• 沒有找到結果。

ASEAN Player 1

3- Blockade to oil Imports. Some Scholars argue that a perfect or effective

4.5 South China Sea Peace Island Initiative

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goods, and cruise ships crossing the region.

4.5 South China Sea Peace Island Initiative

After have determined which factors will influence the implementation of joint patrols

in SCS, we are going to present possible actors that can initiate the SLOCs

cooperation game that we previously described.

The possible actors for the implementation of this proposal, named “South China Sea

Peace Island Initiative” are: US, Japan, ASEAN countries, or Taiwan.

The involvement of US in SCS disputes is not welcome by Chinese government, as it

considers SCS as a regional affair. In fact, when Hillary Clinton stated US’s position

on the issue and its interests on freedom of navigation in the region, Chinese Foreign

Minister Yang Jiechi, remarked that the issue should not be internationalized (Truong,

2011). More recently Chinese president Xi Jingping stated that Asian states

strengthening military alliances with external actors (a clear reference to US and its

alliance with the Philippines and Japan ) will not maintain common security in the

region (Reuters, 2014). Thus, we consider that our proposal for joint patrols for

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SLOCs protection in SCS should be initiated by other actor who already belongs to

the region.

As we mention previously, Japan was the ReCAAP original architect, which gives

him a lot of credit for his support to maritime security in SCS. However, as its

maintains disputes with China in the East China Sea causing the rise of tensions

between the two countries, as well as the recent remarks stated by Japanese prime

minister of providing technical assistance to ASEAN countries, as for instance patrol

ships to the Philippines and Vietnam to confront China in the SCS, thus, we consider

that is not the proper time for Japan to initiate our proposal due to its interest are focus

on containing China rather than cooperating with it.

ASEAN countries could initiate this joint cooperation on SLOCs protection, however,

recent incidents between Vietnam and China about the oil rig in disputed waters, the

Philippines’ initiative to take the SCS issue to an arbitration tribunal, as well as

Indonesia’s decision to become a disputant in the issue because Chinese overlapping

claims over Natuna sea waters, make us to believe that is more difficult for these

countries to use ASEAN in order to initiate cooperation with China under the present

circumstances.

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Our last option to support the SLOCs protection in SCS is Taiwan. The reasons why

we consider it will be a better initiator in the present situation are the followings:

1- Taiwan is occupying the biggest habitable Island in the Spratly Archipelago,

Taiping Island (or Itu Aba for Vietnam).

2- Despite the plans to upgrade military presence in Taiping Island due to some

threats by Vietnamese patrol boats in 2012, Taiwan has been not as assertive as

other countries in SCS. It has just issued statements of condemnation and

diplomatic protest without military actions to push back other disputants when

occupying reefs and islands. Moreover, in 1999, it decided to withdraw its marine

corps and cede the role to Coast Guard Administration to reduce tensions in the

zone (Liu, 2013).

3- Compared to other countries’ occupied islands, Taiwan possesses quite developed

and adequate facilities in Taiping Island, including a hospital, and an airstrip. At

present, is building a new port to accommodate bigger navy and coastguard ships

(Taipei, Times, 2014).

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4- Taiwan facilities in Taiping Island, as well as its coast guards ships, can be used to

initiate these joint patrols together with other SCS stakeholders, as a way to

promote new confidence buildings that can reduce tensions, coordinate other joint

patrols in the region, and combat more efficiently piracy.

5- Due to its presence in the Spratly Archipelago, Taiwan will be an important ally to

combat piracy if it had a more active role in sharing information with the

ReCAAP Information Sharing Center (ISC).

6- According to United Nations Guidelines for Effective Meditation (2012), in order

to have a durable solution in any dispute, it is important to have inclusivity during

the negotiations, which means that the views and needs of all parties and

stakeholders are addressed in the process and in its outcome, thus, facilitating the

agreement legitimacy, its implementation, and avoiding excluding actors than can

undermine the process and its outcomes. Therefore, Taiwan participation in the

joint patrols will be for the benefit of a more balanced and durable solution to the

issue, due to it will include Taiwan’s views and needs during the process.

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The new port in Taiping Island can be used to deploy military vessels or coast guard

ships. Although Taiwan is interested on keeping the sovereignty in Taiping Island, it is

also concern with playing a more active role in the SCS to defend its interest by

increasing its military capabilities and presence in the Island (Liu, 2013). We consider

that this is a necessary measure to maintain the status quo in the zone, however, from

our point of view, if Taiwan wants to play a more interactive role in SCS, but it only

focus on building its military in the Spratly, it will lose the opportunity of leading a

SCS joint patrol initiative based on, and coordinated from, Taiping Island, which can

be used as a CBM among the actors in the region, it will help to de-escalate tensions,

to combat non-traditional security in SCS, and, eventually, can provide support for the

implementation of the SCS COC. Therefore, Taiwan could promote an agreement for

the Joint patrols in SCS as follows:

1-Providing its port as a main base for the joint patrols, as well as necessary

supplies for the ships.

2-Deploying its coast guard ships instead of its military ships, which will help to

avoid misperceptions as well as issues related with Taiwan’s legitimate

participation.

3- Agree with other actors about the composition of the crews taking part in the

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patrols, as well as the SCS routes they will follow. For instance, under general

consensus, they can jointly navigate a long SCS disputed islands, reefs, and

rocks, or across zones where piracy attacks rates are high. Previous joint patrols

in the region will be useful to arrange this.

If Taiwan just focuses on military buildup, it will not make any new contribution for

the resolution of the dispute; it just will follow the same behavior as other states in the

region have. However, if it decides to use Taiping Island as a platform for cooperation

on joint patrols in SCS, it will have the opportunity to get involve more directly in the

issue, and even more important, provide an escape valvule for the tensions

accumulated due to recent incidents between Vietnam and China with the Chinese oil

rig, and the compulsory arbitration of the SCS issue initiated by the Philippines.

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Chapter 5. Conclusions

This research has presented the South China Sea (SCS) issue based on Chinese

development on military affairs, energy policies, and relations with other regional

countries. We have applied the stag-hunt model in the dispute, in order to find those

strategies and factors that will lead stakeholders to cooperate on joint protection of the

sea lines of communication. Following, we present the findings, the discussion about

them, and the policy implications suggested.

5.1 Findings

The findings extracted from this research are: