main narratives from the respondents, and according to storytelling rules, we edited the videos, photos, and narrations into paragraphs. Although the stories are still be constructed and represented, we added empathy and an amount of the “sense of mission” to speak for them.

It seems that these villagers enjoyed the news narrative process as well. A volunteer, Saljeljeng, was moved to tears by our reports. She emphasized that it was a frank record instead of a staged event. These flood victims told their own stories honestly, such as “what we had done after the disaster and how we underwent it.” These victims were scoffed at by some of villagers because they accepted external donations. Our report gave them a chance to express their reluctance of being made victims.

By reporting the aboriginal legacies through the eyes of outsiders — such as recording traditional songs sung by seniors, wall painting and woodcarving — it let the inhabitants re-appreciate this cultural heritage which used to be taken for granted. An e-mail from a Teacher called Pan says:

“Whenever watching the Series Report of Da Niao’s Restoration, I feel extremely grateful and touched. It made us cherish our own culture and be aware of the urgency of cultural inheriting. The feeling of being concerned would give us momentum to keep going!”

“Giving local people a voice” not only enables villagers to discover themselves but also allows the village and the tribe to be noticed by the outside world.

From December 2009 to August 2010, we visited Da Niao five times, making 19 video reports and posting them on the PeoPo website. PeoPo is citizen journalism platform built by Taiwan Public Television with more than 10,000 visitors per day, undoubtedly the biggest convention center in Taiwan for citizens and NPOs who concern themselves with community affairs. As soon as Typhoon Morakot hit Taiwan, citizen journalists living in the affected areas, except Taitung, had keenly posted news, and the manager of PeoPo quickly created a section entitled, “Column of the 88 Flood.” In January 2010, when we posted our first report on this website, there was only one NPO, whose members are also outsiders, cooperatively releasing information about reconstruction in Taitung. It revealed again that people from east Taiwan were from a disadvantaged minority and unable to speak for themselves.

To the young generation in Taiwan, the internet is more powerful than the traditional media. Many Da Niao villagers who work outside had not known the current situation of their hometown until they watched our reports. Besides, as a producer, we interact and share information with other users through the internet and get positive feedback, which may help in increasing outside villagers’ self-esteem as “members of Da Niao” while adding a sense of identification with their own community.

In August this year, when Da Niao held the annual “Masu vaqu,” signifying the Festival of Millet, which is equivalent to the western New Year in significance, more people returned to the village. The executive of aboriginal affairs in Da Wu Township said it was our series reports that aroused their homesickness.

There are also other channels for us to publish these reports. Half of our reports were selected for broadcast on terrestrial television channels, including Taiwan Public TV(TPTV) and Taiwan Indigenous TV(TITV). PeoPo even made an image advertisement out of excerpts from our works and broadcast it for quite a long time. In addition, our report was chosen to be one of materials used by PeoPo in its business briefing, presented by the general manager of Taiwan Public TV to a gathering of World Indigenous Television managers at the second World Indigenous Television Broadcasting Conference(WITBC), showing the outstanding performances by our citizen journalists on PeoPo. We felt truly proud of it.

In terms of a shift of power, our reports have indirectly changed the power relationships for a young inhabitant, his community and the society. Or possibly we have found a news anchor for the Taiwan Indigenous TV by chance. Sijung, a 27-year-old youth having learned from village elders for 15 years, is the only one amongst his peers who is fluent in his mother tongue. He has mastered traditional dancing and crafts, and is familiar with the traditional customs. But it was not until the Morakot flood that he was invited to teach these traditional skills to the victims and villagers. His sense of mission of cultural inheritance was made known to Taiwan Indigenous TV via the PeoPo

network. Later on, as a president of Da Niao’s Youth Club, Sijung accepted their interviews using their original language, speaking as if he were the spokesman for Da Niao’s cultural restoration. Now, he has been trained to be the next native anchorman for Taiwan Indigenous TV while teaching

traditional weaving and language in several Paiwan communities.

Our reports could have some immediate and possible implications for activists of community restoration. One story reported that an inhabitant called Pan donated her own study room and books, teaching language and traditional crafts to children in the community. This piece of news was

broadcast on Taiwan Public TV’s news channel. It brought an instant change. A viewer moved by her contribution donated to Pan AUD$10,000 — equal to a teacher’s salary for six months — to fix classroom.

