衣櫃裡的服裝：白先勇〈Tea for Two〉與梁志英〈鳳眼〉中男同志服裝實踐與文學再現

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(1)國立臺灣師範大學英語學系碩士論文 Master’s Thesis Department of English National Taiwan Normal University. 衣櫃裡的服裝：白先勇〈Tea for Two〉與梁志英〈鳳眼〉中男同志服裝實踐與文學再現. Clothes in the Closet: Gay Men’s Sartorial Practices and Literary Representation in Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes”. 指導教授：張瓊. 惠. Advisor: Dr. Joan Chiung-huei Chang 研究生：楊. 家緯. Advisee: Chia-wei Yang. 中華民國一○八年八月 August 2019.

(2) Table of Contents Table of Contents ....................................................................................................... i 摘要 ...................................................................................................................... ii Abstract .................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgement .................................................................................................... iv Prologue .................................................................................................................. vii Introduction............................................................................................................... 1 I. Conceptual Framework................................................................................... 2 1. The Relationships between Masculinity of “Straight-acting Gay Men” and Their Sartorial Practices ...................................................................... 2 2. Masculinities of Chinese American Gay Men ......................................... 6 3. Chinese Gay Masculinities ..................................................................... 8 II. Outline of Thesis Chapters .......................................................................... 13 Chapter One: Sartorial Practices of Gay Men .......................................................... 15 I. Sartorial Practices and Gender ...................................................................... 15 II. Sartorial Practices of Asian American Gay Men .......................................... 17 III. Sartorial Practices of Chinese Gay Men ..................................................... 21 IV. Conclusion ................................................................................................. 26 Chapter Two: Sartorial Practices in Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” ....................... 28 I. Flamboyant Sartorial Practices in the Capitalist Society................................ 28 II. “Invisible Men” or the Mainstream Sartorial Practices ................................ 32 III. Hyper-Masculinity and its Representation .................................................. 34 IV. Criticisms on New Generations of Gay Subculture ..................................... 38 V. Conclusion .................................................................................................. 40 Chapter Three: Sartorial Practices in Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes”..................... 42 I. Giving Up Family and Becoming Man ......................................................... 42 II. Sartorial Practices of Chinese American Gay Men and Masculinities .......... 44 III. Selling American-styled Bodies ................................................................. 48 IV. Taking Off Clothes ..................................................................................... 51 V. Conclusion .................................................................................................. 52 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 55 I. Issues for Further Studies on Asian/American Gay Men ............................... 57 II. The Problematic “Stereotypical Images” of Gay Men in Asian/American Gay Fiction and Communities ................................................................................. 58 Works Cited ............................................................................................................ 60.

(3) 摘. 要. 本篇論文從華裔美籍男同志小說與旅美臺籍作家小說裡觀察華裔男同志的服裝策略與文學再現，探討華裔男同志如何透過服裝展現特有的男性氣質。文學常以服裝紀錄了彼時時尚的社會意義。本文認為服裝是男同志標新立異的符碼，透過穿在身上的服裝強調他們身體與主流異性戀男性的不同。本文將分析炫耀式消費，藉由追求顏色鮮艷與高價西方（尤其歐美）服裝品牌來突顯高社經地位的男同志身體，對其他相較邊緣的性少數主體的壓迫。此外，論文亦會探討華裔美籍男同志在返回亞洲後，因國內對美國的崇尚，利用美式穿著來展現美式風格視覺符碼，並以此作為能動性的例證，成為另類男性氣概與異國情調的主體。. 關鍵字：時尚、服裝穿著、男同志陽剛氣質建構、臺灣文學、華美文學、白先勇、梁志英、“Tea for Two”、〈鳳眼〉.

(4) Abstract This thesis investigates Chinese/American gay men’s sartorial practices and literary representation of sartorial items in Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes”. This thesis considers that representations of sartorial items work as metaphors in literature designate identifications of gender, race, and class, showing gay men’s socioeconomic status and demonstrate various kinds of masculinities. Similar to white gay communities, there are many kinds of Chinese/American gay men, such as effeminate gay men, straight-acing gay men, and hyper-masculine gay men. Chinese/American gay men deploy sartorial items to strategically demonstrate various kinds of masculinities. Chinese/American gay men also use wen masculinity to pass as straight and conceal their homosexuality. As metaphors in literature, representations of sartorial items are deployed by authors to construct a character’s traits of gender, race, and class. I would argue that representations of gay men in Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes” all portray gay men as overachievers of socioeconomic restraints. Their flamboyant clothes and hipster lifestyle celebrate certain homonormative and successful images and such celebrations of successful images would repress other marginal gay subjects.. Keywords: fashion, sartorial practices, gay masculinity, Taiwan literature, Chinese American literature, Pai Hsien-Yung, Russell Leong, “Tea for Two”, “Phoenix Eyes”..

(5) Acknowledgement. This is a belated thesis. I spent most of my time roaming around due to various reasons and it took me six years to finish my MA degree. I live in my “queer temporalities” and miss deadlines all the time, but my teachers at NTNU always provide the kindest help and compassionate mentorship that I need. My deepest gratitude goes to my advisor, Dr. Joan Chiung-huei Chang. I still remember the interview I had while applying for admission to NTNU. After seeing my Statements of Purpose and knowing my interest in research on Taiwanese, Japanese and American literatures, Prof. Chang, one of the interviewers, asked if I knew the book A Historical and Geographical Description of Formosa written by George Psalmanaazaar, and her questions enlightened on the possibility of doing a comparative study in the English Department. During the time when I worked on my thesis, Prof. Chang always provides crucial insights in her marginal notes to help me strengthen my argument. I feel I’m the most blessed graduate student. Prof. Chang also offered me a chance to present in the Conference on the Studies of Oversea Chinese: “Immigration and the City”, held in Chu Hai College of Higher Education in Hong Kong, 2019. This experience broadens my mindsight on Overseas Chinese studies and Hong Kong Politics. I presented a short version of this thesis in Chinese for the conference and was awarded the 2nd place for graduate student prize with scholarship. I spent this scholarship on books on Hong Kong culture and literature. This also gives me a chance to learn a totally different field of study. It is an important episode in my life as an apprentice in academic career. I want to express my gratitude to the members of my thesis committee for their intellectual generosity during my oral defense. Prof. Pin-chia Feng and Prof. Hisuchuang Lee both pointed out the inconsistency and misleading points in this thesis..

(6) v. Their suggestions help me to solidify the analysis in this thesis. Furthermore, I want to express my appreciation for their origination of Summer Institutes of Asian American Studies in summers of 2013-2015. Issues discussed in these summer institutes are like seeds in my mind waiting to be grown in the future. Besides, I also want to express my appreciation to Prof. Wu Chia-Chi. Her class, “Queer and Cinema”, is a systemic overview on queer theory and very helpful for my thesis. Friends are great supporters for the writing of this thesis. Liang-Kai Yu from Leiden University in Netherlands always shares his fabulous insights on queer art history and queer theory. Liang-kai reviews the shorter Chinese version of this thesis and provides many crucial views on the theorization of masculinities. I also learn a lot from discussions with Chih-Chien Hsieh at Brandeis University in the United States and Po-chou Liao at National Taiwan University. Their accurate insights on critical theory inspire me in various aspects. In addition, it’s always a pleasurable experience to have discussions with Albert Liu from National Central University on recent Taiwanese gay movies, gay literature and Instagram bodybuilding idols. Albert provides me a vital literature entry on Ge-di dyad and it helps the theorization of this thesis. Albert also has a keen taste and insights on gay consumerism. Again, Alicia Liu, Rou-Yu Wang, Venessa Hsieh from the class “Queer and Cinema” are good teammates when having discussions on queer theory and queer images. Lastly, I want to express my gratitude for my family. My parents never require me to accomplish anything beyond my ability. They always provide me strongest supports. Even though I always live in my queer temporalities, they never question my eccentric way of life or ask me to follow the heteronormative standards. Thank you for your supports. This thesis is for you and I want to say thank you all..

