歷史敘述與貿易政策下的中美關係 - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master’s Program in International Studies National Chengchi University 國立政治大學國際研究英語碩士學位學程. 政治大. Historical Narratives and Trade Policy in the U.S.-China Relationship 歷史敘述與貿易政策下的中美關係. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Taili Ni 倪泰麗 Advisor: David Lorenzo. June 2019. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(2) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(3) Abstract The relationship between the United States and the People’s Republic of China has long been considered one of the most consequential bilateral relationships in the world. The history of the relationship is wrought with ups and down. This paper attempts to explain this variation by analyzing two historical narratives underpinning the relationship: an American narrative of unappreciated benevolence and a Chinese narrative of national humiliation. Currently, the two countries are embroiled in the trade war, a battle of escalating tariffs and economic aggression. This paper looks at the ongoing trade war through a constructivist lens and utilizes discourse analysis of speeches and statements in order to determine how narratives can help us understand the relationship. This paper finds that the prevalence of narratives in the U.S.-China relationship reinforces predilections towards selecting certain policy options. Keywords: historical narratives, unappreciated benevolence, national humiliation, U.S.-China relations, trade war. 立. 政治大摘要. ‧ 國. 學. 中美關係是公認的世界上最重要的雙邊關係之一。中美關係歷來多有波折。這篇論文試圖從兩個歷史因素的角度去分析兩國關係的起伏：美國方面的施恩沒有回報的觀點，還有中. ‧. 國方面的民族長期被壓迫的觀點。目前，兩國正在進行日漸升級的貿易戰，利用關稅和經濟政策互相施壓。這篇論文利用建構正義理論及分析兩國的演講詞和官方言論來詮釋歷史. Nat. sit. n. al. er. io. 走向。. y. 因素對中美雙邊關係的影響。這篇論文發現這些歷史因素非常有助於解釋中美兩國關係的. Ch. i n U. v. 關鍵字：歷史因素，師恩沒有回報，國恥，民族被壓迫歷史，中美關係，貿易戰. engchi. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.


(5) Acknowledgements First and foremost, to my advisor, Professor David Lorenzo, thank you for your support and advice throughout this thesis and throughout my time at National Chengchi University. I am beyond grateful for your expertise and guidance. Thank you to my two committee members, Professor Yeh-chung Lu and Professor Guanyi Leu. Your assistance and feedback have been critical in shaping the direction of this work. Your active participation in this project is much appreciated.. 政治大. A special note of appreciation goes to Professor Harry Harding, whose course on U.S.-. 立. China relations in the fall of 2018 inspired this thesis. Without your encouragement and. ‧ 國. 學. introduction to the power of narratives in the U.S.-China relationship, this particular thesis would not have been written.. ‧. I am especially grateful to Fulbright Taiwan and its staff for their roles in making my. sit. y. Nat. graduate school experience happen. I am forever appreciative for the administrative and financial. al. n. to study and live in Taiwan.. er. io. support that allowed me to spend two years in this beautiful place. Thank you for the opportunity. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Finally, thank you to my parents and my many teachers, who instilled in me a lifelong love for reading and stories. This foray into narratives would not have occurred without the deeprooted appreciation for storytelling you encouraged in me.. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.