Pan admitted that the report was really useful. It helped her to review what she had done and to examine the significance of her deeds, and there were many friends giving her feedback and

encouragement. She said, “Oops! I have no choice but to keep going because of the great concerns I’ve got from viewers.” Pan is a key figure in the community reconstruction now, dedicating herself to promoting aboriginal cultural and creative industries. She launched wood carving and sewing classes, making the middle-aged retrieve their traditional handicrafts and creating a business niche for their community. Besides, Pan has built a website and is prepared to promote their cultural products on their behalf. She is indeed an active elite member of her community.

D. Reflection on Teaching and Learning

For me, communications in an aboriginal community is a brand-new experience. I had never known a group of people who were incapable of communication and expression. For example, the victims did not know how to organize a self-help association, or how to reach an internal consensus before asking the outside world for help. Even the elites knew little about the importance of giving themselves voices, not to mention having the right to speak back. I always wished I could have held a workshop on community media for tribal youth but I had no chance. It depresses me a lot.

To an educator, field study is a good way of learning by doing. Here I would like to share an example of how we told a non-commercial story. A female student interviewed a victim aged around 40. At first she said she was willing to accept our interview, but after a series of trivial questions she broke down. The cameraman reacted quickly, zooming in and “catching” the close-up shots of her sadness.

Now we are showing you the first edition made by students.

For commercial television, the shots could certainly be used for raising TV ratings. But my instinct told me, “Are we consuming her tragedy?” When she cried, I was on the spot. It struck me as if I could actually feel her pain. After the interview, the only way I could comfort her was to give her a hug and let her feel warmer.

We are going to show you the final edition now.

We substituted her sad face with the scene of her ruined house, making the story less sensational. From this example, I hope that students can understand the difference between commercial and non-commercial media processes.

The situation mentioned above is a very valuable life education for students. Yan, the student who interviewed that middle-aged woman, mentioned in her journal that it was not until she visited the victim did she realized how deeply they were hurt.

“…Without any hint, she couldn’t help crying out. Frankly, I was a little bit scared, I did not realized that the flood water has not yet receded in their hearts, and her tears made me sorry and upset. My interview reminded her something she was unwilling to remember. Although she told me after the interview, she simply needed to vent, I still felt as if I hurt her. To my sadness, I dare not tell her that "I know your suffering" to comfort her. After all, I am just a college student and under the comfortable shelter of my parents. As someone who has never experienced such a great "loss" in his or her life, I am not qualified to say this to her.”

Learning by doing is also a chance to practice and ruminate theories learned in class. Before going to Da Niao, students had doubted the power of grassroots communication although they had learned some concepts of citizen journalism. After witnessing the following subsequence after our reports were published on PeoPo, now they have different views about empowerment in local voices.

“Our voices, or voices of the community, ARE heard, even though only a small amount of people really care about it. However, if no one made the first movement like what we had done, the voice of the aboriginal community might remain in seclusion.”

Not until we visited Da Niao did we realize that our understanding of an ethnic minority is meager. Then through images, digital technology, a little passion and persistence, we helped this remote village to exhibit its sincerity, adamancy, and strength of action for the world to see.

News on the Internet is always “under construction” — so is Da Niao’s story. I am going to end this presentation by sharing a film finished not long ago, which also marks the end of our one-year field study experiment. The film is about the “Festival of Millet” last August when we visited Da Niao. It was the first one ever held after the 88 flood. Actually the festival has become a mere formality in recent years. Members of the young generation now sing and dance without any conception of the meaning behind the carnival. That’s why we attempted to rediscover the

connections between their main staple food, millet, indigenous lives and culture. Play video…..

