從返鄉實踐探討台灣都市原住民青年的部落地方認同 — 以七佳部落旅外青年參與七佳青年部落行動為例 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies College of Communication National Chengchi University. 碩士論文. 治 Master’s 政 Thesis. 大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 從返鄉實踐探討台灣都市原住民青年的部落地方認同 —. ‧. y. Nat. 以七佳部落旅外青年參與七佳青年部落行動為例. n. er. io. sit. Exploring Taiwan Urban Indigenous Youths’ Place Identity of Hometown Through a Collective Cultural Practice — a case al iv study of urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ participation in the n Ch U e n Youth Tjuvecekadan g c h i Project. Student: 徐嘉榮 Jia-Rung Shiu Advisor: 官大偉 Da-wei Kuan, Ph.d. 中華民國 109 年 7 月 July 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(2) 從返鄉實踐探討台灣都市原住民青年的部落地方認同 — 以七佳部落旅外青年參與七佳青年部落行動為例 Exploring Taiwan Urban Indigenous Youths’ Place Identity of Hometown Through a Collective Cultural Practice — a case study of urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project. 研究生：徐嘉榮 Student: Jia-Rung Shiu 指導教授：官大偉 Advisor: Da-wei Kuan. 學. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 國立政治大學國際傳播英語碩士學位學程碩士論文. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. 政治大. C hA Thesis U n i engchi. v. Submitted to International Master’s Program in International Communication Studies National Chengchi University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master of Arts. 中華民國 107 年 7 月 July 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(3) ACKNOWLEDGMENT I am very grateful to my thesis advisor, Professor Daya (Kuan), for his gentle guidance, as his numerous research ideas have inspired me a great deal and provided me with the momentum I needed when I struggled in my writing. I also would like to thank my committee members, Professor Kang and Professor Huang, for their constructive feedback on my studies and their encouraging words, which have held a great significance for me during my academic adventure.. 政治大. It has been a long road, and finally, I’ve done it. I would like to dedicate this. 立. thesis to myself, my younger self, who had gone through both the best and worst. ‧ 國. 學. childhood in his hometown, New Tjuvecekadan, who was once immersed in the love. ‧. of his vuvu, who was deeply traumatized by the bullying of his last two years of. sit. y. Nat. elementary school, and who later abandonedly embarked on a journey alone away. n. al. er. io. from his hometown to be a high school boarding student in search for a change, while. i Un. v. at the same time contemplating on his identity. I appreciate my younger self’s courage a great deal.. Ch. engchi. Nevertheless, I would not have been where I am today without my childhood spent in New Tjuvecekadan. I sincerely appreciate the legacy my hometown has given me. Although very difficult and time-consuming, the writing of this thesis has helped me gradually find my inner peace. A strong sense of self-reconciliation fills my heart upon this thesis’ completion. Through participating in the project, I have befriended Mika, John, and Gary, and they have become important partners to help with my return to New. i DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(4) Tjuvecekadan. All the good memories we had while working together in New Tjuvecekadan have compensated for the bad ones I previously had from my childhood. More importantly, I would not have even completed my thesis without their participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project. I thank them enormously for sharing their stories with me and their generosity in allowing me to document their narratives. I would like to acknowledge people who have encouraged me during my thesis writing period: Remaljiz, Calivat, Selep, Mayaw, Vandon, Cudjuy, Selevang,. 政治大. Kedrekerdre, and Lana. Moreover, thanks to my parents for their support in my. 立. education and everything they have done to ensure I have a better chance. Finally,. ‧ 國. 學. thanks to Keith for always having faith in me.. ‧. n. al. August 14th, 2020. er. io. sit. y. Nat. At 響 Art Café, Daan District, Taipei City, Taiwan.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. ii DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(5) ABSTRACT In Taiwan, the population of urban indigenous peoples is growing at an unprecedented speed due to the economic boom after the 1960s. A variety of statistics on indigenous people’s migration to urban areas fail to explain indigenous young peoples’ connections with their hometowns. Therefore, the study addresses the dynamics of urban indigenous youths’ connections with a qualitative case study of the urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth project from 2015-2016. The study deploys. 政治大 Massey’s Sense of Place to analyze the urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ sense of their 立. ‧ 國. 學. hometown, New Tjuvecekadan.. The study finds the salient factors for the urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ sense of. ‧. New Tjuvecekadan. Firstly, their social interrelations within and outside. y. Nat. io. sit. Tjuvecekadan inspired the youths to find an identity with New Tjuvecekadan.. n. al. er. Secondly, they had familial responsibility in New Tjuvecekadan. Thirdly, in the. Ch. i Un. v. continuation of local cultural practice, youths from a chief family regarded the. engchi. vinqacan in New Tjuvecekadan as a place to safeguard. The vinqacan, a spiritual locality in New Tjuvecekadan, reveals humans’ connection with the spiritual world, constituting a significant sense of New Tjuvecekadan. Such phenomenon challenges Massey’s sense of place to be between humans to humans’ constellation of social interrelation. Key Words: Sense of Place, Urban Indigenous Youths, Social Geography, New Tjuvecekadan, Social Interrelation, Tjuvecekadan, Vinqacan. iii DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(6) 摘要自 1960 年代起台灣經濟起飛，隨之而產生的原住民人口移居都會區，都市原住民人口劇增。而各式各樣有關原住民移居都會區的數據之研究無法解釋旅外原住民青年與自身部落的連結。就此，本研究以七佳部落旅外原住民青年參與七佳青年部落行動為例 2015-2016, 以 Massey 的 Sense of Place (地方感) 視角探究旅外原住民青年對其部落之地方感。. 政治大. 研究發現七佳旅外青年對七佳部落地方感形成有以下關鍵要素：第一、旅外. 立. 青年在七佳部落與都會區的生活經驗而各別形成的社會關係啟發了他們對於七. ‧ 國. 學. 佳部落認同的需求。第二、七佳旅外青年對七佳家族成員的責任。三、傳統領袖家族之旅外青年皆認為為持續部落傳統文化，守護七佳部落的 Vinqacan (祖靈屋). ‧. 為重要之責任。. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 七佳部落的 Vinqacan (祖靈屋)，為部落重要具靈性之場域，連結當地族人與. al. 其祖靈間的關係，構成七佳部落地方感之重要元素之一。再者，Vinqacan (祖靈. n. iv n C hengchi U 屋)連結人與靈界的社會功能，挑戰了認為地方是由“人”的社會關係構成的 Sense of Place (地方感)理論。. 關鍵字：地方感、都市（旅外）原住民青年、社會地理學、七佳部落、社會關係、老七佳、Vinqacan (祖靈屋). iv DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(7) TABLE OF CONTENS ACKNOWLEDGMENT .......................................................................................................................... i ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................ iii 摘要 ......................................................................................................................................................... iv CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Research Background ...................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Research Motivation ........................................................................................................ 2 1.3 Purpose of the study ........................................................................................................ 3 1.4 Field Site ................................................................................................................................ 4 1.4.1 Introduction of New Tjuvecekadan .............................................................. 4 1.4.2 Cultural Practice of Tjuvecekadan People ................................................. 8. 治政 2.1 Research Questions ........................................................................................................ 11 大立 2.2 Research Method ............................................................................................................. 11. CHAPTER 2. RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................................... 11. ‧ 國. 學. 2.3 Narrative Analysis ........................................................................................................... 12 2.4 Guide to the Reader ........................................................................................................ 13. ‧. 2.5 Introduction of the Interviewees .............................................................................. 19 CHAPTER 3. LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................................... 23. Nat. sit. y. 3.1 Indigenous Peoples’ Urban Migration .................................................................... 23. io. er. 3.1.1 Contexts of Urban Indigenous Peoples ..................................................... 23 3.1.2 Indigenous Peoples’ Social Network in Urban Contexts ................... 25. n. al. i Un. v. 3.1.3 Urban Indigenous Youths ............................................................................... 26. Ch. engchi. 3.2 Paiwan Society .................................................................................................................. 28 3.2.1 Paiwan Social Structure .................................................................................. 28 3.2.2 Paiwan People’s Internal Migrating Patterns ........................................ 34 3.3 Place and Identity ............................................................................................................ 