(7) Figure 1 A man’s clone look..

(8) Prologue Figure 1 from A Queer History of Fashion: From the Closet to the Catwalk reminds me of this guy, ALY, whom I had known for about three months. Now I still remember well the very first time I saw ALY. He wore a military green bomber jacket with his tight navy-blue Abercrombie & Fitch1 T-shirts underneath. He wore black jeans, with a pair of shiny white sneakers. That color of shiny white matched the color of his full-face helmet. He also wore a pair of sunglasses. ALY always shows up with this outfit: I guess this is his favorite outfit. I always think that his attire is that of pilots’, but I never had the chance to tell him. I knew that I was right about his outfit when later I learned that his dream was to become a pilot—so he could fly to many destinations around the globe. ALY held two bachelor’s degrees: one is in Chinese language pedagogy, and the other in English. During the time I knew him, he worked three jobs at the same time to save enough money for the tuition of aviation schools. When I knew him, he was a substitute teacher in a public school. He also had two tutor jobs after class. He always bragged that he could earn NT sixty thousand dollars or more a month, in contrast to the very low pay that I had while working in the shops at Taoyuan Airport. He always asked me to think about plans for the future: being financially afloat is the absolute key to success. Whenever he had the chance, he would brag about his two-month-long experiences in Los Angeles as an intern Mandarin teacher during college years. He talked about his gay cruising in Los Angeles gay bars. I guess he probably had some flings with several white gay men then because he sometimes would tell me how bodily features of white men attract him. However, it seemed that these experiences. As indicated by C Winter Han in his Geisha of a Different Kind: Race and Sexuality in Gaysian America, Abercrombie & Fitch is notorious for “promoting an image of attractiveness based only on whites” (Han 123). 1.

(9) viii. were not satisfactory because he was forced to play bottom-role whenever it came to that. He sometimes would show me pictures of some Asian American gay men in Los Angeles through the mobile dating APP. These trained and tanned torsos are exactly like the Greek and Roman statues I read from the museum catalogs. When I see the photos he showed, I feel myself playing a role similar to the narrator of Mishima Yukio’s Confessions of a Mask, who also narrates how he fetishizes those torsos from the imported museum catalogs. At that time, I got this impression that ALY would probably grasp all the chances to go to the United States again in the future. Later, ALY and I had several fights over some trivialities, and then, we broke up. I knew another guy, AW. AW went to Canada when he was about to become a junior high school student. He stayed in Canada for about six years and returned to Taiwan for a college education. As soon as he graduated in Taipei, he went on working holidays in Australia for another five years. He always texted me in not-sorefined English, and he used a lot of slangs: “Dude!” and “Waz up?” are usually the opening sentence. There was nothing special when it comes to AW’s clothes. He only wore T-shirts and jeans in dark hues or plain colors with beach slippers. He sometimes would wear tank tops, which revealed his upper arms. He did not follow gay fashion. He complained about fashion. For example, he never had clean crew cuts like those gay men in Taipei. He said gay men in Taipei gay pubs all looked the same. They wore that same dress and were boring. However, AW is never without his baseball caps. He always wore that cap backward and acted cool. I later lose contacts with AW because both of us were very busy. I guess this is the fate. I really like ALY’s and AW’s clothes. I always find their tastes and opinions on clothes interesting. But, no matter how sensitive they are to their sartorial items, they always find discussions on these clothes effeminate. This reminds me of a famous.

(10) ix. scene from Legally Blondes (2001). Elle Woods, a young Harvard Law intern, identifies the concealed homosexuality of a crucial witness because this “fake heterosexual man” can identify fashion items of certain expensive brands. This also brings up questions on “gay best friends” of heroines in some Hollywood romantic movies. These “gay best friends” always provide fashion advice for heroines in these movies. I would not say that I am a trendsetter, but, compared to ALY’s and AW’s clothes, I always find my clothes a bit flamboyant. I always visit H&M and Zara; these fast fashion stores offer fancy clothes that I can manage to afford. I like to wear linen or cotton shirts with paisley prints or floral liberty prints. The reason why I like these clothes is probably because I always wore plain grey or beige when I was young. I realize how submissive I was when I wore those clothes in plain colors. So, I really do not like those clothes sold in Uniqlo. I now have a preference for these exaggerating patterns. This preference brings me to think about issues on gay apparels. I wonder why I can tell sexuality of random strangers on the street only through a glance? I wonder how gay apparels may carry certain masculine traits that attract other gay men’s attention? It’s said that gay men are all equipped with “gaydars,” and with these “gaydars,” gay men can detect the presence of other gay men. Gay men search for certain signs. Clothes are the signs for us to identify because, in contemporary gay communities, several dress-codes have already been developed. I wonder how such dress codes are formed? These are the private motifs for this thesis..

(11) Introduction The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how sartorial practices demonstrate a variety of gay masculinities in the communities of Chinese people. Lou Taylor, in her “Approaches Using Literary Sources” from The Study of Dress History (2002), states that depictions of clothing in literary resources demonstrate a period record of emotional attachment to clothing (103). Period clothing depicted in literature reveals “‘unspoken assumption’ of class, ethnicity, and gender” (104). It is a “coded description” (108) that indicates the social class, ethnicity and even sexual inclination of the characters. Peter McNeil, Vicki Karaminas, and Catherine Cole, in their introduction to Fashion in Fiction: Text and Clothing in Literature, Film, and Television (2009) all agree that readers can understand writers’ intent when they read the descriptions of the clothing items in literature (6). Fashion not only works as “an expressive cultural form” in literature (7), suggested by Elizabeth Wilson in her Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity (1985) but also as metaphors in fictions. To follow this thread, this research inquires if gay characters in literature about the Chinese adopt the mainstream white gay masculine clothing styles. If they do, how does the clothing bespeak their identity? If they don’t, how does their non-mainstream dress style indicate their selfhood? To investigate Chinese/American gay men’s masculinities, it is necessary to understand how a set of a non-heteronormative masculinities is conceived. However, there are also many kinds of gay masculinities. Some mannerisms are privileged, while others are discriminated. In gay communities, those who are “out” may win admiration while those who are “closeted” are often viewed as less courageous. In western gay communities, “coming out narratives” are usually celebrated. Whether it is important for non-westerners to follow the “coming out narratives” or not, for Asian.