(7) Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2 Methods .......................................................................................................................... 5 2.1 Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................................................5 2.2 Data ......................................................................................................................................................7 2.3 Research Limitations ...........................................................................................................................8. Chapter 3 Literature Review ........................................................................................................... 9 3.1 U.S.-China Trade ...............................................................................................................................10 3.2 Political Importance of Narratives.....................................................................................................12 3.3 The American Narrative ....................................................................................................................15 3.4 The Chinese Narrative .......................................................................................................................19. 政治大 4.1 The American Narrative ....................................................................................................................22 立 4.1.1 The Story ....................................................................................................................................22. Chapter 4: The Narratives and Historical Examples..................................................................... 22. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 4.1.2 Identifying the American Narrative ...........................................................................................24 4.1.3 Identifying American Non-Narrative .........................................................................................25 4.1.4 Historical Examples of the American Narrative ........................................................................26 4.2 The Chinese Narrative .......................................................................................................................41 4.2.1 The Story ....................................................................................................................................41 4.2.2 Identifying the Chinese Narrative ..............................................................................................42 4.2.3 Identifying Chinese Non-Narrative ............................................................................................42 4.2.4 Historical Examples of the Chinese Narrative ...........................................................................43. sit. y. Nat. io. er. Chapter 5: Analysis of Narratives ................................................................................................. 53 5.1 Data Analysis: United States .............................................................................................................54 5.1.1 Establishing American Benevolence..........................................................................................54 5.1.2 Establishing Moral or Technical Superiority .............................................................................57 5.1.3 Establishing Authority, Paternalism, and Disappointment ........................................................59 5.2 Data Analysis: People’s Republic of China ......................................................................................63 5.2.1 Establishing Humiliation or Victimhood ...................................................................................63 5.2.2 Establishing Respect for Sovereignty or Different Models .......................................................67. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Chapter 6: Analysis of Interaction ................................................................................................ 70 6.1 American Response to the Chinese Narrative ...................................................................................70 6.2 Chinese Response to the American Narrative ...................................................................................72. Chapter 7: Conclusion................................................................................................................... 79 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 83. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(8) Chapter 1 Introduction The U.S.-China relationship is often described as being the most important, or most consequential, bilateral relationship in the world. For decades now, there have been debates in the academic and policy worlds about how China’s rise will affect the international system and the U.S. in particular. The bilateral relationship has been full of ups and downs, at times experiencing highs of friendship and growth while at others being dragged down by disappointment and mistrust. Despite the fact that both countries acknowledge the importance of. 政治大. the relationship and have made countless attempts to cooperate, the relationship is still often. 立. strained and the rhetoric negative. Why has it been so difficult for the U.S. and China to exit the. ‧ 國. 學. cycle and maintain healthy relations? One complicating factor is the pervasive presence of particular narratives. Both China and the U.S. maintain narratives about the relationship that. ‧. appear throughout the years and the state of the relationship. What is the power of narrative in. sit. y. Nat. international relations? What are the specific narratives at work in the U.S.-China relationship. er. io. and what role do they play? This thesis takes the constructivist approach that narratives and. al. iv n C h eItnoffers gain insight into international relationships. perspective to traditional i U g cahsupplementary n. identity are inescapably linked with the way states behave, and thus should be studied in order to. realist, liberal, and constructivist understandings of the U.S.-China relationship. How do these historical narratives interact with trade policy, and what are the larger implications for the U.S.