36 3.3.1 Humanistic Geographical Perspective ...................................................... 36 3.3.2 Feminist Perspective— Concept of Home ............................................... 42 3.3.3 Social Geographical Perspective — ‘A Global Sense of Place’ .......... 43 CHAPTER 4. TJUVECEKADAN YOUTH PROJECT. ................................................................. 49 4.1 Introduction of the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project. .............................................. 49 4.2 New Tjuvecekadan and Me ......................................................................................... 51 4.2.1 Childhood in New Tjuvecekadan ................................................................. 51 4.2.2 Junior and Senior High School in Urban Pingtung ............................... 55. v DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(8) 4.2.3 College in Taipei City ........................................................................................ 57 4.3 The Tjuvecekadan Youth Project and Me .............................................................. 60 CHAPTER 5. JOHN’S STORY .......................................................................................................... 65 5.1 Growing Up ........................................................................................................................ 65 5.2 Indigenous Identity ........................................................................................................ 66 5.3 Why Returning to New Tjuvecekadan? .................................................................. 73 5.4 Before 2015 -- Participant Motivation for Tjuvecekadan Youth Project .. 74 5.5 Experience of the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project 2015-2016 .......................... 75 5.6 After the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project, 2017 onwards .................................... 78 5.7 The Challenges of Returning to New Tjuvecekadan ......................................... 83 5.8 Sense of Belonging to New Tjuvecekadan ............................................................ 83 5.9 Parents’ Role in Terms of Indigenous Culture ..................................................... 84. 政治大 5.11 Significance of Tjuvecekadan – the slate stone house settlement ........... 85 立 5.10 Primogeniture in New Tjuvecekadan .................................................................. 84 5.12 Significance of New Tjuvecekadan ........................................................................ 86. ‧ 國. 學. CHAPTER 6. MIKA’S STORY .......................................................................................................... 87 6.1 Growing Up ........................................................................................................................ 87. ‧. 6.2 Indigenous Identity ........................................................................................................ 89. y. Nat. 6.3 Why Returning New Tjuvecekadan? ....................................................................... 97. sit. 6.4 Before 2015 -- Participant Motivation for Tjuvecekadan Youth Project .. 98. er. io. 6.5 Experience of the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project 2015-2016 ....................... 101. al. iv n C 6.7 The Challenges of Returning to New Tjuvecekadan h e n g c h i U ...................................... 108 6.8 Parents’ Role in Terms of Indigenous Culture .................................................. 112 n. 6.6 After the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project 2017 Onwards ................................. 104. 6.9 Primogeniture in New Tjuvecekadan .................................................................. 114 6.10 Significance of Tjuvecekadan – the slate stone house settlement ........ 116 6.11 Significance of New Tjuvecekadan ..................................................................... 118 CHAPTER 7. GARY’S STORY ....................................................................................................... 121 7.1 Growing Up ..................................................................................................................... 121 7.2 Indigenous Identity ..................................................................................................... 122 7.3 Why Returning to New Tjuvecekadan? ............................................................... 128 7.4 Before 2015--Participant Motivation for Tjuvecekadan Youth Project . 129 7.5 Experience of Tjuvecekadan Youth Project 2015-2016 ............................... 129 7.6 After the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project, 2017 onwards ................................. 134 7.7 The Challenges of Returning to New Tjuvecekadan ...................................... 139 vi DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(9) 7.8 Sense of Belonging to New Tjuvecekadan ......................................................... 140 7.9 Parents’ Role in Terms of Indigenous Culture .................................................. 142 6.10 Primogeniture in New Tjuvecekadan ............................................................... 143 7.11 Significance of Tjuvecekadan – the slate stone house settlement ........ 143 7.12 Significance of New Tjuvecekadan ..................................................................... 144 CHAPTER 8. ANALYSIS and DISCUSSION ............................................................................ 145 8.1 Urban Youth Social Interrelation Within New Tjuvecekadan ................... 145 8.2 Experiences Between New Tjuvecekadan And Urban Areas Before Their Participation in The Tjuvecekadan Youth Project .................................................. 148 8.3 Sense of New Tjuvecekadan After the Project ................................................. 152 8.4 Overall Comparison ..................................................................................................... 156 CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................... 161. 政治大 9.2 Answers to the Research Questions ..................................................................... 163 立 9.1 Summary .......................................................................................................................... 161 9.3 Reflections on the Theoretical Discussion of the Sense of Place ............. 164. ‧ 國. 學. 9.4 Limitation ........................................................................................................................ 165 9.5 Suggestions for the Future Research ................................................................... 166. ‧. REFERENCE ..................................................................................................................................... 168. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. vii DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(10) LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1. Genealogy New Tjuvecekadan ..................................................................................... 10 Figure 1. Locations of New Tjuvecekadan, Tjukarangan, and Tjuvecekadan ............... 10 Table 2. Glossary ................................................................................................................................ 14 Table 3. Basic information of the interviewees ........................................................................ 21 Table 4. Interview Timetable .......................................................................................................... 22 Figure 2. Vinqacan in New Tjuvecekadan. ................................................................................ 34 Figure 3. Conceptual framework ................................................................................................... 48 Table 5. Basic Comparison .......................................................................................................... 147 Figure 4. Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................... 158 Table 6. Overall Comparison ....................................................................................................... 159. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. viii DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(11) CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION. 1.1 Research Background In Taiwan, the population of urban indigenous peoples is growing at an unprecedented speed as a result of the economy booming after the 1960s (Cho, 2002). Additionally, Chang and Lin’s (2008) estimation suggests that there are about 20% of. 政治大. indigenous peoples who are currently living away from their hometown without. 立. changing their household registration, and most of them move to Northern Taiwan for. ‧ 國. 學. making a living. Before the 1960s, there was a continuous miner amount of indigenous migration to the non-indigenous area. Till the present time, there are. ‧. 