2014年港台社會運動之比較研究 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文. 學. ‧ 國. 治政 Master’s Thesis 大立論文題目. ‧. Thesis Topic. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 2014 年港台社會運動之比較研究. n. v Social Movementsain l 2014: A Comparative n i Study on Hong Ch. engchi U. Kong and Taiwan Student: Adolfo Zambrana Juárez 詹亞風 Advisor: Dr. Ming Lee（李明博士）中華民國 104 年 7 月 July 2015.

(2) 2014 年港台社會運動之比較研究 Social Movements in 2014: A Comparative Study on Hong Kong and Taiwan Student: Adolfo Zambrana Júarez. 研究生: 詹亞風指導教授: 李明博士. 政治大. 國立政治大學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. 學. 碩士論文. ‧ sit. Nat. A Master’s Thesis. y. ‧ 國. 立. Advisor: Dr. Ming Lee. er. io. Submitted to International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies. n. a. v. l C Chengchi University National ni. hengchi U. In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master of Arts in Social Sciences. 中華民國 104 年 7 月 July 2015.

(3) Acknowledgments. I would like to express my deep appreciation for the support and help my adviser Professor Ming Lee provided during the realization of the present project. Since the proposal of my topic until its completion Professor Ming Lee serve as guide providing feedback to achieve a better result. Moreover, I would also like to thank Professor Liu Fuo-Kuo and Professor Wang Kuan-Hsiung for integrating my committee and provide me with very important feedback to improve this project’s final version.. 立. 政治大. Furthermore, I would like to thank Jerrel Lai, Yung-Chih Chang and Ruby Liu who helped. ‧ 國. 學. me with the translation into Chinese of the questionnaire used in the present study. I cannot express my appreiation for their patiance and the time they dedicated to help me to make. ‧. sure the questionnaire in Chinese was as accuarate as possible.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Finally, I would like to thank all the students that took the time to answer my questionnaire. i n U. v. and were interested in sharing their perspectives and experiences with me. The present. Ch. engchi. study proved to be a great opportunity to have a closer look to the perspectives of the students in regards of the topic here addressed. The present was a very fulfilling experience. I hope the present study can serve to trigger further studies on the area.. . i .

(4) TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................................... V ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... VI DEFINITIONS ............................................................................................................................................. VI CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................................................................. 4 1.1.1 HYPOTHESIS ......................................................................................................................................................... 4 . 政治大 ................................................................................................................................................... 6 立. 1.1.2 RESEARCH GOALS AND OBJECTIVES ................................................................................................................ 5 1.1.3 METHODOLOGY. ‧ 國. 學. 1.2 RESEARCH MOTIVES ........................................................................................................................ 13 1.3 PROFESSIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ....................................................................... 14 . ‧. 1.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................................................................ 15 . y. Nat. io. sit. 1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................................... 16 . n. al. er. 1.5.1 Definition of Social movements ............................................................................................................. 16 . i n U. v. 1.5.2 Classical Social Theory .............................................................................................................................. 18 . Ch. engchi. 1.5.3 “Social Movements Impact Theory” or “Outcome Theory” ........................................................ 20 1.5.4 Social Movements Impact Theory and Collective Action, reshaping the debate ............. 24 1.5.5 Collective Action ........................................................................................................................................... 24 1.5.6 Current Social Movements (Collective Action) Impact Theory ............................................... 28 1.5.7 Social Movements in the international arena ................................................................................. 30 CHAPTER 2 TAIWAN’S CASE ................................................................................................................. 34 2.1 CROSS-‐STRAIT RELATIONS PREAMBLE ............................................................................................................. 34 2.2 MA’S TILTING POLICIES TO CHINA AND THE CLASHES WITH THE TAIWANESE IDENTITY ...................... 42 . . ii .

(5) 2.3 THE ANTI-‐MEDIA MONOPOLY MOVEMENT ..................................................................................................... 47 2.3 ECFA AND ITS RATIFICATION PROCESS ........................................................................................................... 53 2.4 THE CSSTA AND THE SUNFLOWER MOVEMENT ........................................................................................... 57 2.4.1 The Alliance and Leaders ......................................................................................................................... 60 2.4.2 The Sunflower movement ........................................................................................................................ 62 2.5 UNDERSTANDING THE COLLECTIVE ACTION IN TAIWAN ............................................................................. 66 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................................................ 70 CHAPTER 3 HONG KONG’S CASE ......................................................................................................... 73 . 政治大 H K ....................................................................... 81 . 3.1 POLITICAL STRUCTURE IN HONG KONG ........................................................................................................... 73 3.2 BUILDING A PRO-‐DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT IN ONG ONG. 立. 3.3 IDENTITY IN HONG KONG ................................................................................................................................... 84 . ‧ 國. 學. 3.4 ELECTORAL REFORM ........................................................................................................................................... 91 . ‧. 3.5 LEADERS OF OCLP, SCHOLARISM AND HKFS ................................................................................................ 92 3.6 THE DEMONSTRATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 94 . y. Nat. sit. 3.7 UNDERSTANDING THE COLLECTIVE ACTION IN HONG KONG ..................................................................... 95 . n. al. er. io. 3.7 DIFFUSION AND SUPPORT OF THE OCLP MOVEMENT IN TAIWAN ............................................................. 98 . i n U. v. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................................. 102 . Ch. engchi. CHAPTER 4 COMPARISON OF THE MOVEMENTS AND QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS ....... 104 4.1 DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES .................................................................................................................. 104 4.1.1 Differences ................................................................................................................................................... 104 4.1.2 Similarities .................................................................................................................................................. 109 4.2 QUESTIONNAIRE RESULTS AND ANALYSIS. ................................................................................................... 117 4.2.1 Demographics ............................................................................................................................................ 117 4.2.2 Measuring the impacts of cross-‐strait movements in Taiwanese students. .................... 122 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................................. 137 . . iii .

(6) CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................... 138 5.1 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY AND GROUNDS FOR FUTURE STUDIES. ....................................................... 145 APPENDIX ................................................................................................................................................ 147 QUESTIONNAIRE ....................................................................................................................................................... 147 ECFA AGREEMENT SUMMARY: ............................................................................................................................. 154 DRAFT BILL ON CROSS-‐STRAIT AGREEMENT SUPERVISION .............................................................................. 160 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................................... 163 . 立. . ‧ 國. y. sit er. al. n. . io. . ‧. . Nat. . 學. . 政治大. Ch. engchi. . . iv . i n U. v.