(12) 2. gay men it still remains a question. While gay activists’ demonstrations for equal rights have been widely publicized, it is still common to see straight-passing gay men reluctant to reveal themselves. Since sartorial practices are often useful in indicating one’s identity—whether it is about cultural, racial economical, or gender identity— this research will focus on the analysis of sartorial practices so as to examine the formation of gay masculinities.. I. Conceptual Framework This thesis borrows existing studies and theories in order to explore the linkage between ethnicity and various gay men’s masculinities in literary representation. The existing studies and theories are divided into the following three sections: (1) relationships between masculinity of white “straight gay men” and their sartorial practices, (2) masculinities of Chinese American gay men, and (3) masculinities of Chinese gay men.. 1. The Relationships between Masculinity of “Straight-acting Gay Men” and Their Sartorial Practices Representation of gay men in popular culture usually deploys effeminate images as portrayals of gay men. This conflation of effeminacy and homosexuality is stereotypical.2 However, after the appearance of modern gay movements in the 1970s, different gay organizations start to criticize the stereotypical image of Peter M. Nardi points out several kinds of masculinities of gay men, basically differentiated by the degree of being feminine or masculine. This opens up questions regarding the formation of such differentiations: by whose standards are these sartorial items considered as feminine, masculine, or hyper-masculine. Nardi, in his “Anything for a Sis, Mary: an Introduction to Gay Masculinities”, points out that gay masculinities vary widely. Nardi considers that diverse masculinities of gay men reflect the differences build on various social and psychological contexts. Class and racial differences also contribute to the diverse masculinities of gay men. Before the Second World War, fairies, queers, and trades are epithets referring to gay men with eccentric inclinations. Gradually “gay” replaces the term “trade” in the 1930s and 1940s. Gay refers to men attracted to other men rather than the effeminate character. The effeminate men then usually wear female attire, which is a significant contrast to other manly-attire-wearing “real” men. Not until the 1960s did the contemporary term “straight” appear, referring to a limited sense of heterosexuality. 2.

(13) 3. effeminate gay men in the mass media. For instance, conservative gay leaders who appeal for equal rights would oppose to the prevalent conflation of effeminacy and homosexuality and promote a “real men” image, i.e. the image accepted by the politically correct social culture. Peter M. Nardi criticizes these conservative gay movement leaders marginalize a variety of effeminate men. Drawing from notions of “a very straight gay” proposed by Robert Connell,3 Nardi points out that there are still people who choose to conform neither effeminate nor hyper-masculine masculinities. Instead, they choose to enact “both hegemonic masculinity and gay masculinity in their daily lives” (6). Heather Love in her “Compulsory Happiness and Queer Existence” (2008) criticizes “gay liberalism” and its seemingly promising prospect of “normalizing” gay masculinities (53). Love, in agreement with Lisa Duggan, considers that such a normalizing agenda is a homonormative model and would never be able to contest against the dominant heteronormative agenda. “Being normal” is the intention of gay liberalism, and gay marriage is the approach to achieve gay liberalism. Gay marriage would promise a happy future and “melt away” all the melancholic past (Love 53). Love considers that it is difficult to criticize this gay normalization because it brings up "satisfactions promised by social inclusion" (Love 53). I agree with Love's criticism since this normalization would build up a homonorm and exploit other forms of life. This normalizing agenda per se constructs a hegemonic masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity is developed alongside the formation of patriarchal society. In Connell’s. Connell’s study is also cited by Jachinson Chan in her Chinese American Masculinities: From Fu Manchu to Bruce Lee (2001) to set the foundation for her analysis on Chinese American masculinities. Connell points out four types of masculinity that tends to be conflated with patriarchy: (1) a “white, middle class, early-middle-aged, heterosexual” hegemonic masculinity, (2) a subordinated effeminate gay masculinity, (3) a complicit masculinity that rejects femininity or supports dominant masculinity, and, lastly, (4) the masculinity of color. 3.

(14) 4. view from “Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concepts” (2005), the development of hegemonic masculinity is a historical product of gender and racial dynamics in society. Hegemonic masculinity is normative rather than static, thus hegemonic masculinity may change from time to time. Men who benefit from the patriarchal system would enjoy such hegemonic status. Hegemonic masculinity is also a norm for subordinated males to solidify their superior socioeconomic status and their dominance over females. However, hegemony itself struggles. As a result, newer forms of masculinity may replace previous ones. Refuting an over-simplified commentary on heterosexual society as a homophobic society, Connell in his “A Very Straight Gay: Masculinity, Homosexual Experience, and the Dynamics of Gender” (1992) argues that hegemonic masculinities are exclusively heterosexual; for instance, erotic contacts among gay men are long-term viewed illegitimate. Gay men need to deal with conflicts among gay men’s sexuality, such as their social presence as gay men, and their relationship with females and other heterosexual men. Even though gay men are marginalized, they are not absolutely denied of masculinity because, after all, they are superior to women in society with male-centric ideology. Connell even points out that hegemonically some closeted gay men would benefit from certain socioeconomic status by adopting and appropriating straight men’s mannerisms. This is exactly the homonormative appropriation criticized by Love. Appearing straight is like appearing normal. It is safe and free from suspicion. Just by concealing their sexual orientation and conforming to conventional expectations of heterosexual masculinities, “straight gay men” can thus secure their socioeconomic status.4 In “Expressing Yourself: the Politics of Dressing Up” (1997), Tim Edwards disputes myths and stereotypes that recognize gay men as fashion trendsetters and leading consumers of conspicuous consumptions due to their discretionary income (113). Edwards points out that a majority of gay people may not be willing to reveal their identity when consuming fashion items, so such a stereotype that considers gay men as trendsetters and leading consumers of conspicuous consumptions is not accurate. Because of the unwillingness to come out of the closet for most gay men, a research on different sartorial practices for white gay men from different classes and ethnicity sectors are meaningful. In my 4.

(15) 5. As effeminacy is refuted by hegemonic masculinity, many homosexual gay men yield to the stereotypical equalization of effeminacy and homosexuality in the 1930s. Pointed out by Shaun Cole in his book chapter “Fairies and Queens: the Role of Effeminate Stereotypes” from Don’t We Now Our Gay Apparel: Gay Men’s Dress in Twentieth Century (2000), many gay men initially adopt womanly mannerisms as a way to express their gay identities in order to attract other gay men. However, these gay men then realize that such stereotypical mannerisms are a merely false impression of the dominant culture. Many conservative gay men even decry such womanly mannerisms for the reason that such a stereotypical image discourages wider homosexual varieties. Rather than choosing hyper-masculine clone clothing,5 which carries fetish connotations, Shaun Cole asserts that these gay men later adopt other mannerisms after they are aware of other possible gender associations (31).6 Shaun Cole, in his following chapter “Invisible Men?” (2000) of the same book, Cole analyzes several gay mannerisms that would help these gay men to express their sexual inclination through daily sartorial items with a specific connotation (61). Cole also elaborates some on historical backgrounds of “straight gay men” sartorial practices. From the 1930s to 1950s, many gay men are afraid of the legal consequence if their identity is. observation, the reason why class is also a major factor when discussing white gay men’s consumer lifestyle is because that there are many “unsuccessful”, in other words, “those who earn less”, gay men. These “unsuccessful” gay men don’t survive a strict socioeconomic restrains and may choose to purchase less expensive and less prominent items. Tim Edwards’ discussion is based on two types of masculinities demonstrated by those who come out of the closet and those who don't. This again echoes Robert Connell’s view that many gay men tend to embrace “a very straight gay” mannerism that enacts both hegemonic masculinity and gay masculinity, rather than choosing a style of hyper-masculinity and effeminacy. 5 “Clone” is a typical hyper-masculine style. As a trend started in the 1950s, Gay men use leather suits to show their masculinity. Originally, it is a costume for members of motorcycle clubs. Even though gay leather wearers may not be interested in S/M practice, it is also viewed as an S/M associated costume. Some sartorial items or body modification are even derived from those criminals of hate crime against homosexuals, such as cropped hairstyle. 6 Shaun Cole, “Fairies and Queens: the Role of Effeminate Stereotypes” Don We Now Our Gay Apparel: Gay Men’s Dress in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Berg, 2000. 31..

