韓國臺灣比較研究：民主主義發展和媒體之役割 - 政大學術集成

全文

(1)國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi University. 碩士論文. Master’s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. A Comparative Study on Korea and Taiwan Democratic Development and Media’s Role. ‧ er. io. sit. y. Nat. n. a l Student: Chang-geun Choi v 崔彰根 i n C h Professor Ming Advisor: e n g c h i U Lee 李明. 中華民國101年6月 June 2011. i. 教授.

(2) 論文題目. A Comparative Study on Korea and Taiwan Democratic Development and Media’s Role 研究生：崔彰根 Student : Chang-geun Choi 指導教授：李. 政治大. 國立政治大學. 學. 國際傳播英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. 明 Advisor : Dr. Ming Lee. n. C. A Thesis. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. v. h eMaster’s Submitted to International in International i n g c hProgram Communication Studies National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in International Communication Studies. 中華民國 101 年 06 月 June 2012 iv.

(3)

(4) Acknowledgement. First above all I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Ming and two thesis examination members, Dr Katherine of National Cheng Chi University and Dr. Yan Yuan Ni from Ming Chuan University. Dr. Ming Lee’s magnanimity was taught me the grace of the teacher, and other two teachers' guidance and advice on learning become a large teaching. In additionally I really thanks to Taiwan Government and staffs of Taipei Mission in. 政治大. Korea and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Taiwan. From 2009 to 2011 Taiwan. 立. government has provided scholarships, so my Taiwan life was wealth. In specially,. ‧ 國. 學. sincerely thanks to Mr. Gwang-hui Tshia of Taipei Mission in Korea, if without his help and interest, I didn’t study in Taiwan. And I also thank Dr. Young-hee Chang of. ‧. n. er. io. al. sit. Nat. large force to me. Finally thanks infinitely my father and mother.. y. National Taiwan University, in Korea and in Taiwan, his warm interest and guidance was. Ch. engchi. i. i n U. v.

(5) A Comparative Study on Korea and Taiwan Democratic Development and Media’s Role Chang-geun Choi Professor, Ming Lee, Thesis Advisor. Abstract. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. In this thesis, comparative experienced similar historical events the countries in East Asia, Korea and Taiwan. Research focus is democratic development and m. ‧. edia’s role in Korea and Taiwan. This research theme is composition of commu. sit. y. Nat. nication studies and political science. Firstly, I reviewed basic concept of medi. n. al. er. io. a and democracy’s correlation, and media’s role in democratic countries, Second. i n U. v. ly, purchased Korea and Taiwan’s democratization process on view of comparat. Ch. engchi. ive political science. And I followed media’s role on democratization process. Research’s basic point of view is comparative study, and also used literature analysis method. The purpose of this study is review Korea and Taiwan’s journey of democratization, and through the past experience what was the role of the media.. Key Words : Democratization, Media, Taiwan(ROC), Korea ii.

(6) Table of Contents. 1.Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------1 2.Basic Approach ; Democracy and Media --------------------------------9 2.1.Definition of the Democracy ---------------------------------------------------------9 2.2.Media Systems: Models and Theories ---------------------------------------------10 2.3.Role of the Media in Democratic Countries --------------------------------------14 2.4.Concepts of press freedom ----------------------------------------------------------23. 政治大. 3.Democratization in Korea and Taiwan ----------------------------------25. 立. 3.1.The 3rd wave of Democracy and East Asia ---------------------------------------25. ‧ 國. 學. 3.2.What is Specific about Democracy or Democratization?. In Korea and Taiwan ---------------------------------------------------------------------27. ‧. 3.3. Historical Review of Korea and Taiwan’s past -----------------------------------------29. y. Nat. sit. 3.3.1.Same memories ; The Japanese Colonial era ----------------------------------29. n. al. er. io. 3.3.2.The Post-war Authoritarian Period : Miracle of Han-River and. i n U. v. Miracle of Taiwan --------------------------------------------------------------------------------31. Ch. engchi. 3.4.Political Rifts and Political Contents of Democratization ----------------------------36 3.4.1.Political regimes -------------------------------------------------------------------------38 3.4.2.Modalities of Democratization Processes --------------------------------39 3.5.The process of democratization in Korea and Taiwan --------------------------------43 3.5.1.Taiwan’s Case -----------------------------------------------------------------------------43 3.5.2.Korea’s case --------------------------------------------------------------------------------50. 4.Media and Democracy ------------------------------------------------------56 4.1.Taiwan’s Democratization and Media ------------------------------------------------------56 4.1.1.Role of Taiwanese Media for Democratization -------------------------------56 i.

(7) 4.1.2. Party State System and media -------------------------------------------------------57 4.1.3.Big medias and KMT ------------------------------------------------------------------58 4.1.4.Dangwai magazines’ role -------------------------------------------------------------60 4.1.5. Formosa Magazine and Kaohsiung Incident ----------------------------------64 4.1.6.Cable television --------------------------------------------------------------------------67 4.1.7.Underground radio stations ----------------------------------------------------------68 4.2.Korea’s Democratization and Media -------------------------------------------------------70 4.2.1.The military regimes (1961~1987) and Meida -------------------------------70. 政治大 The Dong-A Free Press Practical Movement 立 4.2.2. Symbolic Event for Freedom of Press ;. ------------------------------------------75. 4.2.3. Chun Doo Hwan’s New Military Regime and Media ---------------------80. ‧ 國. 學. 4.2.4. The 5th Republic and Broadcasting Control ----------------------------------85. ‧. 4.2.5.The ‘Great June Struggle’ of 1987 and Media --------------------------------88. sit. y. Nat. 4.2.6.Citizen’s boycott of government control broadcasting :. io. er. The KBS-TV reception fee boycott movement ---------------------------------------91. al. n. v i n Ch 5.Conclusion --------------------------------------------------------------------98 engchi U. 6. Appendix : Chronicle from 1945 to 1990------------------------------112 ■Biography. ii.

(8) 1.Introduction. Korea and Taiwan, these two countries are neighborhood in East-Asian religion. A view point of geographical point, Korea and Taiwan’s physical distance is close. In Addition, Korea and Taiwan have a lot of similar points at various sectors. Two countries were delivered by similar process of development in the past surprisingly, and general feature of society nowadays is similar. Now the meaning is discolored somewhat, but an expression called 'brother countries' is well described really as relations of two countries.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Korea and Taiwan experience similar historical event. Japanese colonial era (in Korea 1910-1945, in Taiwan 1895-1945), a long authoritarian regime, successive. ‧. economic development and lift democratization. These two countries created miracle. y. Nat. sit. of the 20th century for the past times. Among economic great powers global major. n. al. er. io. countries, Korea and Taiwan are countries which jumped up after overcoming colony. i n U. v. state. Specially, regardless of much smaller land and population than that of Korea,. Ch. engchi. along with limit of short resources, Korea and Taiwan achieved abrupt development of the day. So firstly, review two countries’ same but different developing process. Focus on media studies, according to the reports of Freedom House, USA, published every year, press freedom and democracy levels of Korea and Taiwan are similar. And Taiwan is evaluated as the most democratized country among the Greater China countries. So, in my view, meaningful to do a comparative study on correlations between media and democracy required necessary for democracy development as social supervisors. However from 2008 to 2011 index of Korea’s press freedom is consistently declined.. 1.