國科會補助專題研究計畫項下出席國際學術會議心得報告

日期：101 年 2 月 25 日

一、參加會議經過

IAMCR 是一個世界性的媒體傳播研究學術組織，在聯合國教科文組織支持下，於 1957 年成立， 迄今已超過 50 年歷史，可說是傳播研究領域中規模最大、組織最完備的學術組織，以我今年參與 的 2011 年年會為例，共有來自 75 個國家、1200 多位會員與會（2010 年與會者將近 1000 人）。與 另一國際性傳播學術組織 International Communication Association 相較，IAMCR 成員更國際化，文 化背景、關懷及研究議題也更多元，IAMCR 還有一個特色，它極為鼓勵非洲、亞洲、中南美洲等 國人士、女性等新秀學者與會，較之 ICA 它也更著重傳播弱勢、不同利益社群議題的探討，因此 每年新會員成長快速。 IAMCR 年會組織龐大、分工精細而多層。傳播媒體研究分為五大領域:：媒體產製消費，媒體、傳 播、參與與社區，媒體傳播政策，新聞教育，以及跨界議題等，五大領域以下再分為 31 次領域組， 每一組連續四天、每天三到四場學術研討，此外大會還安排了七個議題、九場「特別專題論壇」， 包括維基解密、中東新科技帶來的茉莉花革命、媒介與科技素養（UNESCO 代表主持）等具有時 效性、急迫性的議題。同一時段可能有 2、30 場傳播議題的研討會在進行，這樣連續四天的滿漢 全席，真是令與會者取捨難定。 本人參與之「社區傳播」組可說是 31 次領域組中規模較大之組別。每天三到四場研討會，有論文

計畫編號

NSC

99-2410-H-004 -168

計畫名稱

在八八水災重建區打造一個 數位社區傳播新模式—以台東縣大武鄉大鳥

部落為行動及實驗社區

出國人員

姓名

孫曼蘋

服務機構

及職稱

國立政治大學 新聞系 教授

會議時間

100 年 7 月 13 至

100 年 7 月 17 日

會議地點

Istanbul, Turkey

會議名稱

(英文) International Association of Media and Communication Research,

簡稱 IAMCR

發表論文

題目

(英文) Creating a digital community communication model in a risk

society: an action research in an indigenous community in Taiwan

報告、專題論壇穿插進行，還有中場休息時段的對話互動，可以想見此一學術集會之忙碌及豐富 了。美中不足的是，由於各組議程均滿檔，與會者多半只能聚焦參與自己所屬組別的議程，換言 之，與其他 30 組的互動、對話極為有限，這是組織龐大、議程過多的缺失之一。 2011 年會在土耳其伊斯坦堡的 Kadir Has 大學校園內舉行，該校傳播學院動員上百名師生協助庶務 處理，組織及服務效率比去年的葡萄牙 Braga 大學更佳。2011 年會自 7/13-7/27 一連五天，白天研 討會一場趕過一場，晚上則由大會安排精彩的藝文活動，與會者體力有些不支，但透過這樣的交 流安排，莫不對土國文化、國家形象、該校傳媒教育均印象深刻。另一小小缺失是，該校座落在 交通要道旁，環境吵雜，校舍多無冷氣，在平均攝氏 38 度氣溫下，與會者想要坐在不得不開窗的 教室內專注聆聽或討論，確實很難，整體研討效益的確大打折扣。 本此年會也吸引了許多華人（裔）傳播研究者與會，包括美國、英國、新加坡、香港、中國、台 灣等，也可說是華人傳播研究者的群英盛會。大體言之，台灣學者與會的最多，能見度高，大陸 學者參與的年年倍數增長（列入「低收入」國家），可說來勢凶猛，香港城市大學新聞傳播學院則 是幾乎全院老師與會，令人印象深刻。不過，由於 IAMCR 註冊費過於昂貴【註冊費分歐元 350 元 （early bird, 老會員）到 550 元（現場註冊、新會員）等多等級，此乃因台灣被聯合國列入「高收 入」國家之列，註冊費採最貴等級】，且年年醞釀要調漲，另一方面國科會補助有限，今後台灣與 會學者勢必益加侷限。

二、與會心得

IAMCR 刻意與歷史悠久的美國傳播學術會議如 AEJMC, ICA 有別，似是有意另立資本主義、商業 邏輯以外的國際傳播研究舞台，平常，冷門、邊緣化的傳播弱勢研究是 IAMCR 的主流之一，以「社 區傳播」及另一性質相近的「參與式傳播」兩組為例，約有將近 100 人與會分享彼此的研究心得 或對話，規模遠遠超過台灣傳播學術組織「中華傳播學會」的年會教師會員總數。我在這裡，找 到對話、交流對象。另一收獲是，我亦在此與早先即與政大傳播學院有學術交流的澳洲 Griffith 大 學新聞傳播系之教授 Michael Meadows 及其研究團隊成員見面，進一步談論兩校教學研究互動事宜， 為促進學術國際化再推一步，現在我們正在磋商一個跨國研究專案的可行性。 國際學術會議也有促進、擴大國際學術網絡的可能性。