46.21% of indigenous peoples whose household registrations are out of an indigenous. y. Nat. er. io. sit. territory, which amounts for 242,028 people (2016, Indigenous council). However, there is amounting 60% of indigenous populations are living out of indigenous areas.. al. n. iv n C Indigenous people mainly migrated h to e urban areas, i Umost of them live in the n g c h and suburbs (Liu, 2013).. Many indigenous peoples move to the cities for job opportunities, education, access to health care, etcetera. Research shows that urban indigenous population distribution distinctly contrasts from that of the whole population, that the higher the eco-social district is, the fewer the indigenous people are there (Chang, Lin，& Liu， 2010). The research suggests that the majority of urban indigenous people live in a. 1 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(12) relatively low eco-social area. Chi’s (1996) research on indigenous peoples indicates that over one-third of the indigenous population, has migrated to cities; indigenous youths population continued outflow, and the situation is getting more and more serious over time. However, firstly the statistics provided do not explain urban indigenous young peoples' connections with their original communities in the process of moving between their original communities and the cities. Their experiences of migrating back and forth from an urban setting to original communities, such life experiences. 政治大. require an individual's account. Secondly, there is a need to address urban indigenous. 立. youths who are willing to return to their original towns and learn their traditional. ‧ 國. 學. culture. Thirdly, my life experience as an indigenous youth takes meaning on me and. n. al 1.2 Research Motivation. er. io. sit. y. Nat. community.. ‧. has motivated me to understand how urban indigenous youths perceive their original. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Taiwan Indigenous peoples’ migration toward cities has sparked the discussion about how indigenous people adapted to the urban context, and how their indigenous identity has been influenced due to their immersion in urban settings. However, in this research, I intend to investigate urban indigenous young people who attempted to develop connections with their original community and their sense of place about their hometown through their life stories in the process of participating in a project that allowed them to learn different perspectives about their hometowns. Urban indigenous people’s concept and experiences about their original. 2 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(13) community is an essential factor for them to determine whether they would go home and in what way they would want return. As an indigenous young person my experiences in my hometown primarily motivated this study. My reflection on my life experience in the indigenous community and urban areas, and the meaning of the place—indigenous communities and urban areas and issues about urban indigenous peoples inspire me to gain an understanding of the construction of urban indigenous youths’ sense of place to their hometowns.. 1.3 Purpose of the study. 立. 政治大. This study aims to understand urban indigenous youths’ sense of place about. ‧ 國. 學. their original communities before, during, and after participating in action plan allows. ‧. them to know different aspects of their communities. Therefore, to unfold the. y. sit. n. al. er. io. indigeneity.. Nat. implication of being an urban indigenous young person – the contemporary. i Un. v. This case study will focus on the three core members of Tjuvecekadan Youth. Ch. engchi. Project, who are urban indigenous youths. The core members’ accounts of the life of before, during, and after taking part in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project are the framework of the study. Drawing Doreen Massey’s (1994) Sense of Place theory to view the dynamic of the core members’ social dynamic with New Tjuvecekadan, the study intends to firstly, provide an in-depth understanding of urban indigenous place sense of place, secondly, supply the statistics of urban indigenous migrations with qualitative accounts.. 3 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(14) 1.4 Field Site. 1.4.1 Introduction of New Tjuvecekadan This literature introduces the history of Tjuvecekadan, and the formation of the New Tjuvecekadan since all the urban project member in the study share the same familial genealogy to Tjuvecekadan. Their ancestors originated from Tjuvecekadan and finally settled in New Tjuvecekadan. New Tjuvecekadan politically belongs to a Paiwan district, Kasugagu (Chunrih) Township, Pingtung County. New Tjuvecekadan. 政治大. is a Paiwan town with a majority of residences originated from four Paiwan ancient. 立. settlements of Tjuvecekadan, Ralekeleke, Pailus, and Kinayiman. New Tjuvecekadan. ‧ 國. 學. established in 1971 after a significant migration to the area due to a Typhoon.. ‧. The old settlement for Tjuvecekadan people, Tjuvecekadan(老七佳), a Paiwan community located in the central mountain range in Pingtung County, is a slate stone. y. Nat. er. io. sit. house settlement with nearly 50 structurally complete slate stone houses so far.. al. Tjuvecekadan is situated on the slope facing north at 550-590 meters above sea level. n. iv n C (Chao et al., 2013). Tjuvecekadan ishlocated e n garound c h itheUcentral area of the whole. Paiwan traditional territory. (Kuo, 2013) The etymology of Tjuvecekadan expresses its geographic centrality. In the Paiwan language, “vecekad” translates to “center,” and the “-an” is a locative suffix, so the toponym literally translates to “center place.” According to oral history, the ancestors of Tjuvecekadan migrated southbound from Padain, a Paiwan community, about more than 400 years ago (Chao et al., 2013). Pan’s (1997) research as well suggests that people of Tjuvecekadan originated from Padain. Furthermore, Pan’s (1997) study noted that:. 4 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(15) “As the legend says that Padain used to have over 300 households. Due to an enormous landslide, about 200 households went missing and without knowing their whereabouts. Only 100 households remained in Padain, and the rest of them moved out from Padain. However, no accounts on where those people have moved.” (p.38). 政治大. In addition to the oral tradition history, Tjuvecekadan was first documented in. 立. Dutch document in 1645, named as Toutsikadangh, when the Netherlands colonized. ‧ 國. 學. Taiwan (Chiang,1999).. ‧. The Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture1, selected Tjuvecekadan as. sit. y. Nat. one of the potential world heritage sites in 2009 owing to its complete preservation of. n. al. er. io. traditional slate stone houses and cultural landscape.. i Un. v. To sum up, both oral history and written documents have implied that. Ch. engchi. Tjuvecekadan has existed at least 400 years, and the settlement’s pioneers moved southbound from Padain and finally built a settlement called Tjuvecekadan. Tjuvecekadan is a small-size community with stable 70 households, as oral history tells that a disaster would happen if the households outnumber 70. (Chao et al., 2013). According to the written documentation, there were 77 households in Tjuvecekadan. (Chao et al., 2013) However, the Tjuvecekadan people went through two significant relocations 1. Information retrieved from https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/groupsOfBuildings/20100805000001 5 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(16) since the KMT government retreated to Taiwan after 1949. Tjuvecekadan people were forced to move out in 1961 due to the KMT policy aiming to improve Tjuvecekadan’s housing condition (Chao et al., 2013). Subsequently, people were moved to Tjukarangan in 1961, the designated place, a sloping site along a valley. After leaving for ten years, a typhoon stroke Tjukarangan in 1971, causing a massive mudslide, burying most of the houses there, which left the locals no chance but to find a new place to live (Chao et al., 2013). 79 Tjuvecekadan households, 376 people were relocated from Tjukarangan (Chao et al., 2013). At the same time, people of. 政治大. Ralekeleke (partly), and Kinayiman (all) also suffered from the typhoon and needed. 立. to move.. ‧ 國. 學. Subsequently, to settle the people, the government purchased an open land. ‧. between the Lili stream and a hill-foot from the Taiwan Sugar Cooperation, which. sit. y. Nat. belonged to Fangliao Township.. n. al. er. io. Right next to the purchased land, there is a small community of about 20. i Un. v. households, named Tjuadresir. Tjuadresir is a trading community where Paiwan. Ch. engchi. people and Han-Taiwanese cohabited; the local Paiwan people in Tjuadresir refer themselves as Pailus. (Chao et al., 2013). Because a majority of Tjuadresir Paiwan came from Pailus, a slate stone house settlement. In 1971, all the Tjuvecekadan people moved to the open area next to Tjuadresir along with Paiwan people from Ralekeleke (partly), and Kinayiman (all) as the result of the disaster (Chao et al., 2013), making a multicultural Paiwan community mixing with a minority Han-Taiwanese. Furthermore, in 1981 due to the reorganization of household registration after the. 6 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(17) relocation, the government incorporated Tjuvecekadan, Ralekeleke, and Tjuadresir into one 村, a political unit, named New Tjuvecekadan (Chi Jia village), (Chao et al., 2013), see table 1 and figure 1. New Tjuvecekadan became an enclave outside Kasugagu (Chunrih) Township. The Kinayiman established its village unit called Kuei Chung village in Mandarin. It is located within Kasugagu (Chunrih) Township, on the slope side, just a lane away from New Tjuvecekadan. Therefore, a major increase in population after combing all the people with the original Tjuvecekadan population of 376 people with 79 households and 789 people. 