(9) In Korea, direct election for President was revived as a result of large scale resistances of citizens requiring democratization at June, 1987. Afterwards, democratization is progressed in full scale. As a part of this democratization, establishment regulation of newspaper company establishment was relieved, and newspapers which could represent citizen’s voice alienated in the meantime were into being, facing with three huge newspapers like The Daily Chosun Ilbo( ) and The Daily Dong-A Ilbo(東. Daily JoongAng Ilbo(. , The ).. In Taiwan, the new media was made after dissolution of newspaper establishment prohibition, and then the newspapers were able to reflect various voices of society at late 1980s. As like this, Korea and Taiwan democratization were progressed in the. 政治大 is same and different between two countries with correlation democracy with media 立 role. similar times, and got express freedom really. So this point of view to study on what. ‧ 國. 學. But after democratization, symptoms of the two media are different. Extreme. ‧. example is the broadcast market. In case of Korea, public and terrestrial broadcasting. 公. 國. 公. ),. MBC(. ). and. y. KBS(. ) are forming keynotes. These broadcasting companies were. io. sit. EBS( 國敎. by. Nat. represented. n. al. er. still exercising huge influences. However, these companies are losing their influences. iv n U Specially, 2001.. gradually by rough challenges of Cable TV started from 1995 and Internet media. Ch. engchi. along with satellite broadcastings begun from. the inclination. argument of the last political neutrality and reports of the broadcasting companies persisted for many years became a major cause of turning away the audiences from public and terrestrial broadcasting.. Taiwan has very competitive broadcasting environment centered on private management of cable TV. In this circumstance, Taiwanese broadcasting companies are spreading drastic competition so as to raise audience rating, and thus blatancy of broadcasting is becoming issue.. Korea has a problem in political neutrality because it has possession structure which cannot but be vulnerable to a political authority as public broadcast with 2.

(10) majority shareholder of government, and Taiwan has blatancy issue, even though they are free from politically as private broadcastings.. Since 2008 political power has returned to the conservative party, the Korean grassroots democracy and press freedom that developed during the liberal rule have been threatened by the dictatorial style of leading groups such as the president, the Grand National Party(GNP) and major conservative newspapers. For example, the Lee Myung-bak government has forced existing directors to resign and replaced directors in the public sector. This is in breach of the law, which guarantees their. 政治大. positions for certain periods. Public gatherings in places such as Seoul City Hall Plaza. 立. have been banned and demonstrators harshly treated and detained. Police also tore. ‧ 國. 學. down the memorial alter to the late former President Roh Moo-hyun installed in central Seoul, a move which drew immense public criticism. Under the Roh. ‧. Moo-hyun government Korea was assessed by the Reporters With-out Borders as one. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. of the Asian continent’s best performers in press freedom in 2006.. i n U. v. International human right NGO, Amnesty International reported, “Korea has. Ch. engchi. been backpedaling on human rights regarding expression of opinion, assembly and association under the Lee Myung-bak administration” (Korea Times, February 2, 2009). Furthermore, one Korean media watch NGO, the Citizen’s Coalition for Democratic Media (CCDM, 2009), a media social movement in Korea, has expressed grave concern over the increasing use of force by police in cracking down on demonstrators. In recent rallies, police recklessly assaulted and detained non-violent demonstrators and even innocent civilians, injuring some.. 3.

(11) However, The daily Chosun ilbo, The daily JoongAng ilbo and The daily Dong-A ilbo so called “big 3 news papers in Korea” have supported the Lee Myung-bak government’s assault on human rights with one voice. Additionally, ruling Grand National Party, GNP (GNP’s new party name is Saenuri-Party, 2012) are trying to pass seven media-related bills that include restricting freedom of assembly and association, which are guaranteed by the Constitution. Big 3 newspapers have criticized public assembly as witness in the Candle light demonstration and have supported the seven media-related bills. These issues are ongoing.. 政治大 Furthermore, these days, nationally there are increasing numbers of university 立. professors, religious leaders and opinion leaders who are vocal in demanding no. ‧ 國. 學. rollback on democracy, a cessation of the dictatorial style of the Lee administration,. ‧. an official apology from Lee and his party for former President Roh’s suicide, and. y. sit. io. er. democracy.. Nat. other issues. So in this time, I consider about freedom of press in Korea and. al. n. v i n C ha danger under theULee Myung-bak administration. Freedom of the press has been engchi. The government oppresses the electronic media especially, the broadcast and internet. media. The directors of media related organizations and broadcasting companies such as YTN(Korea’s 1st largest cable news network) and KBS have been replaced forcefully with Lee Myung-bak sympathizers. As a result, the labor unions of YTN and KBS have fought against president’s followers. However, the appointed directors have abused their personnel rights. On 6th October 2008, the new president of YTN punished thirty three journalists including sacking six journalists, one of whom was the chairman of labor union. The labor union of YTN has been desperately fighting for fair reporting since 18th July 2008, YTN’s new director who the Special Media 4.

(12) Assistance for democratization Lee democratization during the 2007 presidential campaign, was appointed director of the company (Hankyoreh Newspaper, August 18, 2008). On April 2, 2009, their fight was stopped with the agreement of the labor union and the managerial group.. Electronic media practitioners face harsh treatment including the want on arrest of television journalists and producers, Korea’s famous investigative reporting program ‘PD’s Notepad’ producers at MBC. They were arrested and released. Arrest of. 政治大 twenty-four netizens (internet activists) were punished by the law because they 立 journalist’s main reason is related with import of U.S. beef. By August 2008, about. campaigned to dissuade companies from advertising in three major dailies so called,. ‧ 國. 學. Big 3 newspapers(The Daily Chosun Ilbo, The Daily JoongAng Ilbo and The Daily. Nat. sit. y. ‧. Dong-A Ilb, which are publishing distorting reports.. io. er. The President Lee’s government has tried to reorganize the Korean media industry by allowing cross media ownership and creating Big 3 conservative newspapers. al. n. v i n Cpower benefit in order to prolong the groups. The president, the U h e nofgconservative i h c government and the Grand National Party are trying to privatize the existing public. broadcasting companies. Korea’s ruling party, the Grand National Party is trying to pass seven media related bills that include allowing newspapers and big business to buy major stakes in terrestrial broadcasting stations. These issues are ongoing.. The Big 3 newspapers are the major conservative newspapers in Korea and are aligned with the conservative political power group to try to restructure the media industry. These attempts have however provoked the National labor unions of the media, which staged protests and strikes against the attempts to enact these new laws, 5.

(13) resulting in an ongoing media war between the electronic media and the current Lee government. And through these situation Korea’s press freedom level is recorded ‘partly free level’ in 2011 by Freedom House’s annual report. So viewing this situation in Korea, I had essential question about importance of freedom of the press.. In contrast, Taiwan’s media, ranked as the 2nd freest in Asia after Japan by the Freedom House’s 2010 report, have faced mounting criticism that they exhibit a low level of professionalism. As the Christian Science Monitor reported, “many observers. 政治大 a highly commercialized news culture that is both deeply partisan and prey to political 立 say that the glitter of the island republic’s free press has been overrated, especially in. favors.”. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Focus on as nations undergo democratization from an authoritarian state to a. sit. y. Nat. democracy, journalists have taken on various roles such as watchdog to monitor. io. er. authority and information disseminators who at times work to provoke or even incite the public to push democratic efforts. This research will examine the role of the media. al. n. v i n during different role in politicalC transitions in Korea and h e n g c h i U Taiwan.. The basic idea of democratization emerged in the 1980s, when the ruler at the time directed a massacre of protesters. A wave of democratic ideas and the call for new administrations followed until the authoritarian regime was overthrown in 1987. During these events of Korea and Taiwan active political movements, a number of news media organizations began to include strong voices and opinions in the form of editorials and commentary articles. More than two decades after democratization, media roles during this event, within a democracy, would have been different from its roles in two previous events. 6.