三、考察參觀活動(無是項活動者略)

無。

四、建議

國科會或相關單位應多鼓勵參與這類國際性學術組織及年會，廣結善緣後，進而才可能參與國際、 跨國研究計畫，增加台灣學術的國際能見度、展現我們的學術力。

五、攜回資料名稱及內容

2012 年會議程一本，電子檔議程一份。

Creating a digital community communication model in a risk society: an

action research in an indigenous community in Taiwan

to

Community Communication Section

IAMCR

2011 06 03

Dr. Sun, Mine-ping

Associate professor

Department of Journalism

College of Communication

National Chengchi University

Taipei, Taiwan

Tel: 02 29387204

E-mail:

[email protected]

Addr. :64, Sec. 2, Chinan Rd.,

116 Wenshan, Taipei, Taiwan

Creating a digital community communication model in a risk society: an action

research in an indigenous community in Taiwan

The study will review and reflect an action research in which we worked with an aboriginal group of southeastern Taiwan, to build-up a digital community communication model in a remote village which was

ravaged by a typhoon and mudslide in 2009. There we helped the residents and the community itself be seen and heard by the majority.

The paper consists of three parts:

1. What did we do for the indigenous people to give them a voice? 2. Did this action bring any change for the community and residents?

3. What reflection do we have on both teaching and learning from this field study experiment?

A. Introduction

Global climate change has had a great impact on Taiwan. In August 2009, according to official statistics, within three days, rainfall from the medium-strength typhoon Morakot equaled the total precipitation per year in the Taiwan area. The south and east parts of Taiwan were severely battered. Those who suffered most were from the indigenous tribes. Because of the cultural, religious and lifestyle divisions, worsened by the lack of efficient ways of communication, the government could hardly grasp what those victims really needed. The reconstruction progressed slowly. But on the contrary, relief efforts by civic and non-government

organizations were swift, effective and trustful.

At the end of September, students of my Journalism Department and I visited an affected area which “lacked the concern from media and the society.” It served as a base for us to keep a reconstruction record following the disaster. That’s how we got to know the name of this indigenous community—Da Niao, which means “big bird” or “eagle” — in our lives for the first time.

Da Niao is located at a corner of southeast Taiwan. The village is surrounded by sea, mountains, and beautiful landscape. There are 500 households, 90% of which are from the Paiwan tribe. The rest are the Hans. Despite the fact that Da Niao is the biggest indigenous community in Dawu Township, it is geographically remote, and its political, social, and economic development here is extremely marginalized. Cultural and heritage are disappearing seriously.

On the afternoon of the 9th August, as the mudslide five to six stories high was pouring down from mountains, 1600 inhabitants decided to retreat. The catastrophe destroyed 14 estates, rendering 52 youngsters and elders homeless. After a series of endeavors and protestations, the victims insisted on living in tents with a cement floor for their bed. It was not until March 2010 that their wishes were finally granted. They moved into the new transitional houses to begin their new lives. This living without a shelter lasted 181 days in total. However, all victims were grieved and cried when we interviewed them this year. Most of inhabitants were always scared that mudslide would come again during the rainy season. They are still in the shadow of that disaster.

There is a big division about reconstruction between government, non-victim public and indigenous people. When affected victims said ‘No’ to the government who suggested they leave their dangerous land and move to new places, they resisted, “Cultural restoration of our native place is much more important than homeland reconstruction.” The other 98% of the Taiwan citizens could hardly realize what they really meant.

We believe, if a channel for giving them voices constantly was constructed in the village, it would be easier for the Han and the indigenous people to understand each other. This could assist cultural restoration and relief efforts. Harboring this supposition, we started our field study which was an experiment on “moving the classroom to the affected area,” “giving voices to the voiceless people,” and “recording the reconstruction progress with digital technologies and web 2.0 citizen journalism platform.” The experiment is still on going and we are always to review and reflect what we and people of Da-Niao had done in the past 1.5 years..

B. Literature review

a. Community communication

Community media refers to a diverse range of mediated forms of communication (Jankowski, 2002:6). It identifies with a relatively limited geographical region and/or specific group in which members share some cultural, social or political interests. Hollander, Strapper and Jankowski(2002) addressed the conceptualization of “community communication” with all relevant aspects of the local communication structure and

communication process within a distinct social setting. In this discussion, I use the terms ‘community media’ or ‘community communication’ to define media that offers ‘a clear alternative’ to the mainstream.