政治大. with 199 households relocating from other settlements and locals. (Chao et al., 2013).. 立. The statistic in 2013 suggested 1051 people and 296 households of New. ‧ 國. 學. Tjuvecekadan (Chao et al., 2013). According to the official document, 2016 Statistical. ‧. Yearbook of Chunrih Township Pingtung County2, there are 1121 people with 306. sit. y. Nat. households in New Tjuvecekadan, and 783 people with 242 households in Kinayiman,. n. al. er. io. which together amount to 1904 people and 548 households, and is the largest community within the Chunrih township.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. New Tjuvecekadan is a business and economic center for its neighboring three Paiwan villages and two Han-Taiwanese villages. New Tjuvecekadan has a night market once a week. Furthermore, the first convenient chain store 7-11 in an indigenous district was opened in New Tjuvecekadan in 1999 with daily customers of 800 people (including repetitive purchasing customers).. 2. Document: The Statistical Yearbook of Chunrih Township Pingtung County (2016) retrieved from https://www-ws.pthg.gov.tw/Upload/2015pthg/73/relfile/12830/391720/2ff9558a-83b4-41ac-93b9-7c2 2d8297379.pdf 7 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(18) 1.4.2 Cultural Practice of Tjuvecekadan People Despite such major relocation, with several people shifted their religion into Christianity, some people of Tjuvecekadan, Kinayiman, and Ralekeleke, still carry on with traditional Paiwan rituals such as Maljeveq, Masalut, and other smaller rituals. The Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture3 suggests that. “Although the residence of Tjuvecekadan lived away from their slate stone settlement, Tjuvecekadan people still. 政治大. practice traditional cultural practices such as Masaljut. 立. (Maslut) and Maljeveq, Pusaut (Pusau); life initiation rituals,. ‧ 國. 學. papusepi, seman caucau, semanpulju and so on. Traditional. ‧. faith practitioners (female) help complete all the rituals,. sit. y. Nat. which makes Tjuvecekadan culturally significant and an. al. n. page4). er. io. essential place to pass down traditional culture.” (Web. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. The top chief of Tjuvecekadan leads all the traditional rituals, with Pulingaw5Parakaljai6 They are facilitating the process of each ritual (Chao et al., 2013). All the rituals take place at the top chief’s vinqacan7. There are three major. 3 Same as note 1. 4 Same as note 1. 5 Paiwan female traditional faith practitioner. 6 Paiwan male traditional faith practitioner. 7 House-shaped sacred site, mainly for Paiwan traditional and religious rituals.. 8 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(19) traditional rituals for Tjuvecekadan, Masalut, Maljeveq, and Pusau. Masalut, the harvest festival, revolves from millet’s growing timetable from its sowing, weeding, harvesting, cooking, worshiping, storage (seqetjen a pi salang), and other ceremonies (Chao et al., 2013). Traditionally, millet is one of the staple foods for Paiwan. Paiwan celebrates Masalut annually in summer during the millet harvesting season, whereas the Maljeveq and Pusau take place once every five years.. 政治大. “The Maljeveq is a major ritual to worship the creator. 立. and ancestral spirits and pray for peace. The main actors of. ‧ 國. 學. a Maljeveq are the chief, pulingaw, and parakaljai...The. ‧. main rituals are “welcoming the spirit,” “wishing for. sit. y. Nat. blessing,” “a competition of stabbing a rattan-made ball. n. al. er. io. with straightened bamboo poles,” “entertaining the spirits,”. i Un. v. “sending the ancestral spirit,” and the “Pusau” conducted. Ch. engchi. following year of a Maljeveq to farewell the ancestral spirits again.” (Chao et al., 2013, p.112).. 9 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(20) Table 1. Genealogy New Tjuvecekadan Time. Name of. Consisting of. Cause of relocation. Community. groups. Before 1961. Tjuvecekadan. Tjuvecekadan. Policy. 1961-1971. Tjukarangan. Tjuvecekadan. Typhoon. Ralekeleke 1971 onwards. New Tjuvecekadan. Tjuvecekadan. (Chi Jia village). Ralekeleke. Kinayiman. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政 Pailus治大 Han-Taiwanese. ‧ sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Figure 1. Locations of New Tjuvecekadan, Tjukarangan, and Tjuvecekadan. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 10 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(21) CHAPTER 2. RESEARCH DESIGN. 2.1 Research Questions l. How does urban Tjuvecekadan youths’ sense of place of New Tjuvecekadan change before, during, and after their participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project?. l. What are the salient factors of sense of place to New Tjuvecekadan for the Tjuvecekadan urban youths?. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 2.2 Research Method. This research intends to explore urban indigenous youths’ sense of place of their. ‧. original community through their narratives in a case study of Tjuvecekadan youths.. y. Nat. io. sit. The definition of Urban Indigenous Young People in this study refers to people. n. al. er. with legal indigenous status, 20 to 40 years old, who lived away from their hometown. Ch. i Un. v. (indigenous district), grew up in an urban area with the majority of Han-Taiwanese.. engchi. Urban indigenous young people schooled from elementary school up to a Ph. D. program in a city (non-indigenous district) and they had experiences returning to their hometown periodically, at least once in half a year when they were children to the end of their adulthood (40 years old). There are two key issues the study intends to explore. What are the dynamics Tjuvecekadan youths’ sense of New Tjuvecekadan through their social interrelation within New Tjuvecekadan and in urban areas? Also, what are the salient factors that mediates Tjuvecekadan youths’ sense of New Tjuvecekadan from before, during their 11 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(22) participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project? Therefore, to answer the research questions, a qualitative inquiry is needed since the process of sense of place is built on individuals’ accounts. Qualitative research regards the presenters’ elaborations, interpretations, cognition of life experiences and how their experiences have influenced them as the focus (Tsai, 2008). Presenters’ narratives are essential. This study will focus on the three core members of the Tjuvecekadan Youth Projects who are urban indigenous youths, namely, Mika, Gary and John.. 立. 政治大. 2.3 Narrative Analysis. ‧ 國. 學. The data of this study draws from the three participants’ life experiences of. ‧. events, before, during, after their participation in the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project, see. sit. y. Nat. table 2. Their accounts are necessary for a narrative analysis. Narrative Analysis. n. al. er. io. enables this study to understand the participant’s opinions on New Tjuvecekadan,. i Un. v. before, during, and after their involvements of the Tjuvecekadan Youth Project.. Ch. engchi. Furthermore, get an insight of the landscape of their sense of place. Narrative Analysis approach emphasizes on how people produce meanings to their life events, and meanings of people's interactions with others (Merriam, 2009). Additionally, the study deploys Massey’s (1994) Global Sense of Place (Described in Chapter 2.3.3) to shed light on the Tjuvecekadan urban youths’ life experiences.. 12 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(23) 2.4 Guide to the Reader All names used in this thesis are pseudonyms. Names which are identical in each section refer to identical individuals. Before reading the interviewees’ stories, Mika, John, Gary, and my account from Chapter 3 to Chapter 7, I need to clarify the terminologies used in the stories to reduce potential confusion as some names are interchangeably mentioned. Table 2 glossary contains the terms used in the study, originated from both the Paiwan language and Chinese Mandarin, and the words are listed in alphabetical order.. 政治大. I also include the places’ Chinese names. Additionally, the Paiwan language does not. 立. have a standardized spelling system in romanizations. The study recognizes other. ‧ 國. 學. variations of transliterations. Also, the Paiwan language is commonly documented in. ‧. lowercase Roman alphabets. The study uses both uppercase and lowercase letters to. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. eliminate potential confusion.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 13 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(24) Table 2. Glossary Language of. Explanation. Origin: Paiwan Ai. An expression, and pragmatic word, to express exclamation and. (Exclam.). amusement at the punchline of a joke or used it whenever to suggest something funny.. Can. Paddy fields. (Borrowed word from the Southern Min language). (N.) Kadjunangan. The general term for land.. (N.) Kasikasivan. Forest.. Kinayiman. A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. al. y. The ancestral spirits worshipping ceremony takes place once in. n. Maljeveq. County, Taiwan.. io. (N.). Nat. (古樓村). A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. sit. Kuljaljau. ‧. (N.). County, Taiwan.. er. (歸崇村). ‧ 國. Katidan. 