(14) What has happened in Korea and Taiwan are perhaps a highly compressed version of media role developments throughout the history of journalism and democracy. For journalists around the world, theories describing what their roles are in society could be applicable to their respective situations, depending on what stage of democracy or democratization they are experiencing.. As for scholars, the linkage among various theories of different disciplines. 政治大 Korea and Taiwan, located in East Asia, is a very important study subject for the 立 (political science and mass communication) would make this research appealing.. political scientist, as its turn of political events in the past fifty years show salient. ‧ 國. 學. cases of civil society establishment, building of effective states and governance. ‧. systems, and political figures with distinct characteristics. This trait of two countries. sit. y. Nat. and its history will also be beneficial to journalism studies because a majority of. io. er. journalistic material from the period of transition are still available and in good shape, these events being relatively recent. As mentioned above, the study would also. al. n. v i n C h study for anticipating hopefully serve as a preceding reference media roles in parts of engchi U the world that are currently undergoing social transitions.. This research will be presented as follows: In the literature review chapter, a general discussion of democracy and democratization will be followed by a review of pertinent theories on press systems, which look at the relationship between political systems and how the press functions in those systems. Then, the researcher will look at existing discussion of media role concepts and link those concepts to the theory regarding political transition and press systems.. 7.

(15) The methodology of this study is comparative studies of Korea and Taiwan. After a brief discussion of sampling methods and explication of key concepts in the methodology, analysis and findings will be presented, separately for each time.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 8. i n U. v.

(16) 2. Basic Approach ; Democracy and Media. 2.1. Definition of the Democracy. The basic concept of Democratization is an authoritarian regime is transformed into a democracy. It is defined as a multifaceted phenomenon : Institutionally, it refers to a “transition from authoritarian rule to a political system that allows ordinary citizens to participate on a regular basis.” (Shin, 2008) Culturally, the democratization. 政治大 the “only game in town” by立 the people.. process is deemed complete when democracy as a political ideology is believed to be. ‧ 國. 學. The definition of democratization deals with a low-level qualification of. ‧. democratization, theories of democratic consolidation and effective democracy are. sit. y. Nat. used to define the ultimate desired goal for democratization. Democratic. n. al. er. io. consolidation, as defined by Schedler (1998), describes the extension of the life. i n U. v. expectancy of a democracy beyond the short term, of making the system immune. Ch. engchi. against the threat of authoritarian regression, of preventing a reversal. It is an ideal state for a democracy, and it has become a challenge even, for newer democracies to maintain and develop democracy in a number of aspects.. The academic term “effective democracy” is best explicated by Inglehart and Welzel (2008) as a state of democracy that goes beyond meeting basic and systematic requirements. Alan T. Wood (2004) lists five essential characteristics of a democracy: 1) elections to office are open to participation by all citizens; 2) each vote is of equal value; 3) voters have real and free choices; 4) citizens have open access to 9.

(17) information; and 5) there is a rule of law guaranteeing freedom (pp. 2-4). However, effective democracy, in addition to these institutional and systematic conditions, requires the empowerment of citizens and the degree to which officeholders and leaders actually respect civil and political rights of the people. Here, empowerment of the people refers to the transfer of power from the elites to the people, and as a result of being empowered, citizens’ willingness to participate in society and politics increases. The standard for effective democracy is very high, and it, along with democratic consolidation, has been argued to be the goal for new democracies such as. 政治大 performance of the “three Kims era”. a period in which three politicians named Kim 立 Korea. For instance, Korean politics researcher Im (2004), in discussing the. Dae-jung, Kim Young-sam and Kim Jong-pil showed significant influence in the. ‧ 國. 學. Korean politics scene . Evaluates that democratic consolidation during this timeframe. ‧. was on the verge of faltering; he even labels Korea as a “defective democracy.”. sit. y. Nat. Assumptions of such conclusions seem to imply that democratic consolidation was. io. n. al. er. Korea’s desired objective whose fulfillment had failed due to political incapability.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.2.Media Systems: Models and Theories. In this thesis, focuses on how media roles may have changed in different stages of democratization and in democracy. In other words, this research aims at examining different press systems, meaning forms of mass media within political regimes. With regard to the status of a regime in political developments, Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm (1963) provide an overview of press systems that associate media and political types, systems that are important in understanding relationships between them. The four press systems, referred to as the “four theories 10.

(18) concept” are 1) authoritarian, where the organizational state supersedes the individual or any free will of one; 2) libertarian, in advocacy of free press; 3) communist, with media’s focus on perpetuation and expansion of the socialist system; and 4) social responsibility, which goes beyond the libertarian theory in that it places a great many moral and ethical restrictions on the press. This conceptualization of systems has been called the “four theories of the press” or the “normative theories of the press,” and has been one of the most influential academic approaches to discussing press freedom.. 政治大 Authoritarian model Libertarian model 立 Different Media Models. Communist model. social responsibility model. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Schramm (1963). sit. y. Nat. To this, Nerone et al. (1996) concede to the point that the four theories hold. io. er. high curricular and intellectual virtues and have strengths in brevity and simplicity,. al. but argue against it in that it may not be able to suffice in explaining press systems. n. v i n C hof the United StatesUor of a new time period. The and roles in new settings outside engchi. authors, taking into account theory as something that “is able to explain a relationship between concepts,” claim that the four theories are not really four theories, but only offer one theory with four examples. According to the authors, the “theory” of the four theories as stated by Schramm and colleagues is that a society’s structure, policy and political orientation result in one of the four press systems. In other words, although the four theories would be adequate for stating that there is a relationship between social circumstances and press systems, the actual four theories or just models or examples of press system cases. May not be able to explain what could 11.

(19) happen in societies other than the United States or at a different time.. Similarly, Hallin and Mancini (2004) argue that a potential problem of the four theories of the press is that “The press always takes on the form and coloration of social and political structures within which it operate,” (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm, 1963, p.1) and that the authors claim to believe that an understanding of these aspects of society is basic to any systematic understanding of the press. Hallin and Mancini question this perspective of the four theories, which state that they can be applied to. 政治大 discussion from the four theories, or normative theories, the authors engage in their 立 any and every type social regime. Arguing that it makes sense to lead a further. own comparison of media systems.. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Hallin and Mancini’s comparison is based on 1) the development of media. sit. y. Nat. markets; 2) political parallelism, or the degrees and nature of the links between media. io. er. and political parties; 3) development of journalistic professionalism; and 4) the degree and nature of state intervention in the media system. The authors also argue that there. al. n. v i n C hthe patterns of development are important connections between of media systems and engchi U key characteristics of the political system such as the role of the state, consensus character of a political system, pluralism, and corporatism. According to these factors, the authors created the three models theory consisting of the 1) polarized pluralist, 2) democratic corporatist, and 3) liberal models.. The polarized pluralist model is characterized by the state (or regime) and political parties intervening strongly in many areas of social life, and with much of the population holding adherence to a wide variety of political ideologies. This system is relatively absent of commonly agreed rules and norms. The news media in this system 12.