Researchers suggested that community communication is an essential ingredient of making public and creating a public within the context of a specific community. Moreover, it should be understood as a

small-scale form of public communication (Hollander et al., 2002). This localized communication form is composed of flexible and creative localized channels that differ radically and are composed of a multitude of varieties (Downing, 2001), that may encompass from general information carrier such as newspaper, radio, video, internet, to artistic and aesthetics forms of expression, such as street theater, community literature, poetry, to smaller size form, such as sticker, poster, graffiti. They are different from the mass media’s large-scale, formal and institutionalized.

One of the most important characteristics of community communication lies in people involved in the process of producing the media, as this encompasses both senders and receivers. It is in the reproduction and representation of common interests that the community media has gained such an intimate social and political significance (Hollander et.al, 2002).

The participation of local people also means that news/information sourced at the level of the local is more closely within the complex framework of a ‘local’ narrative that creates and stimulates a communities internal dialogue ; more importantly it is also a key in creating a public consciousness (Meadows, et al., 2009) and community public sphere (Forde et al., 2003a). Rodriguez (2001:164) describes ‘citizens’ media’ as the result of ‘a complex interaction between people’s attempts to democratize the mediascape and their contextual circumstances’. In terms of education, community media stimulates group awareness of the minority (Nigg & Wade, 1980) and fulfills an important role in facilitating cultural citizenship in ways that differentiate it from other media (Forde et al., 2003b).

Community media has created an alternative and healthy local-level public sphere, however, researchers argued that the failure caused by weak financing and organizational inefficiency hinder its long-term survival in the marketplace. Therefore, alternative and community media may never break out of its ‘alternative ghetto’ (Atton, 2002, p. 34). With the rapid emergence of new communications technologies it is very possible that community media as the necessary to break this long-term deadlock.

b. New media and community communication

When researchers use the term “new media” they most often refer to communication technologies that contrast with the “old” media. New media are networked and digital. The internet, such as blogging, tagging, social network site, and mobile phones are the most popular technologies of the new media today. In the paper, new media, information communication technology (ICT), and digital media are used interchangeable.

Internet, communication and democracy are always discussed. Davis(1999) admits that internet is an initiator of social revolution, a great political transformation, and a strong technology for grass root

democracy. However, he also points out that due to participants need technology literacy, have to invest much time and money, it identifies with a relatively limited users who are originally interested in politics. Later studies are more optimistic when web 2.0 emergent. Harris(2007) argues that communities can interact with various forms of ICT at a local level, using participatory approaches, to develop content which is closer to their own realities and which reflect local cultures, values and individual aspirations. The process of local content production not only empowers the individual, it fosters community engagement, creates social capital and builds communities. Furthermore, Sun(2009) examines an online multi-media citizen journalism platform in Taiwan and illustrates that remote villagers’ voices and images can be seen and heard by the outside world when citizen reporters presented their stories of community actions to the platform. By participating in local public lives and reporting continuously on community activities, the community has gained esteem from the rest of the society, government financial support, and the rights to interpret its local culture. In other words, villagers have empowered and changed their community through on-line and off-line participation.

C. Research method -- action research

The imperative of an action research project is not only to understand a problem, but also provoke change(Dick, 2002; Reason & Bradbury, 2001). The core of this method is an approach that ‘focus on simultaneous action and research in a participative manner’ (Coghlan & Brannick, 2001, p. 7). The approach is especially suitable in new media studies where innovation and change are

continual, and where process and outcome are always not predicable and often involve emotional human parameters (Hirschheim, 1985). Additionally, action research can be understood as an

overarching process with various forms of new media studies, such as qualitative methods as well as any primary method at all. It can be thought as a culture of research (Tacchi, Slater, & Hearn, 2003), which involves all stakeholders in a constant process of cycle between knowledge generation and critical reflection. That means the process can start all over again.