(16) 6. being exposed. These gay men choose to conceal their identity in public and might only partially reveal their identity in some gay gatherings. If these gay men are willing to reveal their sexual inclination, they would wear particular sartorial items and accessories in certain colors as sartorial signifiers. These items include pinky rings, red ties, and suede shoes, which are items in normative dress codes to dominant cultures. As wearing these normative items can reveal a visible gay identity, a study of the sartorial practices of these “straight gay men” is necessary for this thesis. In the following section, I will deal with this question by tackling the concept of hegemonic masculinity. By studying white gay men’s negotiation with hegemonic masculinities in terms of their sartorial practices, I especially want to read how white “straight gay men’s” sartorial practices and mannerism are measured and influence the identity construction of Chinese American and Chinese gay men.. 2. Masculinities of Chinese American Gay Men Elaine Kim, in her Asian American Literature: An Introduction to the Writings and Their Social Context (1982), points out that Asian Americans are often viewed as “model minority”: “people who respect the law, love education, work hard, and have close-knit, well-disciplined families” (177). Kim states that “model minority” is a myth that tends to render Asian Americans “more industrious, docile, and compliant” (177). This docility and compliance have situated Asian American men in an enforced effeminate position. In addition to the enforced femininity, “model minority” myth emphasizes a strong heterosexual family value.7 Russell Leong, in his “Introduction: Home Bodies and Body Politic” (1996), states that a heterosexual and homogeneous. In order to dispute against Asian American men’s enforced femininity, Frank Chin and his fellow participants of the nationalist Aiiieeeee! project advocates for a manhood model to break the “model minority” myth. This correspondence of Chin’s proposal, disputed by feminist and queer scholars, solidifies the patriarchal social order and worsens the status of Asian American gay communities. 7.

(17) 7. “model minority” myth stops an investigation on “varied nature of [Asian Americans] sexual drives and gendered diversity” (3). In my observation, Confucian family values, such as prohibition on violation of morality and fulfillment of filial duties, make members of Chinese8 family docile and compliant. Thus, I would like to consider Confucian family values make immigrants originated from East Asian countries more docile and compliant. This thesis focuses on Chinese family from various Chinese communities.9 In my opinion, this “heterosexual and homogeneous” connotation of “model minority” not only encourages heterosexual Chinese American immigrants to lead a white American consumer lifestyle by dressing up like white Americans but also encourages Chinese American gay men to stay in the closet. Chinese Asian American gay men who enjoy a better socioeconomic status will solidify this heterosexual image. Even though there is a wide variety of white gay masculinities, when it comes to the issue of Chinese American gay men, they could hardly be considered as masculine because of the stereotypical racialized effeminate image of the Asians. Thus, I would like to point out that the diversity of white gay masculinities is challenged by the "model minority” myth. Following this controversy, I want to read how the culture of Chinese American gay consumer lifestyle is shaped. In this context, a discussion on the literary representations of bodies and sartorial practices of “Chinese” refers to ethnic Chinese who comes from various Chinese communities in Asian countries. Even though his focus is on the representation of male homosexuality in various Chinese (national) cinemas, Lim Song Hwee (林松輝) indicates that Chinese communities from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China may respectively render as capitalist, colonial, and communist (Lim19-40). I am aware that capitalist, colonial, and communist backgrounds encourage different attitudes toward male homosexuality. Lim Song Hwee. “Screening Homosexuality.” Celluloid Comrades: Representations of Male Homosexuality in Contemporary Chinese Cinemas. Honolulu: U of Hawai‘i P, 19-40. 9 However, I am aware that Confucian-doctrines-influenced model minority myth may not be comprehensive when talking about South East Asian American gay communities. As indicated by Andy C., an interviewee in Eric C. Wat’s The Making of a Gay Asian Community: An Oral History of PreAIDS Los Angeles, South East Asian gay men hold an open-minded attitude toward homosexual relationships (Wat 23). These gay men realize attitude toward male homosexaulity in the United States is even more rigid than that in the South East Asian countries (Wat 46). How South East Asian gay men view homosexuality is different from how homosexuality is viewed by East Asian gay men. 8.

(18) 8. Chinese American gay men is needed. Questions to explore include: is a dominant white gay consumer lifestyle an escape for Chinese American gay men from the prohibition of Chinese/American family and Chinese/American values? Is Chinese American consumer lifestyle a copy of the mainstream gay consumer lifestyle? Eric C. Wat asserts in his discussion on generational antagonism of Asian American family that “for most Asian parents, being Asian and being gay are mutually exclusive” (76). Doubts about their sexual identities and contention with family restrictions are common themes about Asian American gay men in literature. I want to inquire how first-generation Chinese American’s views on gay and queer culture are relegated to the margin by second-generation Chinese Americans when they try to pursue a Chinese American gay consumer lifestyle while facing generational antagonism. Based on his ethnographical research on gay community in Seattle, Winter Han, in his Geisha of a Different Kind: Race and Sexuality in Gaysian America (2015), proclaims that, rather than being a passive recipient of false racialized and gendered representation of feminine Asian American gay men constructed by dominant white gay men culture, Asian American gay men start to claim difference from not only a gay white identity but also an Asian American identity (197). Claiming such a difference leads to an image free of biased stereotype and enables Asian American gay men to claim Asian and gay identity.. 3. Chinese Gay Masculinities10 This thesis investigates how the traits of individual gay man’s masculinities This refers to ethnic Chinese, including those in Taiwan, China and many other overseas Chinese Communities. Again, I follow Lim’s train of thought. I consider Chinese communities in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China may respectively render as capitalist, colonial, and communist. I am aware that capitalist, colonial, and communist backgrounds encourage different attitudes toward male homosexuality. In this thesis, I put emphasis on Chinese gay communities in Taiwan because Taipei is the nodal point for Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes”. See Lim Song Hwee. “Screening Homosexuality.” Celluloid Comrades: Representations of Male Homosexuality in Contemporary Chinese Cinemas. Honolulu: U of Hawai‘i P, 19-40. 10.

(19) 9. are recorded in Modern Chinese gay literature and Chinese American gay literature, especially in the aspect of management and adoptions of male sartorial items. About the construction of Chinese masculinity. Kam Louie (雷金慶) in his Chinese Masculinities in a Globalizing Age (2015) rejects existing studies on the masculinities of Chinese men by western scholars (as already mentioned in the previous section), asserting that the effeminate image of Chinese men is the product of US scenario that Chinese American are the disadvantaged and discriminated ethnic minorities in the United States (1). Louie sets up the groundbreaking theorization of wen-wu in his Theorizing Chinese Masculinity: Society and Gender in China (2002), considering that Wen (文, cultural attainment) and Wu (武, martial valor) underpin Chinese masculinity. Louie doesn’t use yin-yang dyad to discuss Chinese masculinity for the reason that yin-yang dyad is possession of essence for male and female (9), mainly a Daoist concept. In comparison, Wen-wu dyad is a Confucian concept involving with both “authority of a scholar and that of a soldier”, and emphasizing the need to embody and balance both (11). In his another book Asian Masculinities: The Meaning and Practice of Manhood in China and Japan (2003), Louie also points out that Wen-wu dyad is only applied to Chinese men, but not Chinese women or nonChinese (4-5). I think this wen character is easily misunderstood by non-Chinese society because wen also refers to reading and literacy, a trait that could hardly be related with violence and aggressiveness. The reason why wen-wu dyad is helpful for discussing Chinese gay masculinities is that Chinese gay men would deploy chances of studying abroad, many in the US, to escape from their filial duties. Many Chinese gay intellectuals and students can adopt a normalizing scholarly lifestyle to showcase wen masculinity and thus conceal their gay sexuality and orientation. Family members would not have a chance to differentiate this disguised gay masculinity from wen masculinity. Chi Ta-.

