• 沒有找到結果。

Chapter 3. Background information

3.8 ASEAN, China, and the Code of Conduct

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

and engagement policies, as well as to lead Chinese rise to a more constructively

approach rather than to dictate the states in the region (Yu, 2013). However,

Washington’s concern with the freedom of navigation and its alliances in Asia can

make US presence in SCS region not welcome by China, and therefore transforming

US engagement with China into confrontation.

3.8 ASEAN, China, and the Code of Conduct

In the SCS territorial disputes with China there are involved, directly or with reasons

to pay attention to the development of the issue, several countries: Brunei, Indonesia,

Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, and Viet Nam. With the exception of

Taiwan, all the other actors are members of the Association of South East Asian

Nations (ASEAN), a regional institution with Asian characteristics in its decision

making process, which is expected to develop, together with Beijing, a code of

conduct to manage and to try to resolve the SCS conflict between China and some of

its members.

3.8.1 The Association of South East Asian Nations

ASEAN was established the 8th of August of 1967 in Bangkok with the signing of the

96

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

ASEAN Declaration by its founder members, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines,

Singapore and Thailand. Later, Brunei, Viet Nam, Laos, Myanmar, and Cambodia

joined to the association to conform the present group of ten members (ASEAN,

2012a). Their interactions with other Asian countries also have their own

denomination, as for instance ASEAN plus one (with China), or ASEAN plus three

(with China, Japan, and South Korea).

One of the characteristics of this institution is the ASEAN way, in which

decision-making process is done in an informal manner through consultation,

consensus, and without binding resolutions (although there are exceptions like the

Common Effective Preferential Tariff for the ASEAN Free Trade Area or AFTA), to

respect the sovereignty of its states members (Severino, 2001). It suppose an

institutional model different from those of western states with liberal democracies and

high economic integration, in which institutions develop rules with high levels of

obligation and precision, and delegate rule interpretation and enforcement to third

parties. Therefore, most decisions in ASEAN are not legally binding, making difficult

to implement its agreements.

97

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

3.8.2 Towards a Future Code of Conduct

In Bali, 24th of February 1976, ASEAN members signed the Treaty of amity and

cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), a document redacted for the promotion of

regional peace, stability, friendship, and mutual cooperation between the states

members (ASEAN, 2003). Later, this formal treaty between the members was also

signed by non ASEAN countries like United States and China, and therefore

represents a pillar that supports the good relations, cooperation, and peaceful

management of disputes between the signatories. However, no sanctions were

included to enforce these norms, and thus, make less effective its implementation

(Kahler, 2000).

In November 2002, during the 8th ASEAN Summit in Cambodia, ASEAN members

together with China, agreed to sign the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the

South China Sea (DOC), a non-legal binding document that provides the basis for the

peaceful management of, mainly, the differences over the territorial claims in the

South China Sea made by China, and the ASEAN members of Indonesia, Malaysia,

Brunei, Vietnam, and the Philippines. It supposes a first step for the future creation of

a legal Code of Conduct (COC) that will be used as a tool for the resolution of the

disputes in the region (ASEAN, 2012b). All the parties agreed that this declaration has

98

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

made an important contribution for the keeping of peace, increasing security, and

promoting cooperation in the region. Nevertheless, the declaration does not meet all

the demands of the members. For instance, the point five about self-restrain implies to

maintain the status quo in the disputed territories, as well as to avoid actions that

worse the situation, but it not include the ban on erecting new structures that the

Philippines sought. Moreover, as political declaration does not provide clear

indications to implement it when it is needed (Thao, 2003).

The first official mention of the creation of a code of conduct arose in the ASEAN

declaration on SCS of 1992 (NUS. CIS, 2009), in which the parties agreed to apply

the principles of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia as the basis

for a future code of conduct. However, to develop a code of conduct will imply more

commitment by the members involved, and therefore to seek ways for the

implementation of the previous declaration of conduct, something complex as the

nature of most ASEAN’s agreement is not legally binding.

3.8.3 China-ASEAN Relationship

China taking part in the DOC, which contains the five Principles of Peaceful

Coexistence, can be interpreted as it intentions of becoming a responsible actor in the

99

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

South China Sea region, by improving good relations with the different ASEAN

members, cooperating with them, avoiding escalation, and seeking peaceful

resolutions of the disputes through dialogue, respect, and mutual understanding. If

ASEAN and China develop a code of conduct for SCS, it will be useful to reduce

tensions, manage the disputes, try to solve them, and could be the first step to look for

ways of cooperation and mutual gain in the SCS. Coordinated by ASEAN,

cooperation in environmental protection, navigation safety, and especially maritime

energy resources extraction will be possible (Buszynski, 2010). However, even when

eventually a legally binding code of conduct for SCS is established, it does not imply

that China will follow it. One example that shows this possibility is when in 1992

China signed the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS),

one of the laws recognized by the DOC. Even when China signed it, it continued

building its presence in Mischief Reef (inside the Philippines EEZ) after it occupation.

Moreover, in February of the same year China’s Law of the Territorial Sea and

Contiguous Zones where applied to claim the entire South China Sea, and therefore

relegating the UNCLOS under the level of Chinese domestic law (Johns & Smith,

2007).

In sum, although China has territorial disputes with some ASEAN members, it still

100

立 政 治 大 學

N a tio na

l C h engchi U ni ve rs it y

engages in discussions to try to develop a COC for the SCS region, to reduce tensions,

to cooperate in different issues and, eventually, to try to find a peaceful resolution of

the sovereignty issue. If a binding COC will be effective to reach these outcomes is

not totally clear, but will be useful to shelve the disputes and initiate cooperation

between the disputants in the region. Therefore, ASEAN relations with China, and a

COC for SCS, will be analyzed in this thesis in order to determine the prospects for

SLOCs cooperation in the future.