Thus, action research can be regard as a vehicle for enquiry into new media, or as known as digital community communication in this paper. The key principles of it include participation, action and reflection, the empowerment of individuals and groups, and the improvement of their situations, the production of various form of knowledge, and engaging in ‘the politics of research

action’(McTaggart, 1991, p. 177)

In summary, a digital community communication may play a significant role in culture, society and politics in a remote and small villager like Da Niao. The indigenous people, also the

disadvantaged minority, needed a medium to give them voices in the aftermath of the 88 flood. We had butterflies in our stomachs before we started. The first reason was the divide between the Han and the indigenous people. We had not felt it until the flood. I had consulted an indigenous opinion-leader in Taitung. He told me directly, “Why do you come? You simply take what you want and leave. ” The first time we visited the community, a local volunteer said to me frankly, ‘Our land is taken by you’. Secondly, we were afraid that we would hurt inhabitants’ feelings one more time while interviewing them. Thirdly, we had no explicit schedule. Every time we tried to make some major appointments, we got the same answer, “I’ll decide when you come.”

However, getting together with them for several times dispersed our anxiety. They expressed their dissatisfaction with administrative inefficiency, and we tried to comprehend their fear. Their

perseverance moved us deeply. Given that they had lost everything, still, they struggled to take actions to improve their circumstances. Besides this, a group of youngsters continued participating in the reconstruction works with self-consciousness and action.

D. Digital community communication

a. Let the Inhabitants Tell Their Own Stories

We had orchestrated three major points before we took the trip: 1. The progress of transitional houses and the settlement of 14 households; 2. How do these inhabitants recover from trauma? And 3. What did they mean by saying “cultural restoration?” What motivated them? And what did they do to achieve it? The 22 reports posted later focused on these dimensions.

Through the self narrative of storytelling, we attempted to convey the pristine and sincere

dispositions of these people, and to pay homage to their courage and actions. The stories are presented in digital format. Usually, we gathered the main narratives from the respondents, and according to storytelling rules, we edited the videos, photos, and narrations into paragraphs. Although the stories

are still be constructed and represented, we added empathy, or so called ‘local point of view’ and an amount of the “sense of mission” to speak for them.

It seems that these villagers enjoyed the news narrative process as well. A volunteer, Saljeljeng, was moved to tears by our reports. She emphasized that it was a frank record instead of a staged event. These flood victims told their own stories honestly, such as “what we had done after the disaster and how we underwent it.” These victims were scoffed at by some of villagers because they accepted external donations. Our report gave them a chance to express their reluctance of being made victims.

By reporting the aboriginal legacies through the eyes of outsiders — such as recording traditional songs sung by seniors, wall painting and woodcarving — it let the inhabitants re-appreciate this cultural heritage which used to be taken for granted. An e-mail from a Teacher called Pan says:

“Whenever watching the Series Report of Da Niao’s Restoration, I feel extremely grateful and touched. It made us cherish our own culture and be aware of the urgency of cultural inheriting. The feeling of being concerned would give us momentum to keep going!”

“Giving local people a voice” not only enables villagers to discover themselves but also allows the village and the tribe to be noticed by the outside world.

b. Let Da Niao Be Seen and heard

From December 2009 to June 2011, we visited Da Niao seven times, making more than 20 multiple forms of reports and posting them on the PeoPo website (http://www.peopo.org/). PeoPo is citizen journalism platform built by Taiwan Public Television with more than 10,000 visitors per day, undoubtedly the biggest convention center in Taiwan for citizens and NPOs who concern themselves with community affairs. As soon as Typhoon Morakot hit Taiwan, citizen journalists living in the affected areas, except Taitung, had keenly posted news, and the manager of PeoPo quickly created a section entitled, “Column of the 88 Flood.” In January 2010, when we posted our first report on this website, there was only one NPO, whose members are also outsiders, cooperatively releasing

information about reconstruction in Taitung. It revealed again that people from east Taiwan were from a disadvantaged minority and unable to speak for themselves.

To the young generation in Taiwan, the internet is more powerful than the traditional media. Many Da Niao villagers who work outside had not known the current situation of their hometown until they watched our reports. Besides, as a producer, we interact and share information with other users through the internet and get positive feedback, which may help in increasing outside villagers’ self-esteem as “members of Da Niao” while adding a sense of identification with their own community.

In August this year, when Da Niao held the annual “Masu vaqu,” signifying the Festival of Millet, which is equivalent to the western New Year in significance, more people returned to the village. The executive of aboriginal affairs in Da Wu Township said it was our series reports that aroused their homesickness.