-China relationship? This thesis attempts to answer this question by establishing the constructed historical narratives and examining how these narratives have appeared in materials regarding trade policy in the currently ongoing U.S.-China trade war. Do narratives help perpetuate the trade war? This thesis finds that not only are the narratives present. 1. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(9) in the trade war, but also that the purposeful continuation of these narratives helps perpetuate the conflict by reinforcing predilections towards selecting certain policy options. Crucial to this study are the historical narratives themselves. Historical narratives have the power to shape, inform, and perpetuate a collective identity, such as a nation’s identity. The power of identity to then determine how a country behaves cannot be underestimated, and that is precisely what this research seeks to investigate. While a narrative is at its core a story, it is also a critical way “in which we construct disparate facts in our own worlds and weave them together. 治政 shape and define the ways in which people view themselves 大 and the world around them, and this 立 cognitively in order to make sense of our reality” (Patterson & Monroe, 1998). Narratives help. extends to political relationships as well.. ‧ 國. 學. Two distinct narratives are explored in this paper. The first is the American narrative of. ‧. unappreciated benevolence, which tells the story of a global leader whose generosity goes unappreciated and whose authority goes unheeded at times, leading to situations where it can be. y. Nat. io. sit. taken advantage of and harmed. Stemming from the concept of American exceptionalism, this. n. al. er. narrative promotes the idea that the U.S. is a moral example and leader who bestows. Ch. i n U. v. benevolence upon the rest of the world, but does not always receive the same kind of benevolent. engchi. treatment in return. The narrative paints the U.S. as a benevolent hegemon whose efforts often go unnoticed or unappreciated, or whose benevolence creates opportunities for other countries, like China, to easily take advantage of it. The narrative is prominent in American discussions of the U.S.-China relationship, as well as in discussions of trade policy. The U.S. has long been critical of China’s approach to trade, labeling many of its policies unfair and illegal. The second narrative is the Chinese one of national humiliation and national rejuvenation. This linear narrative describes a China that was taken down in its prime by foreign. 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(10) intrusions and subjected to countless humiliations. Now, China is rising back to its correct position of prominence and will no longer tolerate bullying or foreign interference. The Chinese narrative comes from China’s “Century of Humiliation” (百年國恥), a defining period of time in Chinese history between 1839 and 1949 when Western powers and Japan intervened in China. This period of time is a great scar on a proud Chinese history, and marks a division in history, with many textbooks referring to before and after the Century of Humiliation (Kaufman, 2010). The resulting narrative is one of both loss and redemption: China suffered humiliation at the. 政治大 rightful position of global prominence. The narrative has been adopted by the Chinese 立. hands of foreign powers, but has ultimately overcome that struggle and has risen back to its. ‧ 國. 學. Communist Party (CCP) and used to legitimize its right to rule by claiming that the CCP ended the period of humiliation and regained China’s independence and dignity (Wang Z. , 2008). This. sit. y. Nat. for decades.. ‧. narrative has colored cultural, economic, and political interactions between the U.S. and China. io. er. The primary scope of the thesis will be limited to the trade war between the U.S. and China. The foundations for this conflict were set in 2016 during Donald Trump’s presidential. al. n. iv n C campaign, and the trade war took off in 2018. As of this writing h e n g c h i U the trade war is still very much. underway, though as of June 29 the countries agreed to continue talks and hold off on new tariffs for the time being. The ongoing nature of this conflict adds to the overall uncertainty regarding the future of the trade relationship, and indeed the overall relationship, between the U.S. and China. The trade war presents an interesting, modern-day case of the use of these particular narratives. Even the way the U.S. and China approach the trade war demonstrates the different assumptions embedded in their understandings of the relationship. For example, in May of this year President Trump referred to the trade war as “a little squabble with China” (Remarks by. 3. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(11) President Trump Before Marine One Departure, 2019). The attitude conveys multiple aspects of the American narrative: the sense of American superiority, the inevitability of an American victory, and the parental view that allows the U.S. to brush off a major trade conflict with China as a “squabble.” Conversely, Chinese discourse around the trade war has gone the opposite route; the terms used to describe the conflict include “a new Long March” (新长征) (Xi, 2019) and “a people’s war” (人民戰爭) (王怡, 2019). These terms, undeniably much more intense than “squabble,” signify that for China, this conflict is a chance for it to take a stand and assert itself. 政治大 to show that China will not back down in this conflict, regardless of how long it takes. This 立. on its path to national rejuvenation. The term “new Long March” pulls from history and its name. ‧ 國. 學. commitment to a potentially long-term conflict stands in stark contrast to Trump’s “squabble.” The organization of this paper is as follows. Chapter 2 outlines the methodology for this. ‧. thesis, including the theoretical framework and data. Chapter 3 is a literature review that. sit. y. Nat. contextualizes this topic in the existing literature on U.S.-China trade and the political usage of. io. er. narratives. It also provides an overview of the literature on the Chinese narrative of national. al. humiliation and the concept of American exceptionalism, which is closely related to the. n. iv n C American unappreciated benevolence narrative forth here. Chapter 4 defines each narrative h e nput gchi U and gives examples of the narratives throughout the history of the U.S.