(7) Abstract The present thesis argues that the resemblance found between Taiwanese students in their local claims and those of Hong Kong students, has provided an opportunity for both societies to start collaborating at a transnational level. The first formal approach between Hong Kong and Taiwan activists came in January 13, 2014. Pro-democracy groups of students and politicians from Hong Kong and Taiwan gathered in Taipei for a weekend of talks. This marked the first real approach between both democratic advocates. Locally the struggle was directed at the governments and internationally against the PRC.. 政治大 Therefore, both social movements and societies push for similar objectives and share a 立 common foe. After the meeting a new level of cooperation was reached between the two. The objectives of these movements favor democracy, identity and self-determination.. ‧ 國. 學. sides that was shown during the Sunflower movement in Taiwan and the Occupy the Central with Love and Peace OCLP in Hong Kong. The world is witnessing the dawn of a claims.. ‧. cross-national approach between social movements that seek to strengthen the force of their. sit. y. Nat. io. er. The argument of the present study is based on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Professor’s Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert. n. al. i n U. v. Putman’s "Two Level-game" case of opportunity. This theoretical framework suggests that. Ch. engchi. a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference the society of another to renew the “international opportunity” (rejection of a local policy or a country: PRC) created by the local government. This case was seen on the on September 28, 2014 when abruptly emerged the protests in Hong Kong and, almost immediately, near four thousand people gathered at Taipei’s Liberty Square to show their support. The fact that such a large group of people, most of them students, gathered in so short period of time, provides the ground for the present study to explore if the sentiment is spread in the Taiwanese student community.. . v .

(8) Abbreviations OCLP: Occupy Central with Love and Peace ECFA: Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement CSSTA: Cross Strait Services Trade Agreement. Understood as the services section of the ECFA trade agreement. CEPA: Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement. Accord signed between the PRC and Hong Kong in 2003. HKSAR: Hong Kong Special Administrative Region ROC: Republic of China – Taiwan. For the purpose of the present study ROC or Taiwan will be use to refer to the government in the island of Taiwan.. 政治大 PRC: People’s Republic of China. In the present study to avoid a constant repetition of the 立use Mainland China, Beijing or China to refer to the PRC acronym, the author will also. ‧ 國. 學. government.. LY: Legislative Yuan. A long the present study the abbreviation for these words would be. ‧. EY: Executive Yuan. A long the present study the abbreviation for these words would be. y. Nat. ARATS: Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits. n. er. io. al. sit. SEF: Straits Exchange Foundation. Definitions. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Democracy: In this study it will be found that term democracy will refer to the increasing and direct involvement of the society in the political process, rather than a specific model of democracy. In essence, the definition here used refers to a political system in which a supreme power is vested in the people. Self-determination: Defined as: determination by the people of a territorial unit of their own future political status. (Merriam-Webster, 2015) Democratic movement: For the purpose of the present study this term will be defined as social movement that defines its democratic goals in a particular manner that has a direct relation to its immediate reality. Therefore, although it seeks to create the institutional space for the society to have further participation in the political arena, the objectives and level of reach varies according to the groups’ objectives.. . vi .

(9) Cross-border approach: This term refers to the creation of a connection or a relation between two entities that transcends the border of the territories defined by the respective states from which these entities emanate from. In the present study it will specifically refer to the approach between social movement of Taiwan and Hong Kong.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. . Ch. engchi. vii . i n U. v.

(10) Chapter 1 Introduction On the night of the September 28, 2014 Hong Kong would see the rise of a mass mobilization that would be echoed around the world. On the eve of this event, the Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) movement announced they would organize a civil disobedience to express the rejection of Beijing’s decision for not allowing free candidacy for the Chief Executive. Shortly after the announcement, activists and students decided go to the streets to express their discontent. As the events were rapidly changing between students gathering in front of government offices and the authorities dispersing them, it was decided to rush the mass mobilization originally planned for October 1st. Eventually,. 政治大. several thousand people more poured down into the streets. The evolving situation would. 立. challenge the idea of “one country two systems”, by questioning its sustainability. (BBC. ‧ 國. 學. News China, 2014).. Meanwhile, as the social movement developed, mass media portrayed it as a movement that. ‧. desired revolution. The media started to provide different names to call the movement. y. Nat. (revolution, protests, etc.). Nevertheless, this was a democratic movement. Eventually. al. er. io. group: Occupy the Central with Love and Peace (OCLP).. sit. media outlets would identify this civil disobedience by the name of the main organizing. n. iv n C During the demonstrations there were hdifferent i Uin the air but all converged into a e n g cfeelings h strong unity? Since its handover to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), people in Hong Kong began to increasingly demand guarantees on civil rights and increasing their participation in the political system. The PRC leaders would find that people in Hong Kong were no longer the “economic animal” that once it was believed they were during the colonial times. As years progressed the “one country two systems model” would found political challenges, provoking in Hong Kong’s society a rejection towards identifying themselves as citizens of the PRC. It seemed as a new identity was emerging. These factors converged in the day of the civil disobedience of September 28. Therefore, when the authorities engaged the protestors with a strong reaction by the police, who tried to disperse the movement, most of them students, other people in the society were drawn to the streets. . 1 .

(11) to show their support. It seemed, as people were driven by this increasing identity of being “Hong Kongers”1. (Lee & Chan, 2011; Li A. , 2014) On the other hand, as this situation unveiled, the Taiwanese society was paying close attention. Taiwan had previously experienced a mobilization on March 2014, called the Sunflower movement. During the first days of this movement 300 students stormed the Legislative Yuan to occupy it and avoid the ratification of the services section of the Economic Co-operation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between the PRC and the Republic of China (ROC – Taiwan). The agreement objectives are to increase the economic interaction between the strait. Student-led demonstrators conceived that this agreement put in danger Taiwan’s political and economic sovereignty. (Kaeding, 2014; Economist, 2014). 政治大. Since that moment, the Taiwanese youth developed a lattent sentiment of anxiety and. 立. rejection towards the development of the agreement and PRC-ROC rapproachment.. ‧ 國. 學. The situation lived in Taiwan served as reference for activist in Hong Kong who decided to approach Taiwanese advocates from the former Sunflower movement to get advises on. ‧. mobilizations prior to the September 28, 2014 incident. According to Lin Fei-fan (leader of. y. Nat. the Sunflower movement) in an interview retrieved by The Wall Street Journal, activists. sit. from Hong Kong requested his and other Taiwanese students’ expertise to learn how to. er. io. organize a huge rally, mobilize people and boost the moral. Moreover, as Lin Fei-fan. al. iv n C “[were] in constant touch with each and support” (Hsu, U h other, i encouragement e n gtocoffer h 2014). When the mobilization began in Hong Kong there was even the failed attempt of n. accepted in the same report, his help did not stopped there, as he mentions both sides. Lin to personally assist the protest but the immigration officials rejected his entrance to Hong Kong. As the mobilization developed in Hong Kong on September, the Democratic Alliance of Hong Kong and Macau Students in Taiwan (港澳在台北民主同盟) decided to quickly organize a sit-in in Taipei’s Liberty Square on the same date. Along with the support of 1. This identity definition has been established by the poll made by the Hong Kong University to 1,026 Cantonesespeaking people in Hong Kong, age 18 or above since 1997 to 2014. In it, these people identify themselves as citizens of Hong Kong rather than Chinese citizens or from the People’s Republic of China (University of Hong Kong, 2014).. . 2 .