(20) are similarly characterized with a high degree of external pluralism, and the media seem to have posed more importance on commitment to ideologies than on common professional culture. Links between journalists and political actors are close, state intervention is active, and newspapers provide commentary directed at political activists. The democratic corporatist model puts a strong emphasis on the role of organized social groups in society, but at the same time holding a strong sense of commitment to the “common good.” The media culture here is characterized by being a vehicle for expression of social groups and diverse ideologies, but at the same time. 政治大 intervention in the media is extensive, but it places high values on media autonomy. 立. adhering to a high level of loyalty to common norms and procedures. State. ‧ 國. 學. In the liberal model, representation is more individualistic. In this model, the role. ‧. of organized social groups is emphasized less than in the other two system and is. sit. y. Nat. often looked down upon. “Special interests” are emphasized more than the “common. io. er. good.” Role of the media here tends to be seen less in terms of representation of social groups and ideological diversity and more in terms of the press as a “watchdog” of. al. n. v i n C h culture is relatively government. A common professional strong. State intervention is engchi U low in this model.. The authors state that although the liberal model has dominated media studies and has served as the principal normative model, it is probably the polarized pluralist model that is most widely applicable to political systems around the world in terms of the relationship between media and politics. They mention that Asian states will also fit into this model due to the role of clientelism, or the dependency of society on superiors and subordinates, strong roles of the state, and the role of the media in political struggles. 13.

(21) Unlike the authors of the four theories, Hallin and Mancini state that “substantial modifications” would need to be made to their models and that their theories of the three models would be used as inspiration for creating new models.. These press system theories are significant for this research because they can be applied to the case of Korea, which has transitioned from an authoritarian or polarized pluralist model to a more libertarian or liberal model. It is also interesting that, although further discussion will follow later, Korean press systems always adhered to. 政治大 Korea and Taiwan is relatively young in its history of democratic transition and 立 some kind of a socially responsible model owing to its cultural values. Moreover, as. consolidation, its press system seem to be a combination of all of the three different. ‧ 國. 學. models introduced and discussed by Hallin and Mancini.. ‧. sit. y. Nat. Then, it would be worthwhile to elaborate the discussion of press systems in. io. er. terms of conceptions that would fit into the specific settings of Korea and Taiwan, graft them with a theory that would be able to explain why such press role. n. al. Ch. conceptions occurred in the way they did.. engchi. i n U. v. 2.3. Role of the Media in Democratic Countries. Prior to advancing to an application of a theory or theories that provides explanation corresponding to the Korean and Taiwan’s case, an overview of roles concepts in pertinent literature seems necessary. These role conceptions, as per the discussions of Hallin and Mancini, are mainly rooted in a Western approach, which is why a comprehensive understanding and grafting of these concepts to a possible theoretical explanation of the Korean and Taiwan’s case must follow. 14.

(22) Due to the freedom-oriented nature of democracy, roles of the press are diversified to a great extent in accordance to various media elements. Some of these elements as debated by John C. Merrill and Everette Dennis (1991) include media-government relationship, media and the public trust, people’s right to know and right of access to the media, etc.. James Curran (2005) also mentions that democracy requires of the media the following: 1) representation by enabling groups to be heard, 2) deliberation by. 政治大 to promote norms and procedures 立. providing a forum for discussion and presenting a wide range of voices, 3) conflict resolution by working. of democracy, 4). accountability by monitoring diverse sources of power, and 5) information. ‧ 國. 學. dissemination, enabling citizens to enter into informed debate and decision-making.. ‧. Although these are concepts and functions of what ought to be done, they can be. y. sit. io. er. democracy.. Nat. perceived as roles that media plays in a democracy, or put further, in a transition to. al. n. v i n Valenzuela and McCombs’C (2008) theory is media h e n g c h i Uas agenda setter, and he gives. a description of agenda-setting and agenda attribute setting roles of the media, where media providers determine what should be considered as “news.” It is the role of the journalist to tell the audience not what to think, but what to think about. This is an important role of the media in a democracy in that issues within a democratic regime that may be overlooked are presented with emphasis, bringing together topics and ideas crucial to a democratic society. As audiences are directed to such issues, their support for and accessibility to democratic values are increased, enabling different phases of democratization or democratic consolidation.. 15.

(23) Weaver and Wilhoit’s (1986) definition of the interpretive role of the media can also be universally applied to various political situations, because through this role all that the media does is explicated complicated concepts to the audience. Some may argue that this role is a facilitative role, but this role can be played even in authoritarian regimes, because strictly the media does not have to care about social benefit in performing this role. Its main focus is to explain and make a concept better understood, regardless of the ideology behind those concepts.. 政治大 setter, it is the role of the news media to bring forth issues specifically dealing with 立 Bennett and Serrin (2005) discuss a role of the press as watchdog. As an agenda. how government is performing. It could be understood that this role of the media is a. ‧ 國. 學. specified kind of an agenda setter. The media is a vigilant watchdog that monitors. ‧. actions of the government, timely pointing out problems that people should know. sit. y. Nat. about. This role is important within a democracy because foundation of such a regime. io. er. lies under an assumption that the government is for and by the people. Any actions of the government that is non-democratic, or in other words authoritarian, will be. al. n. v i n C hthis role is anotherUsignificant idea that the news discussed in the news media. With engchi media address accountability.. Weaver and Wilhoit (1986), in their discussion of roles, introduce the verification role of the press, which refers to its ability and willingness to verify alleged truths in society. This requires a high level of media autonomy, as what the media does here basically is to question it sources. Here, the media also has as its goal to pursue a definite good, which is truth. Those subject to verification can be anyone, but in most cases the target is the government and policies, which makes this role monitorial in many senses. 16.

(24) Schmuhl and Picard (2005) address representation, deliberation, and conflict resolution functions of the media by examining the marketplace of ideas role. For this role, the media provides a forum for the discussion and resolution of ideas and interests in a society. By performing the media representation function, media plays a role to become the “voice of the people.” The traditional view of the media as a unitary institution representing an indivisible public is rejected, and its customary role becomes one to enable the principal organizations and groups in society to be heard.. 政治大 in society, large or small, so they can be given an opportunity to speak. Through an 立 In other words, the media acts as a vehicle for conveying opinions of different groups. exchange and sharing of these voices, conflicts can be resolved in the forum, and in. ‧ 國. 學. the marketplace of ideas, it is said that truth always prevails. However, the authors say. er. io. sit. y. Nat. this role.. ‧. that accelerating commercialization of the news may be hindering the performance of. Patterson and Seib (2005) discuss the media role of providing information for the. al. n. v i n C hfamiliar role. On theUbasis of information provided public, which is perhaps the most engchi. by the media, citizens can productively participate in politics and policies. As a contemporary problem, the authors indicate how news coverage often fails to educate the public and lead them to more informed and discerning judgments. For this, the authors suggest that a clear understanding of just how informed a citizen must be is a required discussion for the media to adequately perform this role.. Thorson (2005) provides a definition of the media role as mobilizer, presenting it with an assessment of how well the press works to mobilize citizens in a democracy. This is linked closely to the two abovementioned roles, as the news media as agenda 17.

(25) setter and watchdog finds and presents issues in a democracy, it eventually acts as a vehicle for enabling public actions. Again, democracy is regime that puts emphasis on the people above all. Thus, these three roles in a synthesized form act as the means for people. The people are able to obtain information regarding how their democracy is performing, and possibly on problematic issues of the government. It becomes journalism then, which enables the people to have their opinions heard through mobilization.. 政治大 to Merrill, the people’s press is less dominated by “journalist-centered journalism and 立. Merrill (2002) also writes on a concept called as the “people’s press.” According. owner-controlled journalism” but focuses itself more on a “symbiosis between. ‧ 國. 學. journalism and people.” (p. 27) This seems to be a complementary concept for the. ‧. existential journalist in that although the existential journalist is a liberalist and an. sit. y. Nat. advocate of freedom and subjectivity, it is also bound with a responsibility to put a. io. er. priority on people. In other words, the free journalist seeks autonomy and press freedom while also considering how the practice of journalism influences people.. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Merrill, in one of his earlier works, introduces a term called the existential journalist. In contrast to the existing objective journalism, or the rationalist stance, the existentialist stance is built upon keywords such as intuitive, subjective, directive, persuasive, judgmental and liberal. In summary, his definition of an existential journalist is a free and authentic person and not a “cog in the impersonal wheel of journalism.” The existential journalists would also relieve the uniqueness of every journalist’s individual existence and personality and praise freedom and responsibility for decisions in such a time when journalists are disappearing into institutionalized corporate journalism (Merrill, 1979). 18.