學. (N.). 政治大 Commoner. 立. (N.). Ch. (N.). every five years.. Mamazangilan. Chief.. engchi. i Un. v. (N.) Masalut. Masalut suggests a new year and is an annual millet harvesting. (N.). festival taking place from July to September depending on the community.. New Tjuvecekadan. (Incorporate the English word “New” to differentiate. (新七佳、七佳村、. Tjuvecekadan, the old community). 七佳部落). A.. (N.) (Adj.). Refers to a Paiwan village officially established in 1971 by people relocated from four traditional Paiwan settlements: Tjuvecekadan, Ralekeleke, Pailus, and Kinayiman; a minority of Han-Taiwanese people also live there.. B.. The people whose genealogy originated from Tjuvecekadan, 14 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(25) Ralekeleke, Pailus, Kinayiman, and the Han-Taiwanese minority who currently live in New Tjuvecekadan. Padain. A place in the northern Paiwan area within Tawu Mountain. (N.). region, a legendary place where Tjuvecekadan people originated.. Pailus. Pailus A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in. (南和村白鷺部落). Pingtung County, Taiwan. The old Pailus settlement are consisted. (N.). of slate stone houses.. Palisi. A.. Refers to rituals that involve the Paiwan traditional faith. (N.) (Adj.) B.. Sacred.. C.. Taboo.. River.. (N.). (N.). Pusau (N.). Paiwan female traditional faith practitioner.. al. iv n C Taking placeha e year i U Pusau is to farewell those n after g c ahMaljeveq, n. (N.). County, Taiwan.. io. Pulingaw. A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. Nat. (文樂村). ‧. Pucunug. y. (N.). Paiwan male traditional faith practitioner.. sit. Parakaljai. 學. (N.). 立. Paiwan traditional blessing ritual.. ‧ 國. Papusepi. 政治大. er. Pana. practices.. ancestral spirits who participated in the Maljeveq by series of rituals.. Qinaljan. Community land where people build their houses.. (N.). Refers to a ritualized domain that takes form at a chief family’s ritual site during a festival or ritual.. Ralekeleke. A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. (力里村). County, Taiwan.. (N.) Ravar. One of the subgroups of the Paiwan people, is situated in the. (N.). northern part of the Paiwan region and has constant interactions with its neighboring Rukai people. Ravar group follows a. 15 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(26) patriarchal system in passing down chieftain and family property. Seman Caucau. A Paiwan traditional, naming ceremony.. (N.) Semanpulju. A Paiwan traditional ritual to end a mourning period.. (N.) Seqetjen A Pi Salang. A Paiwan traditional ritual, the storing of millet ritual.. (N.) Siruvetjek. Clan.. (N.) Takamimura. A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. (南和村高見部落). County, Taiwan.. (N.). 政治大. A Paiwan community in the southern Paiwan region in Pingtung. (N.). County, Taiwan.. Tjuabar. A Paiwan community in the eastern Paiwan region in Taitung. (N.). A trading community where Paiwan people and Han-Taiwanese cohabited, located in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. y. Nat. (加禮寮). ‧. Tjuadresir. County, Taiwan.. County, Taiwan.; the local Paiwan people in Tjuadresir refer. io. sit. (N.). ‧ 國. (土坂村). 立. 學. Tjaqaciljai (石門村). er. themselves as Pailus. Because a majority of Tjuadresir Paiwan. al. n. iv n C h e nwhere A mountain valley people were relocated i U g c hTjuvecekadan came from Pailus, a slate stone house settlement.. Tjukarangan (舊七佳). due to the government policy and Tjuvecekadan people lived. (N.). there from 1961-1971.. Tjuvecekadan. Refers to a Paiwan slate stone house settlement, which has. (老七佳). existed for at least 400 years.. (N.) (Adj.). The people whose genealogy originated from Tjuvecekadan. Most currently live in New Tjuvecekadan.. Umaq. A slate stone house, suggesting one family.. (N.) Vavuwa. Arid land.. (N.) Vinqacan. House-shaped sacred site, mainly for Paiwan traditional and. 16 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(27) (N.). religious rituals.. Vuculj. The Vuculj group, one of the subgroups among the Paiwan. (N.). people, is the dominant group in both population and area. Vuculj group assigns the firstborn of the family regardless of its gender as the heir of a family and the heir to the chieftain.. Vungalid. A Paiwan community in the central Paiwan region in Pingtung. (望嘉村). County, Taiwan.. (N.) Vusam. The firstborn child in a family.. (N.) Vuvu. Ancestral spirits. (N.). Grandparents. 政治大. Elders from grandparents’ generation. 立. Language of. ‧ 國. 學. Origin:. Explanation. Chinese Mandarin 8+9. ‧. (N.). The term 8+9 in Chinese Mandarin phonetically sounds similar to Ba Jia Jiang, members of parade formation in a temple fair. 8. y. Nat. ＋9 is a popular Internet term to describe young people who. sit. exhibit characteristics of gangsters and who associate with. (N.) Cultural Justice. al. iv n C U stable members. h e nyears, senior high school with i five gch n. Ai Association. er. io. temple activity.. An unofficial indigenous students’ association during John's The term, cultural justice warrior, is derived from the term social. Warrior. justice warrior (SJW). A cultural justice warrior carries negative. (N.). implications referring to people who pursue personal validation with their interpretation of a local culture they learned from books rather than considering local people’s perspectives and cultural variations.. Little White House. Nickname of Mika and Gary’s home in New Tjuvecekadan. The. (N.). young people named the house due to the color of the house being predominantly white.. Tjuvecekadan Slate. An association established in 2012 by the descendants of. Stone House. Tjuvecekadan, the association deals with the tourism, and. 17 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(28) Cultural Association. development of Tjuvecekadan.. (N.) Urban Indigenous. The definition of Urban Indigenous Young People in this study. Young People. refers to people with legal indigenous status, 20 to 40 years old,. (N.). who lived away from their hometown (indigenous district), grew up in an urban area with the majority of Han-Taiwanese. Urban indigenous young people schooled from elementary school up to a Ph. D. program in a city (non-indigenous district) and they had experiences returning to their hometown periodically, at least once in half a year when they were children to the end of their adulthood (40 years old).. Toutsikadangh in written form in 1645 during the Dutch period. 學. from 1624-1662.. ‧. Nat. y. (N.). io. sit. Toutsikadangh. 政治大 Refers 立to Tjuvecekadan, which was first documented as. n. al. er. Origin: Dutch. Explanation. ‧ 國. Language of. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 18 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(29) 2.5 Introduction of the Interviewees. l. Mika, thirties, is the firstborn of a chief family in Tjuvecekadan. In her childhood, she lived with her parents and two younger brothers in Chaozhou Township, a non-indigenous town in Pingtung County, where she received education from kindergarten up till junior high school. Then, she moved to Pingtung city, the capital of Pingtung County for senior high and lived in the school dorm. For college, she went Chang Jung Christian University in Tainan. 政治大. City majoring in translations and interpretation studies. After college, she went to. 立. the United Kingdom to peruse her master degree in MSc International Event. ‧ 國. 學. Management at the University of Brighton. She is now a lecturer in the. ‧. Department of Recreation Management and a Ph.D. Student at the Institute of. sit. y. Nat. Creative Industries Design. National Cheng Kung University. She is currently. n. al. er. io. based in Tainan City.. l. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Gary, twenties, is the third born of a chief family in Tjuvecekadan. In his childhood, he lived with her parents and one older brother, and sister in Chaozhou Township, a non-indigenous town in Pingtung County, where he received education from kindergarten up till junior high school. He moved to Kaohsiung City for senior high school. For college, he went to the Interdisciplinary Program of Humanistic and Social Science at National Tsing Hua University in Hsinchu city for one semester. Later, he transferred to the Department of Geography at National Kaohsiung Normal University. After. 19 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(30) completing his college degree, he went to one-year mandatory military service in 2017 on alternative service and was based in Lili Elementary School in New Tjuvecekadan. In 2018, he passed the Grade Four Civil Service Exam and started his work at the Indigenous Peoples Department, New Taipei City. Government. Currently, he left his job and moved back to Chaozhou Township to prepare for the Grade Three Civil Service Exam taking place in 2019.. John, twenties, is the firstborn of a commoner family of Tjuvecekadan. In his. 政治大. childhood, he lived with his family in Pingtung City, the capital of Pingtung. 立. County, where he received education from kindergarten up till senior high school.. 