(12) many presidents of civil organizations in Taiwan (like Taiwan Association for China Human Rights, New School for Democracy, Taiwan Society for Democracy, Black Island National Youth Front, etc.), several thousands2 of people, between overseas and local Taiwanese students, joined to show their support. At this point it was clear that the social movement in Hong Kong had brought the attention and empathy of hundreds of students and other sectors of the Taiwanese society (Kaeding, 2014). In the words of Ian Rowen3: “[activists from Hong Kong and Taiwan]…both trumpeted democracy, self-determination, rationality and peace” (Rowen, 2014). Currently students in Taiwan are fearful for the ROC’s future if a failure on politics produces a loss of sovereignty to the PRC. The dwindling Taiwanese economy in need of. 政治大. foreign investment and trade, and its increasing opening policy to the PRC infuses doubt. 立. and rejection. Moreover, when these factors are mixed with the Hong Kong event featuring. ‧ 國. 學. similar characteristics (democracy, identity and self-determination), there is the possibility that Taiwanese students feel a connection between their situation and that of Hong Kongers.. ‧. y. Nat. Furthermore, if this linkage creates recognition of a similar cause (as has already did. sit. between activists), there is the plausibility that regular Taiwanese students felt or feel a. er. io. communion4 with the events and people in Hong Kong. Thence, the situation allow us to. al. iv n C which is: Has the support provided by students h Taiwanese i U to activist shown that they have engch developed a mature level of recognition and empathy towards Hong Kongers’ struggle for n. bring into perspective the research question that the present study would like to address,. democracy, identity and self-determination? 2. The police did not revealed an official number but estimates of The Wall Street Journal and Japan Times round the number of total participants to 4,000 people. (Dou & Hsu, 2014; The Japan Times, 2014). 3. Ian Rowen is a PhD candidate in geography at the University of Colorado, Boulder and was visiting fellow at the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy and the Institute of Sociology at Academia Sinica. Rowen assisted both mobilizations to produce an “occupational ethnography” of both movements that was published as an article in the magazine “Anthropology News” of the American Anthropological Association.. 4. By communion the author refers to a high level of recognition of Hong Kongers’ claims, which in turn motivates Taiwanese students to express their agreement through actions, like: demonstrations of support, use of symbols, donations etc. . . 3 .

(13) 1.1 Research Design . 1.1.1 Hypothesis The present hypothesis takes base on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Doug McAdam’s interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert Putman’s "Two Levelgame" case of opportunity (della Porta & Kriesi, 2009). This theoretical framework suggests that a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference to the society of another to create a bridge for mutual struggle for democracy, identity, self-determination and rejection of a common foe (PRC). Thus, the present study. 治政 Taiwanese students to activist shown that they have大 developed a mature level of 立 Hong Kongers’ struggle for democracy, identity and selfrecognition and empathy towards defends that the hypothesis answering the question: “Has the support provided by 5. ‧ 國. 學. determination?” is the following:. ‧. The present work argues that the response to this question is affirmative. The medullar ideas of democracy, identity, self-determination and rejection of the PRC, found in both. sit. y. Nat. societies has allowed students in Taiwan to develop a sense of unity with the people of Hong Kong. First, collaboration started between activists of both sides creating a line of. io. er. communication since January 13, 2014. Second, Hong Kong activists assisted to learn and. al. n. iv n C U with the help of Taiwanese Hong Kong burst, Taiwanese activistshsupported e n g cHong h i Kongers. support the Sunflower movement. Third, on September 2014 when the social movement in students. This showed that students in Taiwan possibly had a greater understanding of the needs and demands of their peers in Hong Kong. Therefore, the present author argues that the elements of democracy, identity, selfdetermination and rejection of the PRC provided the ground for the Taiwanese youth to identify themselves with the Hong Kong protestors, although both sides have their particular political, economic and geographical realities. Hence, this could prove that a large proportion of Taiwanese students have developed a clear understanding of the 5. By “mature” the present author refers to a fully-grown or developed sentiment of recognition and unity from Taiwanese students towards their counterparts in Hong Kong, in their social struggle. Thus, if this developed recognition and sense of unity exists, it can be present regardless of the particularity of the case and it can be measure. . . 4 .

(14) similarities and claims between both sides, transcending this particular event, to foster an increasingly strong collaboration between both societies. Thus, the world may be witnessing the dawn of a strong approach from Taiwanese to their Hong Kong counter parts in their struggle for democracy, identity and self-determination against the PRC.. 1.1.2 Research Goals and Objectives The present study’s main objective is to prove that the collaboration between social movements has shown that Taiwanese students have developed a mature level of recognition and empathy for Hong Kongers’ struggle for democracy, identity, self-. 政治大 of a survey to a random sample of Taiwanese students of three selected public universities, 立 if the recent mobilizations in Hong Kong were followed, empathize with, and supported by determination and rejection of the PRC. Therefore, it will be asked through the application. ‧ 國. 學. them. Furthermore, it will be measure if they agree if further collaboration between collective actions is needed for both societies to achieve their respective goals.. ‧. Following the main goal’s objective, in order to identify if the protests in Hong Kong were. y. Nat. sit. followed, created affinity and communion by the selected population of Taiwanese. n. al. er. io. students, the questions to be answer will be:. Ch. i n U. v. 1) Do Taiwanese students taking the survey feel empathy and communion for the. engchi. OCLP’s movement democratic and self-determination claims? 2) Do Taiwanese students taking the survey recognize the idea that there is a “Hong Konger” identity6 and support it? 3) Do Taiwanese students taking the survey agree with the idea that cooperation between student of Hong Kong and Taiwan can propel each other’s claims? 6 . Cantonese-speaking people in Hong Kong that identify themselves as citizens of Hong Kong rather than Chinese citizens or from the People’s Republic of China (University of Hong Kong, 2014). . . 5 .