There are also other channels for us to publish these reports. Half of our reports were selected for broadcast on terrestrial television channels, including Taiwan Public TV(TPTV) and Taiwan Indigenous TV(TITV). PeoPo even made an image advertisement out of excerpts from our works and broadcast it for quite a long time. In addition, our report was chosen to be one of materials used by PeoPo in its business briefing, presented by the general manager of Taiwan Public TV to a gathering of World Indigenous Television managers at the second World Indigenous Television Broadcasting Conference(WITBC), showing the outstanding performances by our citizen journalists on PeoPo. We felt truly proud of it. Besides, we had recorded traditional songs which sung only by local seniors citizens and edited some on a web site of a public radio station in

France( http://www.arteradio.com/son.html?615907) . We hope Da Niao would be heard by the world.

Our reports could have some immediate and possible implications for activists of community restoration. One story reported that an inhabitant called Pan donated her own study room and books, teaching language and traditional crafts to children in the community. This piece of news was

broadcast on Taiwan Public TV’s news channel. It brought an instant change. A viewer moved by her contribution donated to Pan AUD$10,000 — equal to a teacher’s salary for six months — to remodel the old classroom.

Pan admitted that the report was really useful. It helped her to review what she had done and to examine the significance of her deeds, and there were many friends giving her feedback and

encouragement. She said, “Oops! I have no choice but to keep going because of the great concerns I’ve got from viewers.” Pan is a key figure in the community reconstruction now, dedicating herself to promoting aboriginal cultural and creative industries. She launched wood carving and sewing classes, making the middle-aged retrieve their traditional handicrafts and creating a business niche for their community. Besides, Pan has built a website and is prepared to promote their cultural products on their behalf. She is indeed an active elite member of her community.

E. Reflection on Teaching and Learning

For me, communications in an aboriginal community is a brand-new experience. I had never known a group of people who were incapable of communication and expression. For example, the victims did not know how to organize a self-help association, or how to reach an internal consensus before asking the outside world for help. Even the elites knew little about the importance of giving

themselves voices, not to mention having the right to speak back. I always wished I could have held a workshop on community media for tribal youth but I had no chance. It depresses me a lot.

To an educator, field study is a good way of learning by doing. Here I would like to share an example of how we told a non-commercial story. A female student interviewed a victim aged around 40. At first she said she was willing to accept our interview, but after a series of trivial questions she broke down. The cameraman reacted quickly, zooming in and “catching” the close-up shots of her sadness.

For commercial television, the shots could certainly be used for raising TV ratings. But my instinct told me, “Are we consuming her tragedy?” When she cried, I was on the spot. It struck me as if I could actually feel her pain. After the interview, the only way I could comfort her was to give her a hug and let her feel warmer.

We substituted her sad face with the scene of her ruined house, making the story less sensational. From this example, I hope that students can understand the difference between commercial and non-commercial media processes.

The situation mentioned above is a very valuable life education for students. Yan, the student who interviewed that middle-aged woman, mentioned in her journal that it was not until she visited the victim did she realized how deeply they were hurt.

“…Without any hint, she couldn’t help crying out. Frankly, I was a little bit scared, I did not realized that the flood water has not yet receded in their hearts, and her tears made me sorry and upset. My interview reminded her something she was unwilling to remember. Although she told me after the interview, she simply needed to vent, I still felt as if I hurt her. To my sadness, I dare not tell her that "I know your suffering" to comfort her. After all, I am just a college student and under the comfortable shelter of my parents. As someone who has never experienced such a great "loss" in his or her life, I am not qualified to say this to her.”

Learning by doing is also a chance to practice and ruminate theories learned in class. Before going to Da Niao, students had doubted the power of grassroots communication although they had learned some concepts of citizen journalism. After witnessing the following subsequence after our reports were published on PeoPo, now they have different views about empowerment in local voices.

“Our voices, or voices of the community, ARE heard, even though only a small amount of people really care about it. However, if no one made the first movement like what we had done, the voice of the aboriginal community might remain in seclusion.”

Not until we visited Da Niao did we realize that our understanding of an ethnic minority is meager. Then through images, digital technology, a little passion and persistence, we helped this remote village to exhibit its sincerity, adamancy, and strength of action for the world to see.

News on the Internet is always “under construction” — so is Da Niao’s story.

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