(26) In discussing media ethics and professionalism in post-colonial societies, Musa and Domatob discuss a concept called the development journalist. Development journalism is a notion of journalism where its act of reporting events of national and international importance should be constructive so that it contributes positively to the development of the country concerned. McQuail (2000) writes that development media theory emerged out of the idea that “societies undergoing transition from underdevelopment and colonialism to independence often lack the money,. 政治大. infrastructure, skills, and audiences to sustain and extensive free-market media system.” (p.155). 立. ‧ 國. 學. One important thing to consider of the role conceptions above is that although. ‧. they seem to be associated with certain political systems or degrees of press freedom,. y. sit. io. er. democratization.. Nat. they can be interlaced in different stages of political transition such as. al. n. v i n For example, the media’sCwatch dog role, according h e n g c h i U to its intended concept,. would occur only under circumstances where much press freedom is granted. However, it could be possible that such a role of the media can be embossed in a society that is undergoing democratization, depending on the objectives of the journalist or organization. That is, the press may be able to play this role in an authoritarian regime (not much press freedom) as a way of communicating with the public so as to increase press freedom and stimulate the transition process by “enlightening” the people. Another example could be the development journalism concept. This role conception in theory would apply only to third world countries that are on the verge of economic development. However, many traits of this role 19.

(27) conception could still be dominant in a society like Korea due to its background of rapid advancement. Korea and Taiwan was occupied by Japan until the end of WWII, and from then to 1980s it had undergone economic development and political transitions.. Although it was not at a post-colonial status in 1980, the concept of the development journalist may be able to explain certain roles or role philosophies Korea and Taiwan had at that time. Thus, maintaining such a perspective on role conceptions. 政治大 theory above are of Western descent, it would be important to be able to incorporate 立. and taking into consideration that the discussion of role conceptions and press system. them into a theory that would provide a more comprehensive explanation of. ‧ 國. 學. social-circumstance-press system press role associations in a democratization such as. ‧. that of Korea and Taiwan. Social Transitions and Key Roles in Journalism: A Theory. sit. y. Nat. Christians et al (2009), in a discussion of press systems and media roles, links. io. er. different dimensions of how political transition affect press systems with the types of roles played by the media. In this theory, the two factors that determine how media. al. n. v i n C hand transition of institutional roles change are media autonomy power of the media engchi U. within a democracy. The four key roles for journalism for each dimension of transitions are monitorial, facilitative, radical, and collaborative roles. The monitorial role refers to all aspects of the collection, processing, and dissemination of information of all kinds about current and recent events, plus warnings about future developments. The facilitative role helps to develop a shared moral framework for community and society, rather than just looking after individual rights and interests. The radical role focuses on exposing abuses of power and aims to raise popular consciousness of wrongdoing, inequality, and the potential for change, typically in new nations with their intense pressure toward economic and social development. The 20.

(28) collaborative role specifies and values the task for media that arise in situations of unavoidable engagement with social events and processes.. As can be seen in the figure, what Christians et al. argue is that as dynamics of institutional power and media autonomy change due to political changes within and toward democracies, the roles tend to be played by journalism also changes. For example, given that institutional power of the media grows (as in the case of Korea), mass media should shift from playing a radical role to a monitorial or. 政治大 incorporated into the process of analysis so that a transition in media roles could be 立. collaborative role depending on how much autonomy it has. This theory will be. linked to the status to which Korea and Taiwan belonged at different time periods.. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. This theory seems to be adequate enough to attempt an explanation, media of. sit. y. Nat. Korea and Taiwan roles in relation to its transition because the two axis accurately. io. er. represents a plausible shift, or dynamics, of two significant elements of press system-press role relationships: media autonomy and the strength of media. al. n. v i n C h in all four directions institutions. The axes can be extended to illustrate press status engchi U and features at a certain stage in democratization. By integrating this theory with the. discussion of media role concepts, it would be possible to see how these required functions of the media are conceptualized into actual roles. In order to examine roles with regard to the argument of Christians et al. on media role-political transition relationships, existing discussion of media roles in the literature can be categorized into their four key role classifications.. To elaborate on the theory’s effectiveness in explaining these relationships, the facilitative category of roles seem to have most to do with media ethics and what 21.

(29) members of the mass media see as their goals in society. In a democracy, the institutional powers of the media are strong and the news media is able to exercise fully its autonomy.. However, the media, as a constituent of society, seeks the common good, sacrificing its libertarian desires. As for radical roles, when media prioritizes their autonomy above norms and common good, it could very well assume such roles. Also, since role conceptions in literature mostly deal with the Western world of journalism. 政治大 political system is a non-democracy, where media lacks autonomy while still having 立 and democracy, a question arises as to what roles are assumed by the media when the. quite an influence on the public. This is where the collaborative sphere of this theory. ‧ 國. 學. would enable classification and synthesis of roles to explain effects under such. ‧. circumstances.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. It is also true that some role conceptions discussed above do not really fit into the classifications of the theory of Christians et al. It could be that these roles are inherent. al. n. v i n C hitself, and they mayUperhaps be in practice at least in the intrinsic traits of journalism engchi to a certain extent in all cases of political regime and transition.. Systematic classifications and role definitions alike, the focus is on how journalists have acted or ought to act in a democracy, with the exception of the development journalist. Although it seems that these concepts seem to describe at least certain aspects of roles played by the media while Korea and Taiwan was in a non-democratic or democratization period, a need to define how journalism is practiced with what values in these two countries.. 22.

(30) 2.4. Concepts of press freedom. The concept of press freedom is too complex to sum up simply. However, freedom of the press should be characterized by independence from internal or external factors and all other elements, which might make journalists hesitant in carrying out their media work. According to classical liberal approaches, “A truly free press would be free not just of state intervention but also of market forces and. 政治大 freedom is freedom from all compulsions throughout the processes of press activities. 立 ownership ties and a host of other material bonds” (Berry et al., 1995, p. 22). Press. The overall meaning of freedom in the media is that all processes of press activities. ‧ 國. 學. should be conducted freely. This includes establishing a press company, gathering. ‧. news, writing articles, editing news, publishing and distributing. However, in practice. sit. y. Nat. the media cannot be free from governmental, political or economic control (LaMay,. io. er. 2007, p. 26). LaMay argues, “The press must be dependent on something for its viability; the press cannot be free, but is locked into a cycle of interdependence.”. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. It is easy to see media control in authoritarian societies because “governments employ strict censorship to control the flow of information to the general public, and journalists exist as mouthpieces for the government” (LaMay, 2007, p. 26). Authoritarian regimes regularly censor or control the media before or after media production.. However, there are many complex elements in this interrelationship in democratic societies because “in part theory is less important to democracy than how freedom is lived and perpetuated” (LaMay, 2007, p. 26). Freedom of the press helps 23.