(15) 4) Do Taiwanese students taking the survey believe that is important for both Taiwanese and Hong Kongers to support each other’s claims to increase the power/intensity/to be more feasible. 1.1.3 Methodology The present epistemological study will be searching for qualitative data taken from random sample of Taiwanese university student of three public universities. The main research. 政治大 Kong or Taiwan) can create a bridge in the recognition of the mutual struggle for 立 democracy, identity, self-determination and rejection of a common foe (PRC). This interest is to analyze if the collaboration of two social movements of two countries (Hong. ‧ 國. 學. approach has its base on the theory the Social Movements Impact theory, based on Doug McAdam’s interactive model of collective action, in a Robert D. Putman’s "Two Level-. ‧. game" case as suggested by Donatella della Porta and Hanspeter Kriesi. Thus, following this guideline the present study will be divided as follows.. sit. y. Nat. io. er. The first part of the present thesis will based its research in consultation of previous studies and statistics to generate an overview of the socio-political situation lived in these. n. al. i n U. v. countries. In this way the study will provide a perspective of the context that created the. Ch. engchi. ground for the social movement in Hong Kong and its support in Taiwan. Second part of the research will consist in applying close-end questionnaire based on a Likert Scale to retrieve the opinion of the students of the three public universities in Taiwan. The main purpose of the questionnaire is to observe how has the Hong Kong movement been perceive by Taiwanese students (independently if they actively supported the movement or not) in regards of the following criteria:. . 6 .

(16) 1) If students: a) Know what the OCLP is. b) Recognized and supported the Hong Kong movement’s democratic claims of seeking direct election of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong. c) Largely perceive that there is a “Hong Kong” identity and if they support the idea behind it. d) Students felt empathetic and sensed a “communion”7 with protesters in Hong Kong because they were searching for: democracy, identity and rejection of the PRC political system.. 政治大. 2) If the Taiwanese students linked this event as an example to reinforce their rejection. 立. of the PRC’s increasing influence.. ‧ 國. 學. 3) If they see further collaboration with their Hong Kong peers as important to keep their rejection of the PRC and maintain their: democracy, identity and self-. ‧. determination. y. Nat. er. io. characteristics:. sit. Furthermore, the sample of students to be analyze will comply with the following. al. n. iv n C Those studying in: National Chengchi h e n gUniversity, i UNational Taiwan University and h c National Normal University.. a). b) Those who are between the ages of 18-30 years old.8 c) The total size of the sample to be analyze will be as follows:. 7. By “communion” the present author refers to the idea of feeling the responsibility to express support for the situation in which people in Hong Kong were.. 8. The selection of this sample is based on the population distribution in Taiwan, in which 70 percent of the society has between 15-60 years old, with an average age of 38 years old (National Statistics Republc of China (Taiwan), 2014). Therefore, the ideas of this group of the population, and future leaders, have a strong weight in the society.. . 7 .

(17) From the total populations of the universities, here shown in Figure 1. Figure 1. Total Number University students in NCCU, NTU and NTNU National Chengchi. National Taiwan. National Taiwan. Total number of. University. University. Normal University. students. 15,000. 30,000. 10,893. 55,8939. The present universities were chosen following the next criterion: 1) These public universities are considering the best within the public system10 of. 政治大. education in Taiwan and several of their members have and will occupy important. 立. governmental posts in the future.. ‧ 國. 學. 2) These universities’ student associations were the most active during the mobilizations.. 3) The sample of these universities will show if effectively the influence of the. ‧. activism is really shared by most part of the students of these universities.. y. Nat. sit. The present survey will aim to set its goals of having a tolerable error margin of 3 – 4% in. n. al. er. io. the number of responses. Therefore, this disposition sets the figures of feature interviewees as follows:. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Error 5%. Error 4%. Population to. Population to. Maximum. interview. interview. population:. 90%. 271. 422. 1,018 students. 95%. 382. 594. Confidence . 9. The numbers are based on the numbers that appear in universities’ official websites (National Chengchi University, 2015; National Taiwan University, 2015; National Taiwan Normal University, 2015). . 10 . The public system in Taiwan comprises the largest pool of students. Therefore, this study is based on this area, as it is more representative of the perspectives on the situation the majority of students have in all Taiwan. . . 8 .

(18) 99%. 656. 1018. The ultimate aim of the survey is to achieve the maximum level of interviewees as possible to achieve a high level of confidence (in this case 1,784 of students). The application of the survey will be 1 month and 6 days (from June 3th to July 1st) the work will set a minimum acceptance level of 90% confidence with 4% error. In order to achieve this goal the survey will be sent to (+/-) 1,018 students of the selected universities with the help of the central offices in each university. (Custom Insigth, 2015) For the sample to maintain an equitable representation of the total population, interviewees per university will be maintain as symmetrical as possible. Main variables of the Questionnaire:. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 1. Democratic protests. The combination of four elements created the “Democratic protests” variable: a) Measurement of the Interest of the interviewee toward social movements happening. ‧. in the PRC (foreign) and Taiwan (local); b) measurement level of knowledge of the. y. Nat. particular case of the Hong Kong movement and the level of importance for the. sit. interviewee; c) measurement of the level in which the interviewee felt being. er. io. awareness, sensitivity, understanding, while experiencing the feeling, thoughts and similar. al. iv n C “empathy”.; and d) measurement U of pro-activeness h e n gof ctheh ilevel democratic social movements in the PRC. n. experiences towards those who support the movement by asking his level of. in helping. 2. Identity This item was composed by two questions. The first item provides 5 options that combine the two perspectives of identity as argued by Malte Philip Keading: essentialist and constructivist11. Therefore, the answers provided in two questions 11 According to Kaeding essential and constructivist perspectives can be subdivided into civic and ethno-. cultural. From these subdivisions there are three basic perspectives to classify nationalism in Taiwan, which are the following:. . 9 .