-China relationship.. Chapter 5 analyzes data from the recent and ongoing trade conflict under President Trump and President Xi, identifying the separate narratives in speeches and statements. Chapter 6 analyzes the interaction of the narratives with each other. The final chapter concludes with a discussion of narrative importance in international relations, implications for the relationship, and suggestions for future research.. 4. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(12) Chapter 2 Methods 2.1 Theoretical Framework A theoretical framework for understanding the interaction of historical narratives and policy is the international relations theory of constructivism. Alexander Wendt (1992) approaches constructivism as a way to explain aspects of international relations that realism and liberalism fail to explain adequately, specifically why states act the way they do towards each other. Constructivism answers this question by looking to the importance of intersubjective. 政治大 people, commit to numerous identities that shape their interests and add a level of complexity 立 understandings, conceptions of self and other, and collective meanings in society. States, like. and nuance to international relations that defies the rigid walls of other theories. Norms are often. ‧ 國. 學. taken for granted, and their role in shaping behavior and identity overlooked. Constructivism. ‧. goes beyond understandings of material power as the most important source of political. y. sit. io. er. (Hopf, 1998).. Nat. influence to include the role of discursive power in determining state preferences and actions. Narratives are critical vessels through which people interpret the world and their place in. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. it. Narratives are stories, accounts of events real or imagined. Jerome Bruner (1996) defines. engchi. narratives as a sequence of events that carries meaning because of what has been chosen for inclusion in the narrative. No account of an event includes every detail, and the narrator’s decisions about what to include reveal a lot about the norms and assumptions he/she carries. Narratives are not necessarily about conveying historical fact or political reality; they are about sharing a particular view of an event or relationship in order to make a specific point. Their power lies in their ability to influence actions and identity despite merely being constructed stories. Historical and political narratives follow the literary definition of narratives by involving. 5. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(13) actors, events, and revealing information about the narrator’s perspective. Narratives are worthy of social science research not in order to reveal an objective reality, but to analyze what meaning comes from the way events are recounted and understood by different actors (Patterson & Monroe, 1998). Roland Barthes (1975) writes: There are countless forms of narrative in the world. First of all, there is a prodigious variety of genres, each of which branches out into a variety of media, as if all substances could be relied upon to accommodate man’s stories…Moreover,. 治政大there is not, there has never indeed narrative starts with the very history of mankind; 立. in this infinite variety of forms, it is present at all times, in all places, in all societies;. been anywhere, any people without narrative; all classes, all human groups, have. ‧ 國. 學. their stories, and very often those stories are enjoyed by men of different and even. ‧. opposite cultural backgrounds…Like life itself, it [narrative] is there, international, transhistorical, transcultural. (p. 237). y. Nat. io. sit. This demonstrates the pervasiveness of narratives in all areas of society, and the importance of. n. al. er. narratives to human cognitive understanding.. Ch. i n U. v. Constructivism offers a lens through which to evaluate these factors when it comes to. engchi. trust and mistrust in international relations (Kydd, 2005). Narratives are clearly an example of how states can hold different conceptions of the self and the other, and how collective norms and beliefs can become ingrained in a society. Not only do narratives reinforce existing norms and perspectives of the self and the other, but they can go a long way toward creating patterns or expectations of trust or mistrust between countries. This is critical in the U.S.-China relationship. The pervasiveness of certain historical narratives also echoes back to a constructivist understanding of international politics. Constructivism does not anticipate much change because. 6. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(14) it sees existing identities and norms as being firmly rooted. This helps to explain why certain narratives have been so prevalent throughout different times and phases of state relationships. The difficulty of enacting change in the face of such ingrained identities helps shed light on why the U.S.-China relationship has remained strained despite many efforts from both sides to facilitate a true friendship. Through discourse analysis, this thesis uncovers narrative in highlevel discussions of the trade war. This look into how narratives play a role in the conflict and the relationship contributes to the constructivist perspective on U.S.-China relations.. 2.2 Data. 立. 政治大. This thesis focuses on the ongoing trade war between the U.S. and China, which. ‧ 國. 學. began with tariffs levied in 2018. To establish the American and Chinese narratives, a much. ‧. more inclusive span of history will be used. I will utilize publications, speeches, and policy. y. Nat. statements from throughout this U.S.-China trade conflict, including the early discussions of. er. io. sit. trade tensions in 2016, to demonstrate the pervasiveness of the two narratives. In order to establish the narratives as consistent and pervasive storylines, I first look at events and. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. interactions in the history of the U.S.-China relationship and provide a brief analysis of sources. engchi. that demonstrate the narratives. The data analysis section of this paper focuses on the discussions of the trade tensions that have escalated into the trade war. The data analyzed here includes trade policies, relevant news articles, and speeches and statements from top officials justifying or explaining trade policy decisions over the course of the U.S.-China trade war. The Miller Center’s archive of presidential speeches, the U.S. Department of State archive websites, the White House website, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China website,. 7. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(15) and state-sponsored Chinese media outlets such as People’s Daily or Xinhua News Agency are all sources of data for this project.. 2.3 Research Limitations This research faced some limitations and challenges. Going into it, there was the concern that The People’s Republic of China is not a transparent government, and it is not always certain that open and accurate information will be available. However, because the nature of this thesis. 政治大 in this project involved a language barrier. While this thesis utilizes both English and Chinese 立. is not particularly sensitive, this was not a significant barrier to research. A noteworthy challenge. sources, it heavily relies on English-language sources. Many translated sources (Chinese to. ‧ 國. 學. English) are used, and may not always be completely reliable, especially given the discourse. ‧. analysis methodology. It is important to note that this could bias the project to a certain extent.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 8. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(16) Chapter 3 Literature Review This chapter will cover existing literature that informs this topic. Specifically, it will address literature on the U.S.-China trade relationship, the political importance of narratives, and existing work on the American and Chinese narratives that drive each country’s presence in international relations. Traditional understandings of the U.S.-China relationship come from three main theories of international relations: realism, liberal institutionalism, and constructivism. Typically, realist. 治政大 motivating factors in power relations and power dynamics. Realists hold that the primary 立. understandings of the bilateral relationship focus on the inevitability of conflict stemming from. international relations are power, security, and national interest. With this understanding, the. ‧ 國. 學. U.S.-China relationship is characterized by competition, mutual distrust, and insecurity. Realists. ‧. also prescribe to the Thucydides’s Trap, which is the idea that when there exists both an established power and a rising power, conflict lies ahead unless drastic steps are taken to avoid it. y. Nat. io. sit. (Allison, 2017). Liberal institutionalism, on the other hand, focuses instead on the role of. n. al. er. institutions in facilitating peaceful relations between countries. They believe that conflict can be. Ch. i n U. v. reduced through participation in international institutions and facilitation of greater economic. engchi. interdependence. Thus, liberal institutionalists see the U.S.-China relationship as one that increasingly depends on institutions and greater integration to manage its conflicts. Finally, constructivism adopts the philosophy that social factors like identity play a role in shaping behavior. Constructivists believe that ideas, more than material factors, drive cooperation or conflict between countries. Ultimately, this thesis aims to provide a slightly different angle on constructivism that can supplement the existing theoretical perspectives on the U.S.-China relationship. This. 9. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(17) variation on constructivism uses discourse analysis to identify consistent narratives in the relationship and determine how they impact decision-making. This literature review provides context for this paper in terms of the U.S.-China trade relationship, trade tensions, and the separate narratives. This thesis aims to make a contribution by addressing some gaps in the literature and juxtaposing different narratives and topics in order to provide a fuller, more unique analysis. By looking to find the narratives in the statements surrounding the ongoing trade war, I hope to show that these historical narratives are still alive and active today and are worth. 治政 new, there is a noticeable gap in the existing literature when 大 it comes to examining the American 立 studying in the context of international relations. In addition, while the study of narratives is not. and Chinese narratives together. This paper endeavors to explore both of the narratives. ‧ 國. 學. concurrently as well as the interaction between the narratives to provide a different take on a. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 3.1 U.S.-China Trade. ‧. constructivist understanding of the U.S.-China relationship.. The bilateral U.S.-China trade relationship is characterized both by its great importance. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. and by its conflictual nature. There is no question in the literature that the U.S. and China are. engchi. important trade partners. They are major trade partners, with $710 billion in goods and services trade in 2017 (U.S.-China Trade Facts, 2018). Over the past two decades trade has steadily increased, but so too have tensions over issues. Many of these issues stem from different conceptions of the trade relationship and different imbalances of the relationship. For example, Yasheng Huang (1999) writes that while the two countries have both increased in terms of economic importance to the other, the reasons for this importance are different. China is important to the U.S. economy because is the U.S.’s largest merchandise trading partner and its. 10. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(18) biggest source of imports, provides low-cost goods that benefit the American consumer, and is the largest holder of U.S. Treasury securities ($1.2 trillion as of April 2018) (Morrison, 2018). The U.S. has a vested economic interest in maintaining healthy trade relations with China. China has this interest as well, but it is motivated more by the U.S.’s international influence. The U.S. has power in international organizations like the WTO and the IMF and can impose restrictions and other consequences on China (Huang, 1999). Conflict also exists because of differing perceptions of what the main trade issues are.. 治政大 against the U.S. for other conflicts (Huang, 1999). To begin, China harbors resentment 立. This disagreement leads to misunderstandings, a lack of an accepted approach to issues, and. discriminatory trade policies. It is widely recognized in the literature that the U.S. utilizes many. ‧ 國. 