(31) maintain the health of democracies (Baker, 2007, p. 5). These two different systems, authoritarian and democratic can be seen in Korea and Taiwan.. Ostensibly, Korea and Taiwan are a democratic country, however, in practice the society has been strongly controlled by clientelism, which refers to a form of social organization characterized by personal relationships such as blood ties, academic background ties, and institutes. An authoritarian style still exists in practice to different degrees because of the long history of authoritarian rule. It ranges from. 政治大 leaders such as the president. Therefore, Korea and Taiwan have a mixture of 立 authoritarian rule to civilian governments, depending on the ruling style of political. authoritarian and democratic features. In the media, if freedom of the press is to be. ‧ 國. 學. maintained it is important to be independent not just from government interference. ‧. but also from other factors like capital and ownership ties.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 24. i n U. v.

(32) 3.Democratization in Korea and Taiwan. 3.1. The 3rd wave of Democracy and East Asia. In early period of 1990s, with the collapse of the U.S.S.R. and the down all of all communism regimes in an Eastern European area, many people became enthusiastic about a “3rd wave" of democratization” in the late 20th century (Huntington 1991 pp. 13-26). Over about 15 years later, this wave of democratization. 政治大. has proven disappointing. At present, Asia has only four stable democracies: Japan, India, Korea and Taiwan.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. This leaves just two "3rd wave" democracies in Asia: Korea and Taiwan.. ‧. Some researchers have stressed economic factors behind the democratization of Korea. sit. y. Nat. and Taiwan, the two principal Asian "little 4 tigers" or "little 4 dragons." The political. n. al. er. io. economy approach of Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman (S. Haggard and. i n U. v. Robert R. Kaufman 1995), for example, suggests key links between the economy and. Ch. engchi. democratization that this writer finds unconvincing. Rather, as Laurence Whitehead notes, any argument that the "Democratic 'Developmental States'" of Taiwan and Korea required a strong authoritarian regime for economic development remains undemonstrated (L. Whitehead 2002).. Before progressing further, it is necessary to define "democracy." In the simple definition, a democracy is a political system in which the people regularly and freely choose their own leaders. In choosing their leaders, the people have the right and the ability to make the opposition the new government. In a democracy, people 25.

(33) also have such civil liberties as freedom of the speech and press and all citizens have relative equality before the law. Democracies appear in various shapes and forms. Some are presidential such as the United States, while others are parliamentary such as the United Kingdom and Commonwealth of United Kingdom countries. Some are unitary such as the United Kingdom and France while others are federal such as the United States, Canada, Australia, Germany, and India. However, in all of these cases the people have and do use their ability to change their rulers freely and peacefully.. 政治大 Sometimes authoritarian regimes engage in "liberalization" allowing some increase in 立. It is important to distinguish between democracy and "liberalization.". freedom of speech and the press. They may allow opposition politicians to win office. ‧ 國. 學. in elections, though they do not relinquish ultimate control (J. Bruce Jacobs 1981).. ‧. sit. y. Nat. Focus on Taiwan, non-allowed to establishment of opposition party of any. io. president Chiang Ching-kuo (. al. er. kind, until September 1986, and those who attempted to do so were imprisoned. when 經國) was being prepared as successor to his father,. n. v i n until after his appointment as C premier(President of U h e n g c h i Executive Yuan) in May 1972,. Taiwan had one such period of liberalization. A 2nd important liberalization period took place after the KMT(Kuomintang 國國. 1977, election until the Kaohsiung (高. 黨)’s "defeat" in the November 19,. ) Incident of December 10, 1979.(Chang. 1992) A 3rd period of liberalization occurred after the conservative General Wang Sheng (. ) was in effect exiled and as ambassador to Paraguay on September, 1983.. The ruling KMT, under the direction of its party chairman Chiang Ching-kuo, nominated Lee Teng-hui (. 登. ), a Taiwanese, to be vice-president on February 15,. 1984. However, in taking this action Chiang Ching-kuo did not appoint Lee Teng-hui his successor,6 and it seems that Lee, for example, could not see Chiang Ching-kuo 26.

(34) when the latter was hospitalized near the end of his life and only fellow mainlanders had access (Jay Taylor 2000 p 398). At other periods, hard-line authoritarianism prevailed.. 3.2.What is Specific about Democracy or Democratization?. In Korea. and Taiwan. 政治大 countries, certain aspects of their respective regimes cannot fit into the rather narrow 立 Based on the historical context of recent transitions toward democracy in these 2. standard of a “full democracy” as described by Wood (2004).. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Huntington (1991), calling a “wave” a specific period of time in which a. y. Nat. transition to democracy significantly outnumbered transitions in the opposite political. er. io. sit. groups, included Korea and Taiwan in what he labels the 3rd wave (1974-1990) of democratization. This democratic wave comprises mostly third-world countries that. al. n. v i n C hconditions favorableU to democracy. He also labels experienced social and economic engchi political leadership as a significant factor for this wave of democratization: leaders. have to want democracy to happen or be willing to take steps such as partial liberalization that may lead it to happening. In added 1987 years is momentum of democratization in Korea and Taiwan, in this year, Korea recovered direct-presidential election and Taiwan reshuffled martial law in same year.. Korea and Taiwan seems like a representative example of this specific wave of democratization, as it underwent a rapid economic development and saw democratic values increasingly gaining support from its people. 27.

(35) This is closely related to how Inglehart and Welzel (2008) define the relationship between economic development and human empowerment in a democracy. The authors mention three components to empowering the people: 1) action resources such as material resources and educational levels; 2) self-expression values; and 3) democratic institutions.. They are closely linked to each other, as the increase in the accessibility to. 政治大 willingness of individuals to express them-selves. Democratic institutions, as venues 立. resources results in greater confidence of people in a society, which also raises the. for such a purpose, become strengthened and begin to function better in a society. In. ‧ 國. 學. this linkage, economic development is the starting point; economic development, by. ‧. increasing the amount and quality of action resources, provides the causal relationship. sit. y. Nat. that can lead to human empowerment and effective democracies. As mentioned above,. io. er. Korea’s case can be an exemplary one for this theory as it saw great economic achievements in a short span. Action resources for the people such as education. al. n. v i n opportunities and the amount ofCaccessible knowledge h e n g c h i Ubecame more available, and it. seems to have played a significant role in democratic values fostering in the Korean public.. 28.

(36) 3.3. Historical Review of Korea and Taiwan’s past. 3.3.1.Same memories ; The Japanese Colonial era. Korea and Taiwan have some important historical parallels. While these broad similarities facilitate comparison, the following analysis also shows that the two countries had important differences.. 政治大 East-Asia. But before modern previously, these two countries’ space time is separated. 立. Based on geographical perspective, Korean and Taiwan is located at same area,. However a result of the important historical event in 1894-1895. Korea and Taiwan. ‧ 國. 學. was historically encountered.. ‧. sit. y. Nat. Taiwan and Korea both became important Japanese colonies. The Qing. io. er. Dynasty ceded Taiwan to Japan in 1895, following defeat of the Qing-Japanese War, 1894-1995, while Korea became a Japanese colony informally in 1905 and formally. al. n. v i n Ch in 1910. Both countries gained independence from Japanese colonization after Japan's engchi U defeat in 1945.. Although both nations gained economically under the Japanese colonial rule, both also resisted Japan and both suffered grievously. Davidson estimates that close to 8,000 Taiwanese died resisting the Japanese in 1895 (James W. Davidson). Also Japanese killed 12,000 Taiwanese "bandit-rebels" during 1898-1902 (Harry J. Lamley), while a Japanese source states that the Japanese colonial regime executed over 32,000"bandits,"morethan one percent to Taiwan's population, in the same period (Kiyoshi. & Walter Chen 2004 138-39) 29.