(19) separate and in two differently combined, the following variables: a) bloodline, language, culture, race and territory; b) views the nation as an “imagined political community”. The second question measures in the interviewee acknowledges that a “Hong Konger identity exists and should be maintained. 3. Taiwan-China Relations This item uses a combination of elements that can be divided in: socio-political, economy and politics, and social. The “socio-political” item seek to ask the interviewee their opinions if their career options had any connection with crossstrait relations and in this way measure their awareness of the topic and importance. 政治大. they place to it in their daily lives.. 立. The “economy and politics” item, the questions are destined to measure student’s. ‧ 國. 學. perspective on cross-strait economic relationship between Taiwan and the PRC, economic status of Taiwan and the dangers of an economic interdependence on China for Taiwan’s democracy, sovereignty and the political survival of ROC’s. ‧. government.. y. Nat. The “social” item has the intention to ask the interviewees to provide their opinion. sit. in regards of the hypothetical case of unifying Taiwan with the PRC. Furthermore,. er. io. they are ask if they agree to create a strong collaboration with the society in Hong. al. iv n C for the students to agree or disagree U relations are mishandled it h e nifginccase icross-strait h could create a new “Hong Kong” out of Taiwan. n. Kong to maintain their democracy, identity and self-determination. Lastly it is asked. These variables will help to confirm if the students see in the Hong Kong society a potential ally who they understand and relate in regards of their present situation. 1) 2) 3). . Ethno-cultural nationalism: […] […T]he Taiwanese identity is based on specific historical experiences and perceived cultural differences between the Taiwan people and mainland Chinese[.T]he focus is on the colonial past of the island and its long separation from the China. Multi-ethnic nationalism: […] [T]he Taiwanese nation is a harmonious, democratic and tolerant nation of four ethnic groups, the Mainlanders, the Hoklo, the Hakka, and the aborigines. Political or State nationalism: […] [T]he foundation of a Taiwan nation is in line with the institutions of a liberal state. The rise of the Taiwan identity is seen as directly connected to its geographical and political separation from China and its subsequent democratic development. (Kaeding, 2011) These perspectives served to mold the propositions offered to Taiwanese students to pick the one closer to their definition to be Taiwanese.. 10 .

(20) In order to conduct the sought retrieval of the positions of students, the method chosen would be close-end Likert Scale type of questionnaire. The use of this method stands as the most optimal scheme to analyze qualitative information. Nonetheless, it is important to mention that there are also disadvantages. First, the advantages of close-end questions lay on the feasibility of coding and interpreting the information. Moreover, the Likert Scale has the sole purpose of being a psychological response scale aiming to retrieve the preferences or degree of agreement of the respondents. Therefore, interviewees provide responses on a non-comparative approach and unidimensional manner. Despite these advantages, the disadvantage presents when. 政治大. respondents are provided with pre-armed statements that do not exactly reflect their. 立. opinion. As Bertram argues, “… there is no way to ensure that participants view the. ‧ 國. 學. difference between ‘agree’ and ‘completely agree’ ” (Likert Scales …are the meaning of life, 2004). Hence, the responses are approximations of the participant’s perspectives.. ‧. However, if the method of open-end questions is preferred challenges may increase.. y. Nat. Although open-end questions provide exact answers of the interviewees, the wide range of. sit. variables in these answers makes coding very difficult. Furthermore, answers from open-. er. io. end questionnaires are challenged in achieving a clear interpretation without recurring to a. al. iv n C 1990; McLeod, 2008). For these reasons, author of the h e the i U present study has decided to use h n c g the method of close-end Likert scale to interpret the responses. n. higher level of assumption through a series of direct and indirect connections (Knapp,. Finally, the questionnaire will be applied through an online survey using “Google Documents”. The advantages of applying an online survey are the following: 1) It is automatic and provides a real-time access: As respondents respond in real-time, the information is stored and can be access immediately. 2) Rapid deployment: this tool provides the advantage of rapidly reaching the subjects and retrieve the intended information.. . 11 .

(21) 3) Allows flexibility in the process of creating the survey (all types of surveys can be put forward under this tool. 4) Anonymity: as there is no interviewer the respondents feel more confident in providing responses. Disadvantages: 1) Respondent availability can be limited, as respondents will receive the survey to their emails. 2) Cooperation problems: as many interviewees constantly bombarded by other advertisements may not be interested to respond or end the survey.. 政治大. 3) No interviewer: the lack of a trained person to clarify sections of the survey can. 立. produce less reliable data. (Gingery, 2011). ‧ 國. 學. Once acknowledge these disadvantages, the present author proposes the following measures to address the problematic:. ‧. y. Nat. 1) The survey can also be distributed in social media (like Facebook, twitter, etc.). sit. making the availability of the subjects to increase.. al. er. io. 2) The cooperation problems are hard to tackle, but can be reduce by implementing a. v. n. short questionnaire. A 1 or 1.5 page questionnaire with 15 questions can help reduce this risk.. Ch. engchi. i n U. 3) The lack of interviewer can be addressed by making a concise and explicative paragraph of what is required for the respondent to do. As this questionnaire is based on a Likert Scale, the tasks required from the interviewee will be similar in shape and form. Third and finally, the answers of the questionnaire will serve to draw the final conclusions. Once the results from the questionnaire are obtained they will be coded and interpreted. As the interpretation shows the results obtain will be compared with hypothesis of the present study to support it or overthrow it.. . 12 .

(22) 1.2 Research Motives The present study motives rise from the sudden eruption of support lived in Taiwan during the social movement in Hong Kong. The particular democratic claims pushed by the OCLP movement in seeking direct election and open candidacy for Chief Executives appealed to a large group in the Taiwanese society. The affinity led to a rapid mobilization in Taiwan of several thousands of people to show their support for the events taking place in Hong Kong. Regardless, if activists of both sides (Hong Kong and Taiwan) may have worked together to gather people at the Taipei liberty square, the large group that suddenly attended the sit-ins in Taipei showed a real sentiment of communion between Taiwanese students and their peers in Hong Kong.. 政治大 The lack of further formal study, due to this particular case novelty leaves these questions 立 partially answered. Experts, news reports, NGO’s talk about the “clear” effect of the. ‧ 國. 學. implications of the movement of Hong Kong in Taiwan, but there are no serious recent reports backing their assumptions. So far statistics, principally serving other purposes have. ‧. serve to draw approximations and, from there, conclusions (Chow, et al., 2012; Luh, 2014; The Economist, 2014; J.R., 2014; Kaiman, 2014; Bush III, 2014; Mancini, 2014; Kasoff,. Nat. er. io. sit. y. 2014; Daly, Glaser, & Looney, 2014; Rowen, 2014).. The present study could provide a clear understanding of what is the position and. n. al. i n U. v. disposition of these new members of the Taiwanese society in their search of maintaining. Ch. engchi. alive their precepts. In addition, it the study could shed light on the opportunity and limitations for activists in both sides to maintain and develop this new relationship with the help and disposition of a community that might agree on that union. Hence, the present study will provide the space to for others to follow more closely the development of this possible communion between societies in their search for democracy, identity and selfdeterminism.. . 13 .

(23) 1.3 Professional Significance of the Study The Social Movements Impact theory in a "Two Level-game" case is developing and examples can still be provided to enrich it. In the case of domestic affairs, social movements are a doctrine that has been expanding. Due to its relative novelty, the cases in which transnational interactions have taken place have not fully research (della Porta & Kriesi, 2009).. In the case of Taiwan there is an immediate example of support to. movements in other country. Therefore, transnational support has existed in Taiwan. The current case of study is still not fully studied. It is true that there are several writings about cross-strait relations that talk about social movements in Taiwan and Hong Kong (So. 政治大 2011). There have been also several cultural and political approaches (Pui-tak, 2002; 立 Mittler, 2001; Jung, et al., 2013; Chuang, 2014; Wang, et al., 2015).. & Hua, 1992 ; chang, 1998; Zhao, 2001; Masden, 2009; Huang & Li, 2010; Cai, et al.,. ‧ 國. 學. Moreover, for this particular case there can also be found widely accessible reports from. ‧. news agencies (Luh, 2014; The Economist, 2014; J.R., 2014; Kaiman, 2014) and NGO’s (Bush III, 2014; Mancini, 2014; Kasoff, 2014). There have also been talks from specialists. Nat. sit. y. about possible repercussions for Taiwan (Daly, Glaser, & Looney, 2014). Nevertheless,. io. er. serious studies talking about this rising union of societies is still not largely available (Weiss, et al., 2012; Kaeding, 2014) .. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Therefore, present study could open a path in this new facet witnessed between two social movements in East Asia. Both collective actions could develop a new level of collaboration with this alliance that transcends their borders in their fight for similar claims. Hence, it would be seen that what previously were focalized points of contention, now they have evolved to increase their power to challenge the opportunities found in their respective political systems (democracy, identity and self-determinism), and reject the major threat (the PRC) that exceeds their borders. Thus, by proving that Taiwanese students have developed this mature recognition of their counterparts in Hong Kong, it would provide the grounds to expect and argue that further and stronger collaboration between sides could take place in the future.. . 14 .

(24) 1.4 Theoretical framework The present study’s theoretical framework combines the theory of collective action as proposed by Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model and their outcomes in the international arena in a “Two-level game” case as proposed by Robert D. Putman (Putman, 1988; della Porta & Kriesi, 2009) McAdam’s dynamic interactive model for analyzing the emergence of Contentious Politics. 立. 政治大. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Nat. n. er. io. al. sit. Source: (McAdam, 1999). Ch. i n U. v. Model to track international relations based on Putman’s concepts.. engchi. Source: (della Porta & Kriesi, 2009). . 15 .

(25) 1.5 Literature Review Following with the previous theoretical framework, the present literature will review will answer the following questions: what is a social movement? How should a social movement be understood? And how can a social movement impact a society locally and globally? The present literature review will be structured as follows: First, the analysis will start by defining the term “social movements”. Second, the review will provide a brief overview of the classical views of social movements, which will help the reader to identify where the principal debate took place. Third, it will present the new Social Movements theory and. 政治大 to William Gamson’s ideas. Fourth, the study will explain how Charles Tilly, Sydney 立 Tarrow and Doug McAdam reshaped the debate of Social movements Impact theory when their impacts (called “Social Movements Impact theory” or “Outcome theory”) according. ‧ 國. 學. proposing the usage of the term “collective action”. Fifth and final, it will be described how a collective action reaches an international level according to the ideas presented by. ‧. Donatella della Porta and Hanspeter Kriesi in relation with the “Two level-game” theory of Robert D. Putman. Without further due let us begin with the analysis.. sit. y. Nat. er. io. 1.5.1 Definition of Social movements. al. n. iv n C the definition has had an evolutionary highly dependent h estatus i U on the approach adopted. h n c g The term “Social Movements” was first established as a scholarly discussion by the. To define the term “social movements” it is not a simple task. It is important to note that. German sociologist Lorenz von Stein in 1850.. In its origins von Stein rounded its. definition as: “… [A] unitary process by which the whole working class gained selfconsciousness and power” (Tilly, 2004). As professor Charles Tilly provides his insights over this definition, he says it was clearly influenced by Marx and Engel’s ideas published in the “Communist Manifesto” of 1848. Tilly argues von Stein’s definition alludes to the ideas of Marx and Engels that proposes that people will act on the behalf of collective goods (collective action), when their social class is in complete contradictions with those of their antagonists (Tilly, 2004; Tarrow, 1995) .. . 16 .

(26) Tilly explains that through the 19th century political analysts discussed social movements in a pluralistic12 manner. Tilly provides us with an excellent quote recovered from the German Journal Die Gegenwart (The Present) to express the conceptions of political analysis of the era: “social movements are in general nothing other than a first search for a valid historical outcome” (Tilly, 2004, p. 6). Thus, Tilly explains that in this period people analyzing social movements categorized them by program, organization, and setting. Thence, Tilly argues that this kind of political analysis gained weight and shape the perspectives of analysts. As these pluralistic ideas expanded, political critics trying to refer to the outcome of these mobilizations started to call them brawls and riots. Finally the term got so blurred to the point that it was difficult to differentiate between sporadic brakes of violence or a social movement (Tilly, 2004).. 立. 政治大. The classical social theory based on political pluralistic ideas conveys largely a. ‧ 國. 學. psychological approach, commonly framed as the “Classical models”. These would serve to lead the debate up to mid-20th century in the understanding of social movements. Nevertheless, it cannot be omitted that there were those, like the politicians Vladimir Ilich. ‧. Uliánov (Lenin) and Marco Gramsci, who continued working on Marx and Engels ideas to. y. Nat. provide a different understanding of this phenomenon. As it will be seen further in this. sit. literature review their work would serve to reshape the current perception of social. er. io. movements (Tarrow, 1995).. al. n. iv n C Social movements bring into perspective concerns h e different i U of societies. The awareness of h n c g these topics and their results is something that has intrigued for several decades’ different . researchers. The classical view conceives these groups as something not rational, something that had to be explained by understanding the individuals conforming it. Nevertheless, this perspective failed to explain the continuous rise of social movements or their repeated presence in history. It would until the publication of the book “The Strategy 12. Pluralism, in political science is the view that in liberal democracies power is (or should be) dispersed among a variety of economic and ideological pressure groups and is not (or should not be) held by a single elite or group of elites. Pluralism assumes that diversity is beneficial to society and that autonomy should be enjoyed by disparate functional or cultural groups within a society, including religious groups, trade unions, professional organizations, and ethnic minorities (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2015). For pluralist like Robert Alan Dahl, only a few kinds of groups have the power to stop political processes. Under this conception it is argued that it is through the political ground that groups have their voices heard or silenced. According to Dahl, politicians search first to have pluralism. (McAdam, 1999). . 17 .

(27) of Social Protest” by William Gamson (1975) that a clear divergent idea to conceive social movements burst leaving behind the old precepts. Therefore, the “Social Movement Impact Theory” or “Outcome Theory”, as it is now known, is interested in analyzing social movements and the effects they produce in society. Although currently this theory has been in continuous expansion, it cannot be denied it novelty in comparison with others. Therefore, it provides the opportunity of creating a work that could serve to enrich the worldwide community (Fox Piven & Cloward, 1979; Kitschelt, 1986; Putman, 1988; Amenta, Carruthers, & Zylan, 1992; Johnston, et al., 1994; Tarrow, 1995; Giugni, et al., 1998; Giugni, et al., 1999; McAdam, 1999; Tilly, 2004; della Porta, et al., 2009; della Porta, et al., 2013). 立. 1.5.2 Classical Social Theory. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Classical social theory sees social movements as a cause of a “strain” in the structure. Following this criterion, these theories try to answer what is the cause provoking the. ‧. strains. In his book “Political process and the development of Black Insurgency 19301970” Professor Doug McAdam provides a model (here observed in Figure 1) that. y. Nat. er. io. sit. integrates the basic ideas found in most of the classical social perspectives.. n. a l Figure1. Classical Model i v n Ch engchi U Source: (McAdam, 1999). From this figure it can be clearly observed that the classical social theory focus on a psychological state that causes disruption. The proponents following these precepts see a psychological disruption as the reason for social movements to take place. Hence, these kinds of analysts are social psychologists. As an example, the present study retakes. . 18 .

(28) McAdam’s brief explanation of the classical theories of Mass Theory, Status Inconsistency and Collective Behavior13. The “Mass Theory” advocates see it as an organism conformed by intermediate groups without a large structure integrated to the social and political life. Therefore, it is only through isolation or social “atomization” that a strain can be generated in the system creating feelings of “alienation and anxiety”. Thus generating a social movement. In the case of the theory of “Status Inconsistency”, it is believed that the disparities in the individual’s social ranking can create a strain. As the Mass Theory states, it is through these tensions that the individuals get “afflicted” and “atomize”. If acute it can derive into a social movement.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Finally, there is the case of the “Collective behavior” theory. Although, as McAdam argues, this theory does not clearly presumes a status of inconsistency or atomization, it assumes that any sever social strain can lead to a social movement. As McAdam quotes the human. ‧. behaviorist Niel J. Smelser “[…] the more sever the strain the most likely is such an. y. sit. io. er. , 1999). Nat. episode to appear”. (Political process and the development of Black Insurgency 1930-1970. al. iv n C individuals are considered the object Thus, h eof nanalysis. i U psychological problems in the h c g individuals are pointed as the reason for social movements to be created. Second, it is n. As this brief summary shows there are three tendencies that can be found. First, the. considered that the political system has no flaws or deficiencies. Therefore there is no need to analyze it. Third, as McAdam argues, this leaves out the explanation of why individuals decide to unite in a movement and why historically there has been taking place different movements (Political process and the development of Black Insurgency 1930-1970 , 1999). 13. For further discussion please refer to: Eun-Young, N. (2008). Status Inconsistency and lifestyle among status groups: focusing on cultural capital and social capital. DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIETY , 37 (2), 169-186. Macy, M. W. (1990). Learning Theory and the Logic of Critical Mass. American Sociological Review , 55 (6), 809-826. Smelser, N. J. (1962). Theory of Collective Behavior. (N. J. Smelser, Ed.) New York, New York, USA: The Free Press. McAdam, D. (1999). Political process and the development of Black Insurgency 1930-1970 . (D. McAdam, Ed.) Chicago, Illinois, US: Chicago University Press.. . 19 .

(29) 1.5.3 “Social Movements Impact Theory” or “Outcome Theory” As a response to these approaches William Gamson would propose in his book “The Strategy of Social Protest” (1975) that social movements are more than causal strains. In his groundbreaking work William Gamson analyzes 53 social movements in the United States between the periods 1800 and 1945. This author’s work served to modify the traditional image and produce a new discussion when analyzing social movements. In his analysis Gamson outlined the constants observed in the groups and established the parameters to understand social movements. At the same time, the author created a ramification to the social movement theory by measuring its success and impacts. Gamson. 治政大 group, he establishes that antagonistic of the political system. Through the term challenging 立 these have a “formal organization” and it is an entity that is capable of hold meetings,. uses the term “challenging group” when referring to social movements and identify them as 14. ‧ 國. 學. planning, issuing statements, calling demonstrations and raise money. Furthermore, Gamson states that in order to understand the nature of these groups it is important to. ‧. differentiate their three types of “target”15: He states that it is only through this antagonism. sit. 14. y. Nat. . n. al. er. io. By “formal” Gamson says that the level of formality varies. For some groups the idea of membership may not be further than a psychological commitment to be part of the group. To illustrate this he mentions the example of being a member of the Democratic or Republican Party. For others, Gamson mentions, a complete protocol of membership may be required such as: “blood oaths or other rituals”. As he states: “formal or informal an organization has name that has taken or given by others”. (The Strategy of Social Protest, 1975).. 15. 1). 2). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The targets Gamson mentions are: Target of influence: Is a set of individuals, groups or social institutions that must alter their decisions or polices in order for a challenging group to correct a situation to which it objects. This target is the object of actual or planned influence by the group that Gamson calls "antagonist”. Target of mobilization: Are those individuals or groups whose resources and energy the group seeks in carrying out its efforts to change. These are called the group’s “constituency”. There are two ideas behind the usage of the notion of mobilization: a) Activation of commitment: This is concerning the efforts to move those individuals that are already committed to a particular action (those who are already members of a cause). b) The creation of commitment: Is the idea of a change from a low generalized readiness to act, to a highgeneralized readiness to act collectively (When a high readiness is present, a minimal effort is needed to make the individuals to act, and vice versa).. 3). . Target of benefits: Are those individuals or groups whom the challenging group hopes will be affected positively by the changes that it seeks from its antagonist. The target group to be the benefit from this objective is called “beneficiary”. Nevertheless, the changes will affect everyone more or less equally whether they are members other group’s constituency or not. (Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, 1975). 20 .