學. ‧ 國. For college, he went to the Undergraduate Program of the College of Technology,. ‧. National Tsing Hua University in Hsinchu City. Then, he moved to Taipei after. sit. y. Nat. obtaining his bachelor degree. He is now studying at the Graduate Institute of. io. Building & Planning.. n. al. er. l. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 20 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(31) Table 3. Basic information of the interviewees Name. Mika. Gary. John. Age Range. 30-40. 20-30. 20-30. Primogeniture. Firstborn. Third-born. Firstborn. Family Urban. Chaozhou. Chaozhou. Pingtung City. Dwelling. Township. Township. Current Base. Tainan City. Chaozhou. Taipei City. Township. Student). ‧ 國. Chief Family- the. Chief Family. al. Chieftain. Ch. Commoner. sit er. heir to the. n. Tjuvecekadan. Student. ‧. Between Jobs. 學. College Lecture. io. Hierarchy in New. Student). Nat. Traditional. Master (Current. 立. Current Occupation (2020 onwards). 治政 Bachelor 大. Ph.D. (Current. y. Education. engchi. i Un. v. 21 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(32) Table 4. Interview Timetable Interviewee. Mika. Gary. John. Interview. 2019.12.04. 2020.09.22. 2010.10.05. Dates and. Tainan City. Pingtung. Taipei City. Locations. 2020.04.28. 2020.04.30. 2020.05.11. Tainan City. On Phone. Taipei City. 2020.05.11. 2020.05.02. 2020.05.15(A). On Phone. On Phone. Taipei City. 2020.05.16. 立. 治政 2020.05.07 大 On Phone. Taipei City. 2020.05.17. On Phone. On Phone. ‧. 2020.06.04. 學. ‧ 國. On Phone. 2020.05.15(B). n. al. Ch. engchi. y. sit. io. On Phone. er. Nat. 2020.06.04. i Un. v. 22 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(33) CHAPTER 3. LITERATURE REVIEW. 3.1 Indigenous Peoples’ Urban Migration. 3.1.1 Contexts of Urban Indigenous Peoples Indigenous peoples’ decision to move out or to remain in their original communities has unavoidably, invoked a decision-making process regarding the pushing and pulling forces in living in indigenous communities or the cities. Those. 政治大. two forces are containment for indigenous as they chose to stay in their original. 立. community or move to the cities. The length of time people spend in one place may. ‧ 國. 學. influence the construction of sense of place.. ‧. Cho’s (2002) argument by compiling scholars’ findings of Taiwan indigenous. y. sit. n. al. er. io. to urban areas.. Nat. migration illustrates two main forces (push and pull) leading the indigenous migration. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Cho (2002) argues: “The push force for indigenous peoples to leave their original community are poverty, marriage, military service, schooling, cracks between family and friends, avoiding social control, and avoiding rural lifestyle. As for the pulling forces that make people remain in their original community are a familial obligation, inherit land property, family, additional job opportunity, and relaxing, and friendly atmosphere” (p.1). 23 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(34) Indigenous peoples reassess the pros and cons of living in the original community and urban area over time. However, the pros of living in urban areas are seen better than living in their original communities, mainly due to job opportunities of an urban setting, which ultimately leads to massive indigenous migration to the cities. However, the reason for indigenous peoples to leave or remain in their community varies depending on each family’s contexts. According to the current law, urban indigenous is defined as indigenous peoples. 政治大. whose household registration is not within indigenous an area that implies a familial. 立. migration (Liu, 2013).. ‧ 國. 學. In his book, Chen (1997) provides a comprehensive definition of urban. ‧. indigenous people: “Indigenous peoples from both mountain, and plain areas move. sit. y. Nat. from their original residence to the urban area permanently or semi-permanently for. n. al. er. io. work, regardless of their official household registration.”. i Un. v. Urban indigenous peoples, living apart from where they come from, have. Ch. engchi. experienced a different lifestyle from their origins. They have less access than those living in an indigenous area to learn their traditional culture and languages and be immersed in their cultural context. Urban indigenous peoples are facing direct assimilation into mainstream society, especially urban indigenous youths, since they are exposed in an urban context at a young age and go to school with a majority of non-indigenous students. However, many indigenous youths think that young people, especially students, should go to an urban school for education (Chi, 1996). Because the educational. 24 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(35) resources and competitive learning environment, which make many indigenous families think it is more optimal to go to schools in an urban area rather than going to local schools in an indigenous district. Thus, many urban indigenous youths nowadays face identity crisis because of the separation from their original community. Their indigenous status in an urban context and their physical appearance have regularly invited questions from Han-Taiwanese on their knowledge of indigenous culture, and proficiency of their indigenous languages. Those questions about them from other peoples would trigger indigenous youth's identity and make them rethink. 政治大. their culture and where they come from.. 立. Indigenous youths feel hopeful but fear in returning to their original communities. ‧ 國. 學. due to the lack of cultural experiences with the local people and language barrier (Hsu,. ‧. 2008). Moreover, for both urban and local indigenous youths, Christianity plays an. er. io. sit. y. Nat. essential role in their identification and mental health (Hsu, 2008).. n. a lSocial Network in Urbani vContexts 3.1.2 Indigenous Peoples’. n U e n g c on h ikinship and geographical The social network in the past is dependent. Ch. proximity. However, urban areas have a high number of non-relatives. The mainstream culture of urban contexts may gradually assimilate minorities and thus influence the minorities’ inter-group and intra-groups relations. However, minorities may utilize such an urban setting to maintain their culture and improve in-group cohesion (Su, 2007). Su’s (2007) research suggests that due to the overlapping social network among urban indigenous, urban indigenous people are generally friends and relatives. Urban. 25 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(36) indigenous people work in similar occupations and are also dynamic in terms of their occupational patterns. According to Su (2007), despite living away from their hometowns, urban indigenous people still have an indigenous identity, which suggests the significance of the urban social network in maintaining their indigenous identity.. 3.1.3 Urban Indigenous Youths People ages 20 to 40 years old are, by definition, the young populations.. 政治大. Coincidently, indigenous parents that migrated to cities during and after the 1960s are. 立. now age between 45-55, and most of their kids are between 25-35 years old (He,. ‧ 國. 學. 2006). Adult youths are mentally matured and have an awareness of independence.. ‧. Thus, their decision to return to their hometowns and identity is more or less personal.. sit. y. Nat. Furthermore, the indigenous parents expect their kids to get a college degree to have a. n. al. er. io. middle-class income, and a college degree enables indigenous youths to be selective. i Un. v. and flexible in their occupations instead of being limited to a labor-intensive job (He, 2016).. Ch. engchi. Despite the various age groups among those indigenous youths, they are commonly educated in an urban school, surrounded by the majority of HanTaiwanese people. Their identity process differs from those indigenous peoples raised in an indigenous area since urban indigenous youth’s intensive interactions with people outside their original indigenous communities from a young age. Thus, I intend to find out the elements that construct urban indigenous youths’ sense of place of their original communities from their interactions with people in urban areas and. 26 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(37) those in their hometowns. Urban indigenous youths are those with an indigenous status, living and educated in an urban area, thus in a non-indigenous area, where spend most of their time working and schooling in urban areas. There are various definitions of youth, depending on the research purpose. For this research, I would specify those youths of Tjuvecekadan whose parents moved to the city during and after the 1960s and who received educations in urban areas, who are currently between 25 to 35 years old and who are the core members of the. 政治大. Tjuvecekadan Youth Project. Furthermore, those indigenous youths held a least a. 立. bachelor's degree; in other words, they are elites with higher education.. ‧ 國. 