(37) The Japanese also slaughtered many Koreans during their colonial rule. From 1905 to 1914, the Japanese killed some 150,000 Korean militiamen (Kim 1998 p 36). Especially, in the three months of the March First 1919 Movement (March to May), the Japanese killed 7,509 Koreans, wounded 15,961, and arrested a further 47,948(Kim 2000 p39). After the March First Movement, many Koreans went north to Manchuria and in the Kando (Chinese: Jiandao). 政治大 Japanese maintained military men as governors while Taiwan had civilian governors 立. Japanese colonial rule in the two countries had some differences. In Korea, the. from 1919 to 1936. Korea "gained some semblance of self-rule while in Formosa it. ‧ 國. 學. was strongly bureaucratic." (Edward & Chen 1970 p157). Koreans held many senior. ‧. positions in the Japanese colonial government, while Taiwanese held very few. This. sit. y. Nat. was in part because Japanese formed only 2.8 percent of the population in Korea. io. er. compared to 6.0 percent in Taiwan (Kim 2000). In Taiwan, force was used to "eliminate active resistance," a goal achieved by 1919. In Korea, which revolted in the. n. al. very substantial March 1. st. v i n Ch Movement, 1919. Japan "decided engchi U. to relax control. somewhat in the hope that the Koreans might be reconciled to 'autonomy' and abandon their demand for independence (Kim 2000).". In terms of future democratization, the Japanese colonial experience made three contributions to both countries. Firstly, the strong Japanese bureaucratic rule established patterns of administration that the postwar governments were able to use, thus enhancing their efficacy. Secondly, the Japanese colonial experience increased national consciousness among all sectors of both societies. Finally, the Japanese colonial. experience. advanced. both. countries 30. economically,. socially,. and.

(38) educationally. 3.3.2.The Post-war Authoritarian Period : Miracle of Han-River and Miracle of Taiwan. In the postwar period, the authoritarian governments in both Korea and Taiwan implemented some similar strategies of economic development and achieved some similar goals. Both, for example, started with import substitution industrialization and then shifted to export oriented industrialization in the 1960s. Thus, from 1976 until at. 政治大 (GNP) and in 1984, 1986, and 1987 exports exceeded 50 percent of GNP. Korean 立 least 1991, Taiwan's exports always exceeded 40 percent of gross national product. exports from 1976 to 1981 ranged from 24 to 31 percent of GNP (Bank of Korea).. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Both countries also achieved considerable social mobility. Many people migrated. sit. y. Nat. from the farm to the city and moved from agriculture to industry. In Taiwan, many. io. er. farm girls went to work in factories to earn their dowries and to put their brothers through university, a pattern also familiar in Korea. Both countries moved in the. n. al. Ch. direction of greater equality in income, though. engchi. v i n Taiwan U moved. faster. Both also. emphasized the importance of education and greatly facilitated the education of the two populations.. These regimes promoted high levels of education in part owing to the official Confucianism that authoritarian leaders in both Korea and Taiwan promulgated in order to maintain discipline in their societies. However, Confucianism has mixed implications for authoritarian rule. While encouraging education, Confucian ideas are also proto-democratic.. 31.

(39) In addition, study in democratic countries can result in more liberal perspectives. Of the twenty persons in Premier Chiang Ching-kuo's 1st cabinet announced on May 29, 1972, fourteen had studied or trained abroad. eight in the United States, four in the United Kingdom, and six in Japan including four who had studied in two of these countries(Roy 2003). Most two had primarily military educations. Certainly, it has become clear Calculated from Taiwan Statistical Data Book 1992 (Taipei: Council for Economic Planning and Development, Republic of China, 1992), 43 (GNP), 190 (Exports). Calculated from Major Statistics of Korean Economy (Seoul: Korean Statistical Association), that several of these persons did hold more liberal views that may have ameliorated the actions of Taiwan's government and which seem to have contributed to Taiwan's democratization after. 政治大. Chiang Ching-kuo's death(Roy 2003).. 立. ‧ 國. 學. In Korea, nine of the seventeen members of the president Park Cheng-hee’s. 1st. Yushin Regime, which was announced on January 15, 1973, had studied overseas;. ‧. five had studied in Japan and six in the United States with two of these studying in. sit. y. Nat. both countries. However, at least six persons, including three of those who had. io. n. al. er. studied overseas, had studied primarily in military institutions.. Ch. engchi. The nature of the economic development. iv n inUTaiwan. and Korea also had. important differences. Taiwan's large-scale industries remained government hands, while most industrialization in Taiwan took place in small and medium-sized firms. In South Korea the great private Chaebols (. , Tycoon’s Korean term) dominated the. economy, though these had important government connections.. Both regimes repressed labor, but in Taiwan labor activists could more easily gain employment in a small firm, while in Korea blacklisting. These different economic developments reflected key differences in the political regimes. The various 32.

(40) Korean postwar authoritarian regimes were Korean. The Taiwan postwar authoritarian regime can best be described as "Chinese" and "colonial" rather than Taiwanese. Just as the Japanese colonial regime discriminated against Taiwanese, so did the Chinese colonial regimes of Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Chingkuo. During the leadership of the two Chiangs in Taiwan (1950-1988), Chinese mainlanders, who accounted for less than 14 percent of the population, always held large majorities in the government's cabinet. and. the. Committee(國. 黨. KMT's. core. decision. organization. Central. Standing. ). Taiwanese never held the positions of. 政治大 Taiwanese also never held senior positions in the. president, premier, or minister of foreign affairs, national defense, economics, education, finance, or justice.. 立. KMT or in the military and the security agencies. Chinese mainlanders controlled the. ‧ 國. 學. large state industries, leaving Taiwanese to organize their small and medium-sized. ‧. industries.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. From Park Chung-hee's take over in 1961, Korean authoritarian governments were military in nature and came to power through coups d'etat. Although Chiang. al. n. v i n Cboth Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo considerable military experience, Taiwan's h ehad ngchi U. government remained essentially civilian and the military and security agencies never seriously threatened the rule of the tow Chiangs.. In addition, from the retaking of Taiwan from the Japanese in 1945 until the death of Chiang Ching-kuo in early 1988, Taiwan had only one regime. Korea, in contrast, had five different republics, each with its own constitution: the 1st Republic under Rhee Syngman (1948-1960), the short-lived Dr. Chang Myun’s 2nd Republic (1960-1961), the 3rd and 4th republics under Park Chung-hee (1961-72 and 1972-79, ), and the 5th Republic under Chun Doo-hwan (1980-87). 33.

(41) The voting systems of the two regimes also varied. In Korea, the Park Chung-hee government abolished local elections in 1961, but the central government continued to have elections, even if they were controlled. Local elections were only reinstated in 1994 after democratization.. In Taiwan, local elections were implemented in the 1950s, but the island had virtually no central elections. Other than partial "supplementary" elections after 1969.. 政治大. until after democratization in the 1990s.. 立. Finally, even though the figures may not be complete, the authoritarian. ‧ 國. 學. governments in both Taiwan and Korea were violent. In Taiwan, the government. ‧. killed as many as 28,000 Taiwanese after the so-called "February 28, 1947 Incident.". sit. y. Nat. Then, in the White Terror of the 1950s, the regime executed 1,017 persons of whom. io. er. two-thirds were Taiwanese and one-third were Chinese. Over the whole of the martial law period under both Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo, some 140,000 people. n. al. Ch. suffered imprisonment in some 29,000 political. engchi. v i n cases. U The. number executed in. political cases totaled three to four thousand.. According to official statistics, Korea arrested and executed fewer persons for political crimes than did the Taiwan government. From 1948 until 1993, 336 persons were executed for political crimes and in 1954 alone the government executed 38 people for political crimes.. 1962 to 1989, 116 persons were executed for political crimes. After the. 34.