(20) 10. wei (紀大偉), in his “Giving up Family and Becoming men: 1980’s Male Homosexual Novels” (2017), points out that many Taiwanese gay men from 1970s and 1980s choose the United States as the ultimate destination for higher education if they want to fulfill and practice their gay orientations. In order to achieve such a “gay American dream,”11 many Asian gay men would endure all socioeconomic restrictions in the US (298-305). While most Taiwanese people render studying in the US a symbol of success and an honor to the family, these Taiwanese gay men would try to achieve success by going abroad. In this context, Chi points out that many gay men would deploy the chance of studying abroad in America in order to pursue their “gay American dream”, fulfilling family expectation without their family members’ knowledge of these Taiwanese gay men’s sexual inclination. In the United States, homosexuality is reduced to sodomy in popular culture representation. The top position is “active, dominant, masculine”, and the bottom position is “passive, submissive, feminine” (6-7).12 However, Tsai Meng-Che (蔡孟哲), in his master thesis“Ge-Di” Trouble？Note on the Sexual Style of Gay Men in Taiwan (2007) delineates the construction of Taiwanese categorization of Ge (哥 or 葛格 elder brother) Di (弟 or 底迪 younger brother) culture. Ge-di dyad is a pseudo-familial term emerges in Taiwanese Gay communities in the 90s.13 This Ge-di dyad is not based on sexual positions and preferences of the top-bottom dyad in the. Chi considers this agency from Taiwan to the United States is a “pilgrimage” (298) from Taiwan the colony to the United States. I think it is pretty much like a gay American dream. 12 Hoang Tan Nguyen. “Introduction.” A View from the Bottom: Asian American Masculinity and Sexual Representation. Durham: Duke UP, 2014. 1-28. 13 Even though, in Meng-Che Tsai’s theorization, ge and di emerged in the 1990s, Tsai raises several examples from Pai Hsien-Yung’s literary works to indicate the appearance of Ge-di interactions in the 1970s. These examples are Pai Hsien-Yung’s〈月夢〉“Yue Meng”[Luna Dream] and 《孽子》 “Nie Zi”[Crystal Boys]. 蔡孟哲（Tsai, Meng-Che）。2007 年。〈哥弟類型的出現〉“Ge di lei xing de chu xian”[The Emergence of Ge-di Categorization] 。《哥弟麻煩？台灣男同志情慾類型學初探》 Ge di ma fang: Taiwan nan tong zhi qing yu lei xing xue chu tang [“Ge-Di” Trouble?: Note on the Sexual Style of Gay Men in Taiwan]。新竹：國立清華大學碩士論文 [Xinzhu: National Tsing-Hua University Master Thesis] 42-52。 11.

(21) 11. United States. Ge-di dyad dislocates the American popular culture representation of top-hood and bottom-hood. While Ge carries traditional masculine traits and appears as an active and dominant character in male homosexual relationships, Di carries a soft-masculinity with a more delicate and thoughtful attitude. Ge has to take part in all the male duties, like in the traditional heterosexual relationship, while Di only needs to enjoy the benefits of Ge’s dedication. However, when it comes to preferences on clothing styles and bodybuilding, Di sometimes is even butcher than Ge in appearance. Tsai criticizes such a Ge-di dyad is the embodiment of misogynist attitude in Taiwanese gay communities as femininity is abjected and wiped out in the gay communities (34).14 Again, since the United States cast strong influences on Taiwanese society, the presence of American culture in Taiwan is strong and dominant. No matter whether one may become a wen scholar/intellectual or not, one can consume trendy items from the United States. Chi Ta-Wei, in his “American Orientation: Historicizing Male Homosexuality in 1970s Taiwan Literature” (2017), discusses the commodification15 of American material (goods and movies) and epistemological (psychological pathology and knowledge) presence in Taiwan literature. Chi points out that Taiwanese gay men would consume products from the US in order to experience the American consumer lifestyle and live in an “alternative American temporality” (216218). While many Taiwanese men are inhibited by certain filial duties and agendas in order to fulfill expectations from their family, many closeted Taiwanese gay men are not willing to conform to such restrictions. Taiwanese gay men who live in Taiwan 蔡孟哲（Tsai, Meng-Che）。2009 年。〈躺在哥哥的衣櫃〉“Tang zai ge ge de yi gui” [Lying Down in Ge-ge’s Closet]。《酷兒新聲》 Ku er xin shen [Queer Sounding]。桃園：中央大學性／別研究室 [Taoyuan: National Central University Center for the Studies of Sexualities] 34。 15 Even though the term “commodification” never appears in Chi’s article, all the characters from Taiwanese literary texts cited in Chi’s article are buying products from the US. Foreign goods and products are trendy, and many Taiwanese gay men would buy these products in order to become different from other ordinary Taiwanese people. Thus, I choose the term commodification. 14.

(22) 12. would consume such American commodities and imagine as if they are leading an American consumer lifestyle. From these American commodities, many Taiwanese gay men started to know their identities. Reviewing studies based on criticism and argumentation of integrationist and assimilated model of “good sexual citizenship,” Travis Kong (江邵琪), in his Chinese Male Homosexualities: Memba, Tongzhi and Golden Boy (2011), points out that, in the modern capitalist society,16 many gay men have succeeded in obtaining respectful citizenship with their financial security, which however would, therefore, marginalize those who fail to achieve such a financial status. Among several modes of ideal normalization of gay images, Kong points out that a commercially driven pink economy is to transform gay men from a “citizen-pervert” to a “good consumer citizen”. In this image-transformation, a certain consumerism model of gay men is entitled to a better image perceived by dominant late capitalist society because they help build a stable economic community (36). Lastly, Kong suspects that such a cosmopolitan-oriented global gay identity may also marginalize other less successful queer identities in terms of capitalist consumerism. Here I would like to follow Kong’s train of thoughts and ask several questions. (1) What kind of dominant sartorial practices are rendered as ideal representation in Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes”? (2) How sartorial practices of transnational Chinese gay men with high socioeconomic status are represented in “Tea for Two” and “Phoenix Eyes”? (3) How will such sartorial practices with flamboyant clothes bespeak a different literary representation of the gay men. John D’Emilio, in his “Capitalism and Gay Identity” (1993, originally 1983), states that capitalist production makes it possible for sexuality to be excused from the purpose of procreation, and individualized wage labors are thus free from the interdependent agricultural family production (470). Thus, capitalist society not only encourages the appearance of gay activities but also changes the meaning of family from a household economy, or a workplace for production, to “the setting for a ‘personal life’” (469) focusing on the cultivation of individualism. 16.

(23) 13. experiences? Since many gay men from a better socioeconomic class enjoy the discretionary income, it is necessary to take their professions and socioeconomic status into account. Globalization reshapes the definition of masculinities. The establishment of transnational corporations based on global labor division in the modern capitalist society is a common corporate model. Robert Connell and Julian Wood, in their “Globalization and Business Masculinities” (2005), point out a new trend of hegemonic masculinity derived from the transnational business. In these transnational corporations, global traffic of managers among global cities in transnational corporations is common. Transnationally mobile managers are financially afloat. Their frequent travels around the globe also give them more opportunities for casual sexual practices. Even hostility toward homosexuality in managerial positions is declining, making gay men willing to come out of the closet at work if well managed under “peer scrutiny” (353). Dress code for this class is required: they all need to appear professional and assertive. Thus, a conservative suit is preferred. Robert Connell’s example is a kind of straight gay men who only consent to reveal because of their high socioeconomic status.. II. Outline of Thesis Chapters Lastly, from literary texts I gather, I especially want to inquire if there’s a diversity of globalized Chinese gay masculinities, as traffic of gay subjects from one globalized city to another is a common practice in the modern capitalized world. I would like to point out the reasons why Pai Hsien-Yung’s “Tea for Two” and Russell Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes” are chosen for this stuey. First of all, the protagonists in these short stories are characters capable of agency moving from one globalized metropolis to another in 1970s. Characters in Pai’s “Tea for Two” are immigrants in New York..