學. A variety of studies on indigenous youths focus on their educational experiences. ‧. across different levels of schoolings in terms of their academic performances,. y. sit. n. al. er. io. 2006).. Nat. adapting to an urban school context. (Cho, 2002; Liu，2006; Tsai，2003; Wu & Liu,. i Un. v. Researches about urban indigenous youths suggest that the participation of. Ch. engchi. indigenous students’ club in college has a significant influence in enlightening indigenous students’ ethnic identity (Tsai, 2003; Huang, 1999; Yang, 2000). However, urban indigenous youths’ lack of knowledge about their culture and loss of their indigenous languages has led to a genealogy-based identity construction on their indigenous identity (Tsai, 2003). He’s (2006) study of indigenous youths’ experiences of returning to their hometowns interviewed seven indigenous college students from six different ethnic groups, ages 25-35, who were originally from Taitung. The study suggested that. 27 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(38) indigenous traditional culture is crucial to motivate indigenous youth to return home, and they searched for reasons for going back home and self-identification through learning local cultures (He, 2006) — their need for indigenous identity was evoked in an urban area. Additionally, their familial identity is dependent on their parents’ attitudes (He, 2006). The research findings show that their parents’ possible attitudes include work-based measurement, traditional culture, and indigenous youths’ dynamic identity through their life stage (He, 2006). 政治大. However, firstly the study did not include interviewees’ contexts of their. 立. communities and did not specify their life experiences in both urban and community. ‧ 國. 學. settings. Secondly, the selection of interviewees did not reflect the sense of place of a. ‧. specific locality. Thirdly, the study focuses on their experiences as practitioners of. sit. y. Nat. returning home rather than how their social interrelation within and outside their. n. al. er. io. communities produces a sense of place of their original communities.. 3.2 Paiwan Society. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 3.2.1 Paiwan Social Structure The social structure of a particular place is a crucial element to local peoples’ place identity. Massy (1994) suggested that juxtaposition and co-presence of particular social interrelations of place produce and effect place identity. Furthermore, such social interrelations go beyond and will be more extensive than the area being referred to in any particular context of a place (Massy, 1994). Therefore, there is a. 28 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(39) need to address the Paiwan social structure in which the urban Tjuvecekadan youths grew up to shed light on their sense of New Tjuvecekadan. In terms of social structure, traditional Paiwan society has a hereditary aristocracy, Mamazangilan (chief), and Katidan (commoner) (Tan，2007). Paiwan people are divided into two subgroups, one is Ravar, and the other one is Vuculj. The Ravar group is situated in the northern part of the Paiwan region and has constant interactions with its neighboring Rukai people (Tan, 2007). The Vuculj group is the dominant group in the whole Paiwan people in both population and area.. 政治大. Tjuvecekadan belongs to the Vuculj group. Vuculj and Ravar speak the same Paiwan. 立. language, however, with different accents and dialects. The distinct difference. ‧ 國. 學. between the Ravar and Vuculj is that the Ravar group follows a patriarchal system in. ‧. passing down chieftain and family property. In contrast, the Vuculj group assigns the. sit. y. Nat. firstborn of the family regardless of its gender as the heir of a family and the heir to. n. al. er. io. the chieftain. Traditionally, a chief owns the community lands, and commoners rent. i Un. v. pieces of the community land to grow crops and give the chief some corps as tax. (Chao et al., 2013).. Ch. engchi. A chief enjoys certain privileges, for example:. “First, all the villages should respect the chief, and all the traditional Paiwan festivals will take place in the chief's house. Second, the chief can use certain totems such as patterns of the human body, human head, and hundred-pacer as decoration of pillars, lintels, and clothes embroidery.. 29 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(40) Third, certain names are limited to only the chief family” (Chao et al., 2013, p. 67). Paiwan geographical knowledge can shed light on its social structure. Traditionally, in Paiwan society, there are five terms to describe a land due to its distinctive character and usage. In the Paiwan language, Kadjunangan is the general term for land; Vavuwa translates to arid land; Can means paddy fields — a borrowed word from the Southern Min language; Kasikasivan translates to a forest; Pana means. 政治大. river (Yeh 2002). Qinaljan means the community land where people build their. 立. houses (Yeh 2002). Qinaljan also refers to a ritualized domain that takes form at a. ‧ 國. 學. chief family’s ritual site during a festival or ritual (Tan, 1992).. ‧. According to Kou (2003), the basic social unit of Tjuvecekadan society is Umaq,. sit. y. Nat. a slate stone house, suggesting one family, and several Umaq form a clan (Siruvetjek).. n. al. er. io. Finally, several clans constitute Qinaljan (Kou, 2003). The traditional rituals at a chief. i Un. v. family’s ritual site is a medium that connects all the families spiritually and. Ch. engchi. consolidates the centrality of a Qinaljan (Tan, 1992).. In terms of Paiwan traditional rituals, both Ravar and Vuculj share the same tradition of the Masalut, the annual millet harvesting festival. However, the Ravar group does not have the Maljeveq ritual, the ancestors worshiping ceremony once every five years, nor the Pusau ritual, which takes place a year after a Maljeveq. Pusau is to farewell those ancestral spirits who participated in the Maljeveq. Tjuvecekadan people have continued practiced all the rituals mentioned earlier. There were currently nine Paiwan communities that have continued the tradition of. 30 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(41) Maljeveq, namely, Tjuvecekadan, Kuljaljau, Vungalid, Pucunug, Takamimura, Tjuabar, Pailus, Ralekeleke, and Kinayiman. Additionally, there are ten sacred ritual sites for various purposes in Paiwan culture, where a chief (Mamazangilan), Paiwan male traditional faith practitioner (Parakaljai), and Paiwan Female traditional faith practitioner (Pulingaw) get involved (Tan, 2007). A chief is a leader in a ritual, involving a whole community, whereas Parakaljai and Pulingaw implement all the ritual process, called Palisi. Palisi means ritual, taboos, and sacred. Pulingaw is medium to the ancestral spirits and can. 政治大. communicate with the ancestral spirits directly.. 立. One of the most important ritual sites is Vinqacan, a sacred place exclusive to a. ‧ 國. 學. chief family (Kou, 2003; Kou, 2019) ; ritual specialists (Pulingaw and Parakaljai ). ‧. worship, call , and connect all the ancestral spirits from a community (Kou, 2003 and. sit. y. Nat. Tan 2007). Major rituals such as Masalut, Maljeveq, and Pusau start at a Vinqacan.. n. al. er. io. Traditionally, a vinqacan is built inside a chief’s house in a conventional slate stone. i Un. v. structure (Kou, 2003). Nowadays, the vinqacan in New Tjuvecekadan is an individual. Ch. engchi. structure built next to a chief family’s house, a mini structure imitating a traditional slate stone house, see Figure 2. Vinqacan is the house where the ancestral spirits returned to (Kou, 2003) during a ritual.. “Vinqacan is a benchmark to form a community, a symbol of a chief’s authority and such authority manifests during a ritual implemented by a group of ritual specialists (Pulingaw and Parakaljai.)” (Kou, 2019, p.89). 31 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(42) “Vinqacan connects the past, the present, and the future of a community, and enables the communication between people and ancestral spirit. The prosperity of a vinqacan affects a community’s fortune and continuity of future generations.” (Kou, 2019, p.88). Linguistically, the word, vinqacan connotates the place of origin (Kou, 2013;. 政治大. Kou, 2019), and a ritual site with sacred quality (Kou, 2013). Vinqacan also refers to. 立. the place where the first fire started after finishing building a chief’s house (Kou,. ‧ 國. 學. 2013). Kou (2019) argues that a vinqacan is seen as a symbol of a chief’s legitimate. ‧. authority in the contemporary context and such power is manifested in a ritual.. sit. y. Nat. Furthermore, the rise of vinqacan revitalization among Paiwan communities has. n. al. er. io. become a social practice in which a chief legitimates his/her power (Kou, 2019).. i Un. v. With Umaq (a house) as the basic family unit, and the Vusam (the firstborn child). Ch. engchi. in a Umaq is the core value of Paiwan society (Kao, 2018). Vusam in the Paiwan language means the selected seed to continue the next farming season (Chou, 2001). The meaning of Vusam further suggests that firstborn, regardless of his/her gender and social position (both chief and non-chief family), are like the selected seeds, bearing a responsibility to continue the familyhood. Moreover, a Vusam is entitled to inherit his/her family house, property, and family name. On the other hand, a Vusam bears a great deal of familial responsibility. Paiwan people expect a Vusam to provide financial support to their families, taking. 32 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(43) care of parents, and helping younger siblings establish their family (Yang, 2005). Vusam is a well-respected role by his/her parents, elders, and younger siblings (Li, 2010) as Vusam needs to take tremendous duties to maintain his/her family. Matsuzawa (1976) suggests that primogeniture succession, bilocal or neolocal residential arrangement, property inheritance, and hierarchical social system are the mechanism that forms the Paiwan society. Therefore, in an inquiry, would the Vusam (firstborns) of the urban Tjuvecekadan youths feel a valid obligation for their family in New Tjuvecekadan,. 