(42) National Security Law(國家. ) was passed in 1948, some 100,000 to 110,000. persons were arrested. During the Korean War(1950~1953), 550,000 were arrested as traitors, but no records remain to reveal their sentences. Under the rules of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan, a total of some twenty-five years, about nine thousand persons, an average of three to four hundred per year, were arrested under the National Security Law.. On the streets, however, the Korean authoritarian governments proved much. 政治大 government claimed that 183 police (and no demonstrators) were injured. These 立 more deadly. In the Kaohsiung Incident in December 10, 1979, the Taiwan. figures clearly had problems, but the key point in this context is that no one was killed. ‧ 國. 學. and relatively few injured in the most important political demonstration during the. ‧. postwar authoritarian period in Taiwan. By contrast, the suppression in South Korea. sit. y. Nat. of the Kwangju Uprising of May 18, 1980, officially left 191 people killed and a. io. er. further several thousand injured, though other estimates go considerably higher.. al. n. v i n During the December 1987C presidential campaign, h e n g c h i UKim Dae-jung, basing himself. on statements by Ambassador William H. Gleysteen of the United States, said that one thousand had been killed in the suppression of Kwangju, Korea’s 1st largest city of southwest(Gleysteen 1999). In June 1987, during the seventeen days of intensive demonstrations that led to the first major steps toward democratization in Korea, the authorities fired over 300,000 tear-gas canisters at the demonstrators. This tear-gas alone cost about six billion won34 or US$7.3 million. By comparison, Taiwan's demonstrations during the authoritarian period (and afterwards) remained quite peaceful.. 35.

(43) 3.4.Political Rifts and Political Contents of Democratization. In the just after post-the 2nd world war period following liberation from Japanese imperialism ruling, the Korean and Taiwanese societies became politically activated. But under the anticommunist autocratic regimes that came into being in the course of the division of the countries, both societies were forcibly depoliticized. The conflicts that occurred under the autocratic regimes shaped the particular political cleavages that characterized the two states throughout most of the postwar period. The political. 政治大 autocratic regimes as well as the characteristics of these regimes. 立. rifts thus generated in the two states reflected the processes that formed the respective. ‧ 國. 學. Whenever political conflicts arose in the two countries, they opened these rifts. ‧. which shook the authoritarian regime. The specific patterns of the political rifts in the. y. sit. io. n. al. er. processes.. Nat. two authoritarian regimes defined the political contents of their democratization. Ch. In the Taiwan, under the presidential system,. engchi. v i n The U president and vice president,. the Legislative Yuan (adopting laws, deciding the national budget, approving appointment of the head of the Executive Yuan), and the Control Yuan (impeaching public functionaries) are regarded as the elected central representatives of the public will.. The three bodies taken together are considered to be Taiwan’s equivalent to the parliament in European countries. The elections of these representatives of public will were conducted from 1947 through 1948 in the midst of the civil war in all regions of China except those under Communist control. On the basis of the election 36.

(44) results at that time, the central government structure was organized, including the election of the president and vice president. The KMT government thus formed adhered to this form of government as provided by the Constitution of the Republic of China even after it moved to Taiwan. It was decided then that the parliamentarians and other officers elected in 1947~48 were to continue to exercise their powers until another national election covering the whole of China was held. Thus, the permanent parliament composed of irreplaceable representatives, only a few of them having effective constituencies, came into being. When Chiang Ching-kuo became the. 政治大 control, he increased the seats for Taiwan to be filled by regular elections(Roy 2004). 立. president of the Executive Yuan (premier) in 1972, which virtually established his. This measure was intended to resolve the problem of aging representatives and. ‧ 國. 學. consolidating the base of the government of Taiwan to meet the external crises. ‧. following Taiwan’s withdrawal from the United Nations. This is the background of. er. io. sit. y. Nat. the election of additional members.. Choi (1993, pp. 145.97) describes three political rifts in Korean politics: 1). al. n. v i n autocracy versus democracy, 2)C economic fairness versus h e n g c h i U economic development, and 3) people-oriented national unification versus conservative national unification. He stated that in the early post-colonial period political conflicts flared up along the lines. of all three rifts. After the First Republic was established and the left wiped out, rifts 2) and 3) expanded as the regime used the military to force itself on the people and strengthened its ideological control. In this paper I borrowed Choi’s coordinates of analysis with partial modification.. In Korea, namely, 1) the coordinate of political regimes (authoritarianism versus democracy), 2) the coordinate of social cleavages, and 3) the coordinate of national 37.

(45) unification doctrine. Different types of antagonisms existed over each of the three issues in the two states, and the political contents of democratization were accordingly determined.(Im, 2004). 3.4.1.Political regimes. In an early period of state foundation, the most salient organizational feature of. 政治大 contradiction between authoritarianism and democracy in Taiwan therefore assumed 立 the Taiwanese authoritarian regime is its party-state system character. The. the form of antagonism between the KMT and the anti-KMT forces. The political. ‧ 國. 學. forces that sought their political resources outside of the party-state system first. ‧. voiced criticism of the KMT in local election campaigns, and then in the narrow. sit. y. Nat. political arena connected with the election of additional members to the parliament.. io. er. They did so carefully, constantly testing the outer limits of the KMT’s tolerance. Democratization under the party-state system first and foremost implied the formation. al. n. v i n of a new opposition party in C order to break the KMT’s h e n g c h i U proclaimed monopoly on national politics (a ban on the formation of political parties other than the KMT). In. the 1960s local anti-KMT personalities who called themselves nonpartisan succeeded in securing representation in the Taiwan Provincial Assembly. In the 1970s a small group of democracy promoters who dubbed themselves “party outsiders” (Dangwai or ousters of KMT) advanced not only into local assemblies but also into the national parliament.. These forces, supported by new political journalism (Dangwai journalism), coalesced through cooperation in election campaigns. Finally, the Dangwai forces 38.

(46) succeeded in forming the first opposition party under KMT rule, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), during the latter half of the 1980s.. The. most. remarkable. organizational. characteristic. of. the. Korean. quasi-military authoritarian regime was the political rule of Park Chung-hee’s revolutionary force and their successors (the “new military group,” Chun Doo-hwan). The democratic movement sought to rectify the distorted political system by compelling the military men who had become the political elite through coups to withdraw from politics.. 立. 政治大. The major task of the democratic forces was not to form a new opposition. ‧ 國. 學. party, but to continue to apply effective pressure on the government for. ‧. democratization, sticking to an unambiguous position of opposition and resisting the. sit. y. Nat. carrot and-stick tactics used by the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (later, the. io. er. Agency for National Security Planning) and other agencies of the military government. In this struggle the “two Kims” (Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung). al. n. v i n functioned as the symbols of theCKorean democratization h e n g c h i U movement.. 3.4.2.Modalities of Democratization Processes. Korea and Taiwan share the following similarities in the modality of democratization: 1) opposition elite groups grew (in Taiwan) or survived (in Korea) taking advantage of the limited political areas opened up by elections which the authoritarian governments were compelled to hold for various reasons; 2) the opposition elite, in critical periods of regime shifts, succeeded in mobilizing the urban 39.

韓國臺灣比較研究 ：民主主義發展和媒體之役割 - 政大學術集成

韓國臺灣比較研究：民主主義發展和媒體之役割 - 政大學術集成