(24) 14. Terrence, the narrator in Leong’s “Phoenix Eyes” is a male sex worker who can move in Asian cities.17 New York is one of the largest cities in the world, while Taipei is the capital of Taiwan. People, goods, and money all accumulate in these urban spaces. Both short stories are set in the 1970s, thus the fashion and trend in both cities are similar. The sartorial preferences in these cities may share similar fashion. There are five chapters in this thesis. The Introduction chapter explains existing studies and literature review on gay masculinities. Chapter One delves with analysis and comparisons of Chinese American gay men and Chinese gay men’s sartorial practices. Chapter Two is a textual analysis of Pai Hsien-Yung’s short story “Tea for Two”, where I examine sartorial practices of Chinese gay men of different generations in Pre-AIDS New York. Chapter Three is on Russell Leong’s short story “Phoenix Eye,” where I study sartorial practices of Chinese/American gay men. Conclusion chapter will propose other possible issues for future explorations on this topic.. Terrence’s call station is based in Taipei, but from time to time they would visit to different cities in Asia for other business opportunities. 17.

(25) Chapter One: Sartorial Practices of Gay Men The previous chapter has teased out many kinds of masculinities in the United States, especially those related to Chinese American men. This chapter focuses on how a variety of masculinities are revealed through their sartorial practices, diving into four sections. The first section discusses certain sartorial practices and its conflation with gay men, reviewing how some colors and sartorial decorations are rendered effeminate, straight-passing, or hyper-masculine for gay men. The second section focuses on sartorial practices of Asian American gay men and Asian gay men, reviewing sartorial practices recounted in their oral accounts and represented in Chinese and Chinese American gay literature. I especially want to read how immigrant Chinese gay writers and Chinese American gay writers view sartorial practices in American cultures in terms of ethnicity, gender, and class. The third section discusses sartorial practices in gay spaces in Taipei, Taiwan. The references gathered here in this chapter are helpful for the discussion on the similarities and differences of representations of spaces and sartorial practices in both Asian/ American metropolis represented in literature. I especially want to review these sartorial choices of Chinese immigrants in America and Chinese American gay men in terms of American consumer culture.. I. Sartorial Practices and Gender Joanne Entwistle, in her book chapter “Fashion and Gender” from The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory (2000), asserts that clothes add meaning to the body. For example, suits would add the cultural meaning of masculinities to the body. Tailoring details, such as the length of the trousers would also mark the age. Longer pants are for adults, while shorter length pants are for children. Besides, clothes can even address the significance of sexual difference.

(26) 16. without the presence of the body (141). In agreement with Woodhouse’s point on how transvestite’s sartorial practice would “naturalize culture order” (144; italic in original), Entwistle considers that fashion as a cultural embodiment would radically dislocate sex from gender. For example, a transvestite can deploy female attire to pass as a female. Male heteronormative sartorial practices are different from stereotypical gay sartorial practices. While male heteronormative apparels emphasize the uniformity and simplicity in design and color, male homosexual clothes stereotypically come in great elaborations in design and bright colors. John Carl Flugel’s theory in his Psychology of Clothes (1930) contends that reduction in the elaboration of excessiveness and the celebration of democratic uniformity encourage the simplification of male’s clothes (111-113). Before the French Revolution, elaboration in excessiveness of male fashion emphasized differences in social status and wealth. However, the wide-spreading appeal of “liberty, equality, and fraternity” of the French Revolution affects the design of male apparels. This is called by Flugel “the great masculine renunciation” (111-113). After the Victorian period, fashion conflates with effeminacy (Entwistle 113). Due to the emphasis on the differentiation of the private and public spheres in terms of gender, gender differentiation also reveals through the sartorial styles of males and females (Entwistle 156). The result of the great masculine renunciation is to reduce mainstream heterosexual male fashion to the application of simple design and dark colors. However, studies on gay apparel point out that gay men in the 1940s adopted some particular colors. In Shaun Cole’s study, a survey conducted by Mass Observation in 1949 shows that pale color blue is favored by gay men. Cole’s study indicates that the article “Classification of Homosexuality” written by James Kiernan in 1916 demonstrates color green holds homosexual associations (63). Cited by Shaun Cole, color red as a homosexual color is recorded in the book,.

(27) 17. Sexual Inversion, written by Havelock Ellis in 1915 (32). Color pink also indicates gay men’s sexuality (63). Cole concludes that wearing clothes in these colors with some mannerisms could reveal one’s sexuality to people who are familiar with gay subculture (63).. II. Sartorial Practices of Asian American Gay Men Various accounts of the Asian American gay men reveal that Asian American gay men are aware of the existence of other homosexuals in their neighborhood. The awareness is built on the stereotypical images of transvestism. However, they don’t know to what kind of homosexual categorizations they belong. Instead, they only know that their sexual desire can be aroused by intimacy with other gay men during the time before the gay right movements.18 When they are still closeted, in schools, they usually find it hard to communicate with white gay teenagers who are already out of the closet.19 Through the inspection on transvestite sartorial practices of these white gay teenagers, Asian American gay teenagers realize that they might not be alone in terms of sexuality. However, these accounts show that they are not able to Several accounts in The Making of a Gay Asian Community show Asian American gay men’s “closeted” status. It is this “closeted” status that makes them have doubts on their sexuality. Ernest Wada recounts that, since he was born in a family with four elder sisters, he had no male role models in his family when he was young. He is effeminate and thought it is natural. After returning from the relocation camp, Wada was living in a Mexican American community. Wada recounts that, Mexican Americans hold a healthy attitude towards sexuality regardless the gender of their sexual partners. Wada’s first sexual intercourse was with this group of Mexican American children in the neighbor (13). Growing up in a middle-class neighborhood, Doug Chin recounts his first homosexual experience as merely “a play” among children. He didn’t indicate the ethnic origin of his first sexual partner. When he was young, he wasn’t fully aware of homosexuality and would also join his friends to tease other transvestites in his racially mixed neighborhood when he was in high school (14). Like other teenagers, Tak Yamamoto thinks he should date some girls when he is in high school but realizes the fact that he is not interested in either sex. He recounts his first encounter with homosexuality: he met a Hispanic transvestite in the shop he worked for and was not able to relate their outfits. However, Yamamoto thinks those homosexual teenagers in his high school are very brave (1112). 19 Justin Chin, an openly gay Asian American writer, has a similar experience. In Chin’s “Monster” collected in Q&A: Queer in Asian America, Chin recounts that there are several effeminate teenagers would deploy the chance of acting in the music and drama night to wear feminine attires. Chin also thinks these transvestite teenagers are brave, but Chin chooses to join the sports club and tries to become masculine in order to pass as straight in the public (369). 18.