政治大. which leads to their motivation to return to New Tjuvecekadan to fulfill their familial. 立. duties and develop connections with the local people?. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 33 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(44) Figure 2. Vinqacan in New Tjuvecekadan. Photo taken in Feb. 19th 2018 by Chao Hsiu-Ying. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 3.2.2 Paiwan People’s Internal Migrating Patterns In terms of the internal migrating patterns of urban indigenous peoples, there are distinct differences within various indigenous groups. In the case of the Paiwan people, the traditional Vusam system has played a crucial role in how Paiwan migrating between their original communities and urban setting. In general, Paiwan people move between their original towns and cities seasonally and periodically 34 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(45) (Yang, 2005), as opposed to the Amis people, the largest indigenous group that settled in cities. Paiwan people base in their hometowns that their land, house, and household registration remain in their original communities; they move to cities merely for work (Fu, 1995). Yang’s (1999) case study on the Paiwan people of the Piuma community suggests that the local Piuma people hold an active connection to their hometown, Piuma, and they regard cities as places to temporarily stay. Furthermore, the migration pattern revolves around a Vusam (the firstborn of the family regardless of his/her gender). The Vusam of a family is expected to remain in. 政治大. the original community; however, it is common that a Vusam spend time living in. 立. cities for education or work. Finally, a Vusam needs to go back and settle down in. ‧ 國. 學. his/her original community after he/she finished education or get married (Yang,. ‧. 2005). On the other hand, the rest of the younger siblings who live in cities for work. sit. y. Nat. would visit their original communities seasonally to help out the Vusam's local crop. n. al. er. io. harvest, for example, mango harvest season (Yang, 2005). Such a situation, in the. i Un. v. same way, manifests in the characteristic of the urban Paiwan people. Yang’s (2005). Ch. engchi. case study found that most of the Paiwan people of Piuma who settle in Danfeng, New Taipei city, are the younger siblings of their families. Paiwan traditional social structure has significantly shaped the way of how Paiwan people migrate to cities and people’s relationships with their original communities.. 35 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(46) 3.3 Place and Identity. 3.3.1 Humanistic Geographical Perspective Tuan (1974) termed Topophilia to describe humans’ relations with places. He defined Topophilia as all of the human being’s affective ties with the material environment, and people’s relationships to places differ significantly in intensity, subtlety, and mode of expression (Tuan,1974). According to Tuan (1974), the concept of a home holds profound meaning for. 政治大. people since a home contains the locus of one’s memories and livelihood means.. 立. People’s concept of home triggers and builds up their place identity and a sense of. ‧ 國. 學. belonging to places they regard as homes. Moreover, home is the first organization. ‧. that humans get involved. This study intends to find out the process in which urban indigenous young people’s identity of their original community as a home in their life. y. Nat. al. er. io. sit. experience. Place is often seen as the “locus of collective memories” – a site where. n. identity is created through the construction of memories linking a group of people into the past (Harvey,1996). Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Furthermore, Cresswell (2004) elaborated the meaning of home as the most important place than any other places for the human to develop identity. Home is an exemplary kind of place where people feel a sense of attachment and rootedness. Home, more than anywhere else, is seen as a center of meaning and field of care. (Cresswell, 2004) Gaston Bachelard (1994) sees a home as the first space that functions as the first world or first universe that forms peoples’ understandings of all space outside. Home. 36 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(47) is a crucial space for an individual to understand the world. Thus, the concept of a home holds significance in people’s place identity. Where an individual comes from largely depends on how s/he perceives where their home is. Tuan points out that human’s identification with the familiar nurturing place has a biological basis (Rose, 1993). However, many women do not relate to such a positive notion about home. The discussion about home and place above focuses on how the meaning of place can positively contribute to one’s mental development. On the contrary, Harvey (1996) is critical about modern industrialization, which separate. 政治大. people from the process of production (with a place) and they encounter as a finished. 立. commodity does it emerge. Such a way of production prevents people from linking a. ‧ 國. 學. place with a process of a product, a trait of globalization.. ‧. Human nowadays, long for a diversity of places due to the architectural and. sit. y. Nat. commercial uniformity in many cities based on Western (more specifically, American). n. al. er. io. economic and political paradigm (Casey, 1997). Similarly, the effort to invoke a sense. i Un. v. of place, and the pass is now deliberate and conscious. (Harvey, 1996) Such a. Ch. engchi. phenomenon has activated a desire for people to find an identity of a place. Casey's discussion about the identity of a place provides a macro-perspective on why people want to keep a specialty of a place, which he later has elaborated, place “brings with it the very elements sheared off in the planiformity of the site: identity, character, nuance” (Casey, 1997, p. xiii). Additionally, Manzo (2003) highlights place identity in relation with time and its property in her writing that.. 37 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(48) “There are times when we grapple with identity and self-development through our relationship with places. This research suggests that our feelings about places can be conscious” (p.53). Furthermore, identity is a dynamic process that provides a balance between rootedness and uprootedness (Erikson,1964). Therefore, urban Tjuvecekadan youths live in cities with the growing sameness. 政治大. of urban areas such as globalized contexts. Their needs of place identity will take. 立. form throughout their life. Furthermore, their perceived specialties about their. ‧ 國. 學. communities will unfold their place identity, that entails their relationship between. ‧. their original community and city, and their intention of returning to their hometowns. sit. y. Nat. after years of living in cities. Their identity in New Tjuvecekadan is dynamic.. n. al. er. io. An identity to a place is an agency established through people’s interactions with. i Un. v. places, first people establish a bond between them called place attachment, and. Ch. engchi. subsequently, people's identity to a place will take the form (Hernández, Hidalgo， Salazar-Laplace, & Hess, 2007). However, in the study of place, there are various concepts to address people's interaction with a place. Such great varieties of definitions have puzzled many researchers (Lewicka, 2011). Therefore, it is essential to clarify the concept used. Stedman (2002) has defined the place attachment as a bond between people and place involving both cognition and affect resting on symbolic meanings, with identity being a crucial component. Such bound allows people to establish preference with a. 38 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.

(49) specific area to remain or stay because they feel comfortable and safe (Hernández et al., 2007). Additionally, Liu and Chu (2011) argue that place attachment entails safety and comfort people feel in a specific place, making people want to stay in the place. In terms of the place identity, Proshansky (1978) has provided a broad and theoretical definition as below.. “Those dimensions of self that define the individual’s personal identity in relation to the physical environment by. 政治大. means of a complex pattern of conscious and unconscious. 立. ideas, beliefs, preference, feelings, values, goals and. ‧ 國. 學. behavioral tendencies and skills relevant to this environment”. ‧. (p.155).. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Furthermore, Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff (1983) defined place identity as a. i Un. v. “substructure of the self-identity of the person consisting of, broadly conceived. Ch. engchi. cognitions about the physical world in which the individual lives” (p. 59).. “These cognitions represent memories, ideas, feelings, attitude, values, preferences, meanings, and conceptions of behavior and experience which relate to the variety of and complexity of physical settings that define the day-to-day existence of every human being” (p. 59).. 39 DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001547.