(30) and constituency that these groups can be identify. To further back these ideas he observed, he provides two criteria that will be followed by these groups: a) It must be seeking the mobilization of an immobilized constituency: A group is no longer a challenging group once it can call upon an already mobilized constituency whenever it decides to attempt influence. He states, that even established groups are continuously making efforts to maintain its members commitments and its apathy. (Interest groups are excluded) b) Its antagonist lies outside of its constituency: Only those who challenge legislations, governmental policies, etc. are considered in this category. Those groups targeting. 政治大. influence within their ranks16 and are not looking to influence others outside cannot be include in this description.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Finally to complete Gamson’s sketch of the challenging groups, he argues there is a level of “success” and the tendency he observed is that the most violent are the more successful.. ‧. First the term of “success” is defined by Gamson as a set of outcomes that can be classified. y. Nat. in two categories: the “acceptance”17 of the challenging group by its antagonists as a valid. sit. spokesman, and whether the beneficiary gains “new advantages”18. Second, through his. er. io. study Gamson found that 60 percent of the organizations strengthened their cause within . al. n. iv n C Gamson puts the example of messianich or utopian communities that i Uare looking to improve their member’s e (Gamson, g c h1975) lives by changing their way of living. These are excluded.n 16. 17. The “acceptance” within a society Gamson argues is a relationship between the challenging group and its antagonists that is constantly changing. At the beginning, he says, is passive or active hostility, or indifference at best. The acceptance entails changing from these positions to a positive relation. Therefore, acceptance consist of: 1) Consultation: this must involve some degree of initiative of by the antagonist (individual accepting the group). For example, when the antagonist invites some members of a group to assists an open hearing of the legislative body as is within their interest. But when the group asks to join this invited it is not within the consultation parameter. 2) Negotiations: if the antagonist is willing to enter negotiations with a group consistently and not only when there is a crisis. 3) Formal recognition: when the antagonists make a formal written recognition of the acceptance of a group as a spokesman of his/her interests. 4) Inclusion: this is the type of acceptance that is characterize by the inclusion of challenging group leaders or members in positions of status or authority in the antagonist’s organizational structure. It is important that the challenging group members maintain their status formally or informally. (Gamson, 1975) 18 Gamson argues that in assessing the achievements of benefits “new advantages”, the groups own perspectives and aspirations are the starting point. Gamson leaves it open to the interpretation of the researcher to whether the benefits have been “real”. To assess this, he argues, is to take into account the benefits that propose that life of people will improve if certain things can happen. If these take place then it can be regarded as new advantages realized. In this way the perspective of the group is taken into consideration. (Gamson, 1975). . 21 .

(31) the society and 75 percent gained new advantages for their beneficiary. Gamson says that if the group reaches its ultimate goal the challenging group would stop to exist, collapse and form other movements or evolve into new objectives. Thence, through this explanation Gamson argues that challenging groups can obtain and mobilize resources (money and people) to their cause and obtain “success”. This idea contents the Pluralistic perspective of looking at these groups as depending on political context (as it is there where the power lays) and their relative weakness to reach objective. These ideas over the social movements locked the discussion on the topics of a positive “success”, disruption/moderation (non-violent vs. violent movements) and internal/external explanations (strength of a movement vs. context in which it moves) (Gamson, 1975; Giugni, et al., 1999). 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. The challenges presented to the idea of “success” came immediately with the publication of the book “Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed How they fail” of Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward (1979). In this book, through the construction of the. ‧. working-class movements, it was established that not all the movements succeed or achieve Although the authors do. y. Nat. a better outcome for the beneficiary or society in general.. sit. recognize that their intention was not to destroy the idea of a possible success, nonetheless,. er. io. they recognized that there is also the possibility of negative outcomes.. al. n. iv n C Piven and Cloward argue that thehsocial context served e n g c h i U to limit the actions of the movements. For example, they argue that during 1930’s and 1960’s industrial workers in the United States managed to secure concessions for their acts of civil disobedience. Nevertheless, as they were vulnerable due to internal leadership problems and external relation with the elites, members disbanded and the bureaucratic organizations that were created collapsed. Therefore, this supported the idea that disorganized and disruptive people threaten a challenging group structure. This perspective was highly criticized. Gamson produced an essay refuting the idea in which it was accepted that outcomes were not all positives nevertheless his observation already contemplated the continuous struggle of keeping a movement active. (Gamson & Schmeidler, 1984).. . 22 .

(32) Gamson’s work was continued by other scholars to prove and improve his original findings. The findings were more clearly imprinted in the collaborative work that produce the book “How Social Movements Matter” (Giugni, et al., 1999). In this work Marco Giugni argues that based on new analysis following Gamson’s work, the relation between violence and success was no longer valid. In addition, through this objection Giugni countered the pluralist idea that when a “disruption” takes place there was a violent reaction to it. Giugni argues that the new tendencies, found in the works (cited in that book) of McAdam and Tarrow, Taft and Ross, showed that violence is counterproductive for the movement too. Giugni argues the new tendency of groups, though some might show eruption of violence, they push forward for concession and “moderation” (Giugni, et al., 1999).. 立. 政治大. On regards of success and failure of a social movement Giugni clearly outlines the dangers. ‧ 國. 學. of adopting this kind of perspective. This author is supportive of Gamson’s approach in taking the movement objectives as a form of measurement of success, as clearly not doing so would lead to more subjective assessment. Nevertheless, this approach poses the dangers. ‧. of considering that a social movement is a homogenous entity in which all the actors have. y. Nat. the same goals. As this author argues, not all of the results of the social movements meet. sit. their goals and sometimes it can produce other unintended positive and negative effects. An. al. n. mentioned.. er. io. example of this was the cases presented by Piven and Cloward’s here previously. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Moreover, in terms of internal and external explanations Giugni argues Gamson’s work only addresses what he frames as “pluralists/elitist” controversy. This author argues, that there are problems in Gamson’s argument that counters the pluralist view of social movements as: “responsive to external demands that are not too far from proper channels (political ones)” (How Social Movements Matter, 1999). Giughi argues that this “elitist” perspective of social movement is better argued through professor David Lipsky’s theoretical argument that Giugni paraphrases as ”[…] the acquisition of a stable political resources that do not rely on third parties is an essential condition for challengers to be successful in the long run” (Giugni, et al., 1999). Through this idea, Guigni argues the discussion can be centered on resources mobilization and the political process. From these. . 23 .