(28) 18. relate themselves to these white gay teenagers. They are aware of their homosexuality but they choose to ignore it. They concentrate on their studies and do their jobs diligently. Wat, in his The Making of a Gay Asian Community: An Oral History of Pre-Aids Los Angeles (2002), points out that, many Asian American gay men start to develop their homosexual experiences due to the homosocial settings of the military (18). Existing studies show that Asian American gay men would internalize the white gay men’s images of masculinities as the normalizing images. In The Making of a Gay Asian Community, Wat concludes that, like white gay communities, in Asian American gay communities, “money can buy you the right look” (61). With money in hand, Asian American gay men can afford certain clothes and accessories. They would also work out in the gym and buy trendy clothes and fashionable accessories (61). In this way, Asian American gay men would demonstrate a body with gay accessories and thus be visible for other gay men to identify. Wat contextualizes these costly sartorial practices in the capitalist society, recognizing these sartorial practices a promotion that would normalize the desire of consumers. This unifies diverse desires from various backgrounds and makes gay men of different origins want to look alike with each other. Wat points out that Asian gay men would internalize the promotion of white gay masculinities and enact such white masculinity on their bodybuilding. Wat criticizes that in some dominant gay magazines catering for the white gay market, the white gay body is always rendered as the desirable body for people to fantasize. Due to the emasculation of Asian bodies in the United States, Asian bodies are rendered effeminate. Even in some ghettoized Asian gay magazines in the United States, muscular Asian gay models are “invariably boyish, innocent, and pliant” (62).

(29) 19. in their postures.20 Wat concludes that these representations of Asian gay masculinities “fulfill the superficial criteria of American masculinity and yet retain within the same bodies centuries of colonial fantasies about the Orient” (62). Since many Asian American gay men are emasculated in white gay communities, many white gay men would pay visits to these Asian American gay bars for gay cruising. Many gay bars in the 1970s in Los Angeles are exclusively for white gay communities with River Cub as an exception. According to sociological and historical studies in The Making of a Gay Asian Community, many Asian gay men started to aggregate in Los Angeles since the mid-1970s. White gay men who are interested in dating Asian American gay men would visit River Club. This kind of gay bars with the majority of Asian American clients is called “rice bars”, and the River Club is one of its kind. Wat considers white gay men’s visits to these rice bars are acts of “ethnic tourism”, as white gay men render these places into “a stimulant to sexuality” (86), and commodify these places into the slum area for privileged white gay men (86-87). According to Andre Ting’s interview, rice bars offer chances for casual sex for Asian gay men (90). Asian American gay men usually don’t date among each other before the 1970s because they render each other as competitors in pursuing interracial romance with white gay men. In the River Club in downtown Los Angeles in the mid-1970s, some Asian American gay men would divide themselves into different ethnic groups and compete with each other (67). According to one interview with Dean Goishi in The. According to Paul EeNam Park Hagland’s “‘Undressing the Oriental Boy’: The Gay Asian in the Social Imaginary of the Gay White Male”, there are three magazines of this kind. Oriental Guys and Male Club are two magazines published in Sydney and are internationally distributed in Australia, Asia, and the United States. Passport: Crossing Cultures and Borders is published in San Francisco and is also internationally distributed in the United States, Canada, England and in Asia. (Park Hagland 278). Paul EeNam Park Hagland. “‘Undressing the Oriental Boy’: The Gay Asian in the Social Imaginary of the Gay White Male” Looking Queer: Body Image and Identity in Lesbian, Bisexual, Gay and Transgender Communities. Dawn Atkins Ed. New York: Harrington Press, 1998. 277-293. 20.

(30) 20. Making of a Gay Asian Community, ethnically speaking “the American-born [Asian gay men] tended to mix much better” (71), while “many first generation [immigrants] tend to stay in their ethnic groups” (71). Goishi does not date with Asian gay men because Asian gay men are “family” (71). However, in retrospect, Goishi thinks that it is racism because he does not find Asian gay men attractive (71). In the account of Paul Chen from The Making of a Gay Asian Community, there are some Asian gay clones21 that want to join the white clone communities. These Asian gay clones dress themselves with sartorial accessories to look similar to white gay men. One of the Asian gay clones would wear dark glasses and get a perm. In this Asian gay clone’s view, according to Paul Chen’s account, Asian gay men are “quiet, passive,” and having “less power” (70). The “Americanized” Asian American gay men are more attractive to those Asian immigrants who just arrived in the United States. One account in The Making of a Gay Asian Community by Virgil Vang indicates how American-born Asian American gay men are more attractive for Asian immigrants. Vang considers that his Asian American identity might be helpful for him to date Asian immigrants, even though Asian-Asian relationship is not common in the 1970s.22 Virgil Vang recounts that he would wear a common Levi’s jeans and an ordinary shirt when visiting the River Club (78). I think Levi’s jeans and the shirt Vang was wearing are all American brands and are popular commodities in American culture. They all carry codified meaning and add meaning to the body: wearing these American brands represents one’s Americanborn-ness. In Virgil Vang’s accounts, masculinity derives from his American-born-. “Clone” refers to a subculture that celebrates hyper-masculine costumes in gay communities. These gay men adopt bikers’ leather jackets as their outfit when cruising in gay spaces. Clones like to have short crew cuts and wear leather clothes. These sartorial practices are borrowed from bikers and working-class men. It is a practice popular among white gay men. 22 According to Leo Joslin’s accounts, white gay men would render the unusual Asian gay couple a lesbian act in the 1970s (58). 21.

(31) 21. ness makes his relationships with Asian gay men easier (78), so he never finds it trouble to date Asian guys. Vang considers that he “wasn’t quite as Oriental” and was not an “Asian Asian” (78, emphasis in the original). He claims that the majority of Asian gay men he dates are all tourists or students from Asia (78).. III. Sartorial Practices of Chinese Gay Men This section focuses on Chinese gay men in various Chinese communities in Asia. Similar to that of Asian American gay men, effeminacy is conflated to homosexuality in Taiwan during the martial law period. Thus, many Taiwanese gay men would identify gay men through effeminate clothes. These sartorial practices are also indicators for gay cruising. Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men (《彩虹熟年巴士：12 位老年同志的青春記憶》2010) collects many accounts on gay life during the martial law period. In addition to references to stories in Senior Rainbows, I would also provide two literary texts in this section to explicate on sartorial practices of Taiwanese and Chinese gay men and its cultural meanings. Similar to accounts on the childhood of Asian American gay men, many Taiwanese gay men’s homosexuality is initiated in homosocial settings. These settings include boys’ schools, working-class factories, or military base. Some recount that their homosexual encounters are initiated by elder male co-workers while working as apprentices in the local factories. Xu Dage23 (許大哥) recounts that he always masturbates with his fellow co-workers in the shower room of the factories after he moves to Taipei in the 1950s (Yoyo 86). While Xu Dage actively embraces his. Yoyo。2010 年。〈阿伯戀少年—自在花叢間的把弟高手許大哥〉 “A bo lian shao nian: zi zai hua cong jian de ba di gao shou xu da ge” [Seeking the Youth: Brother Xu’s Account on His Lifestyle]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 83-94。 23.

(32) 22. preferences for young men, Hei Meiren24 (黑美人) recounts his traumatic rape experience with his senior co-worker in the factories in the 1960s (Xiaodu 小杜 98). Others recount that their first homosexual experience is initiated by their batchmates in the army (Heimao Yi 黑貓姨25 58-60; Qiaokeli 巧克力26 149-150). They later end up in Taipei because they want to fulfill their homosexual desires. They work hard and struggle on their limited income. Before the appearances of gay bars in the 1970s, many work in restaurants or bars as waiters. Some of them work as masseurs in gay or ordinary saunas (Yongge 勇哥27 26-28; Jiaxin 家新 61-62). However, without much freedom, most of these gay men have to stay in the closet and fulfill the heteronormal expectations enforced on them by their families or the society. Some got married, with a wife and kids (Yongge 勇哥 26; Yoyo 87-89; Tim28 136-137;. 小杜（Xiaodu）。2010 年。〈回首坎坷淚漣漣—黑美人的曲折人生〉 “Hui shou kan ke lei lian lian: hei mei ren de qu zhe ren shen” [Tearful Life Account: Hei Mei Ren’s Twisted Journey]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 95-108。 25 家新（Jiaxin）。2010 年。〈猶存風韻的優雅姿態—黑貓姨走過抗婚的自在從容〉 “Yun cun feng yun de yu ya zi tai: hei mao yi zou guo kan hun de zi zai cong rong” [Graceful Behaviors: Heimao Yi’s Accounts on Anti-marriage]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 55-68。 26 小蜜蜂（Xiaomifeng）。2010 年。〈濃情巧克力—七年級小蜜蜂訴說四年級熟男的故事〉 “Nong qing qiao ke li: qi nian ji xiao mi feng su shuo si nian ji shu nan de gu shi” [An Account on Senior Gay man in the 1970s]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 145-158。 27 勇哥（Yongge）。2010 年。〈抓住歲月尾巴勇敢做自己—加倍把握人生的阿嬤〉 “YZhua zhu sui yue yi ba yong gan zuo zi ji: jia bei ba wo ren shen de a ma” [Be Courageous: Ama’s Account]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 19-30。 28 Tim。2010 年〈舞動生機破繭而出—賣麵郎變身舞蹈老師的蝴蝶大哥〉 “Wu dong shen ji p jian er chu: mai mian lang bian shen wu dao lao shi de hu die da ge” [Dancing through the Life: Big Brother Hu Die’s Dancing Career]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 133-144。 24.

(33) 23. Xiaomifeng 小蜜蜂29 151-153). For those Taiwanese gay men growing up in rural areas, many of them move to Taipei because of gay spaces in Taipei. Many existing studies point out that before the 1970s in Taipei, Sanshui Street (三水街) in Wanhua (萬華), saunas in Taipei, Taipei New Park, Taipei Main Station, National Taiwan University Hospital, and some public toilets in random parks and Zhonghua Shopping Mall (中華商場) near Taipei Main Station area are all spaces for gay men to hang out for random casual sex and gay cruising (Wu 46-47; Chi 232-261). In some of these places, especially Sanshui Street, male sex workers gather here to find some potential clients (Wu 46). New Nanyang Cinema (新南陽戲院) and Mingxin Café (明星咖啡廳) are also places frequented by gay men before the 1970s (Wu 47-49; Chi 252). However, these places are not exclusively designed to cater to gay consumers. According to Wu Jui-Yuan (吳瑞元)’s MA thesis, it is said that some tea houses on Sanshui Street (三水街) are ran by cross-dressing owners. These tea-houses are places frequented by gay men before the establishment of the first gay bar, which was ran by Ta-K (他 K), in the 1970s (46). The clients include Bensheng Ren (Taiwanese Islanders), Waisheng Ren (Mainlanders) and non-Chinese tourists. Among the clients, non-Chinese tourists are the wealthiest, but Mainlanders and some veteran soldiers are the majority of this body of clients. Wu considers that this is because of the proximity of the army base in this area (46-47). The very first gay bar in Taipei is established around the 1970s. This is the place for gay men to have an affordable drink with other gay men without any unnecessary questionings (47).. 29. 小蜜蜂（Xiaomifeng）。2010 年。〈濃情巧克力—七年級小蜜蜂訴說四年級熟男的故事〉 “Nong qing qiao ke li: qi nian ji xiao mi feng su shuo si nian ji shu nan de gu shi” [An Account on Senior Gay man in the 1970s]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 145-158。.

(34) 24. From the accounts of senior Taiwanese gay men collected in Senior Rainbows, it is possible to see the conflation of effeminacy with homosexuality. Some of the gay men would deploy the chance of acting in theatres to fulfill their transvestite wishes. According to the account of Heimao Yi30 (黑貓姨) from the Senior Rainbows, Heimao Yi recounts his first homosexual romance starts from his chances to play the part as Zhu Yingtai (祝英台, a transvestite character in traditional Chinese story) when he serves the military in the 1960s. The homosexual desire is aroused after a sergeant starts to express his affection to him (JiaXin 58). Heimao Yi later develops a homosexual romance with this sergeant in the army base. From the account of Fairy Yulan31 (玉蘭仙子) in the same book, Fairy Yulan had his first homosexual experience while he was working in a Taiwanese theatre (Kefei 喀飛 74). Even though Fairy Yulan never had a performance on stage, Fairy Yulan would still deploy some chances for wearing feminine clothes. Interestingly, the account of Taiwanese gay teenagers in 1980s is quite similar to those of Chinese American gay men and Japanese American gay men. In Taiwanese gay literature, it is possible to see that some Taiwanese gay men have understood their homosexuality before they move to the United States. These Taiwanese gay teenagers are depicted as normalized models in literary representation. They are overachievers in the competitive studying environment. These teenagers find it hard to fit into the. 家新（Jiaxin）。2010 年〈猶存風韻的優雅姿態—黑貓姨走過抗婚的自在從容〉 “Yun cun feng yun de yu ya zi tai: hei mao yi zou guo kan hun de zi zai cong rong” [Graceful Behaviors: Heimao Yi’s Accounts on Anti-marriage]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 55-68。 31 喀飛（Kefei）。2010 年〈流浪江湖無歌不歡—玉蘭仙子說不出口的人生〉 “Liu lan jiang hu wu ge bu huan: yu lan xian zi shuo bu chu kou de ren shen” [Singing in the Clique: Fairy Yulan’s Untold Stories]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 69-82。 30.

(35) 25. heteronormative society in terms of their closeted sexuality. Gu Zhao-sen (顧肇森)’s “Zhang Wei” (〈張偉〉, originally published in 1984 from Life of a Cat’s Face (《貓臉的歲月》, collected and published in 1986) is a good example. “Zhang Wei” is a biographical account of a fictional character Zhang Wei. It starts with Zhang Wei’s successful childhood as a hardworking student. Before Zhang Wei moves to the United States, he is a model student who never gets into trouble: “He has been a neat and timid boy and his mother never needs to worry about him” (83). Zhang’s room is always dustless. He even “irons his own clothes” (83) signifying a well-disciplined lifestyle. However, ironing one’s clothes is also traditionally considered as an effeminate behavior; heteronormative male teenagers should go for outdoor activities. Zhang’s problem is that he is never interested in approaching female classmates. Unlike his heteronormative male classmates, who are always keen in talking about girls, Zhang Wei only concentrates on his studies in the elite high school. The collection, Senior Rainbow, also demonstrates a similar case. In the end, some of these case studies even show that, if with enough amount of money accumulated from the jobs they have in Taipei, they can deploy this agency to move abroad. Born in Macau, Lairui32 (萊瑞) realizes his homosexuality while studying in a boy’s high school in Macau. His homosexuality is developed in this homosocial setting. After he moves to Taiwan with his family after the Chinese Civil War, he again joined an elite boy’s high school in Tainan and later got enrolled in a prestigious university. Lairui later ends up migrating to Canada because his lover wants to study abroad. For Chinese gay men, they are also depicted as people who lead a neat lifestyle.. 奧利佛（Oliver）。2010 年〈天涯遠颺追逐青春—動盪遷徙一甲子的萊瑞〉 “Tian ya yuan yang zhui zhu qing chum: dong dang qian xi yi jia zi de lai rui” [Chasing Youth: Lairui’s Sixty Years Romance]，《彩虹熟年巴士—12 位老年同志的青春記憶》Cai hong shu nan ba shi: 12 wei lao nian tong zhi de qing chun ji yi [Senior Rainbows: A Collection of Memories of Senior Gay Men]。台灣同志諮詢熱線編 [Ed. Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association]。台北：基本書坊 [Taipei: GBooks P] 159-171。 32.