學. discriminatory trade policies in its dealings with China. Chad Brown and Rachel McCulloch. ‧. (2007) harken back to the American exceptionalism narrative by pointing out that the U.S. has played a paradoxical role in the development of the post-World War II system; it promotes non-. y. Nat. io. sit. discrimination in international trade but practices discriminatory policies itself. With regards to. n. al. er. China, that has included the implementation of both implicit and explicit trade policies and the. Ch. i n U. v. push for numerous antidumping investigations against China. In addition, they argue that. engchi. existing China-specific considerations that go into U.S. trade policy are in part about fostering a political environment where China-bashing is useful and encouraged (Bown & McCulloch, 2007). Furthermore, the U.S. often disproportionately targets Chinese exporting firms for antidumping investigations. Between 1990 and 2003 Chinese companies faced the highest level of duties imposed of all targeted countries (Bown & McCulloch, 2007). On the other hand, the major issues for the U.S. include the trade deficit, currency misalignment, and unfair trade practices. The U.S. sees China as engaging in many state-directed. 11. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(19) and unfair policies that disadvantage its trade partners for its own benefit, and sees the large trade deficit with China as a direct result of these unfair practices (Roden, 2003).. 3.2 Political Importance of Narratives There is a body of existing literature that addresses the value and utility of political narratives. From domestic to international politics, there is widespread agreement that narratives can function as more than just historical stories or historical accounts. Many scholars hold the. 政治大 psychological perspectives given toward those events. For example, scientific narrative 立 view that narratives are not merely accounts of historical events, but windows into the. psychology purports that narratives are the vehicles of complex psychological ideas, and as such,. ‧ 國. 學. can reveal a lot about psychological backdrops (László, 2014). This conceptual link between. ‧. psychology and narrative is gaining more support as it is more widely acknowledged that there is. y. Nat. a human tendency to understand the world through the narrative form (Shenhav, 2006). Other. er. io. sit. scholars, such as Kim Phillips-Fein (2018) and Hayden White (1980) explain this human tendency by arguing that the narrative form allows humans to endow their past with meaning,. n. al. choice and reflection.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. One key area of discussion is how effectively political narratives can express or represent political reality. Shaul Shenhav (2006) breaks down these possibilities into four categories of narrative capacity to represent reality: no capacity, episodic representation, chronological representation, and full representation. Shenhav holds that narratives should be carefully evaluated in order to determine their level of representative ability, but that it is certainly possible that one could represent reality. Others point out that narratives do not need to accurately portray reality in order to be invaluable tools of social science research. Indeed, it is. 12. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(20) precisely because narratives offer a biased reality that they can reveal so much about actors’ motivations, interests, and perspectives. According to Bruner (1996), while narratives might not always explain events accurately, they serve the function of interpretation, which is concerned with understanding situations beyond explanation. In this light, narratives are a crucial aspect of social science research because they speak volumes and add a different dimension to analysis of historical and political events and relationships (Patterson & Monroe, 1998). A critical work in this area of scholarship is Yuen Foong Khong’s book, Analogies at. 治政大agree in one way, they may also inference that if two or more events occurring at different times 立 War, which examines the role of historical analogy in foreign affairs. A historical analogy is an. agree in another (Khong, 1992). Khong gives the example of Deng Xiaoping and the student. ‧ 國. 學. protests at Tiananmen in 1989. Deng Xiaoping’s decision to crush the demonstrations was driven. ‧. in part by the fear that the stakes of not doing so were very high. The protest reminded him of the start of the Cultural Revolution, and the risk of the situation escalating to such an intense level. y. Nat. io. sit. convinced him that suppression was the best tactic. His book addresses how and why. n. al. er. policymakers use historical analogies, and why they often use them poorly. Khong writes that. Ch. i n U. v. analogies play a role both in forming and justifying policy decisions. Khong then details what he. engchi. calls the Analogical Explanation framework. This holds that analogies help policymakers make decisions in six ways: by defining the nature of the situation, assessing the stakes, providing prescriptions, predicting chances of success, evaluating moral rightness, and warning about potential dangers (Khong, 1992). Furthermore, Khong writes that humans store multiple schema in their long-term memories and are apt to be attached to these historical lessons and memories. Khong’s argument that knowledge structures like analogies are critical components of policy decision-making and understandings of reality is directly applicable to the argument that. 13. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(21) historical narratives may function in a similar, if not identical, way, and supports the constructivist notion of the importance of these kinds of factors in understanding international affairs. Johan Galtung (2001) put forth the Chosenness-Myths-Trauma (CMT) complex, which says that countries identify a chosen trauma and chosen glory as key elements in their group identity and transfer these factors to future generations. Zheng Wang (2014) applies this concept to the Chinese narrative, identifying the chosen trauma as the Century of Humiliation and the. 治政大 humiliation. Other than Mao embraced different versions of the narrative of rejuvenation after 立 chosen glory as pre-1840 China. Wang then explains how he believes Chinese leaders have. Zedong, who utilized a class struggle narrative, all Chinese leaders since Sun Yat-sen have. ‧ 國. 學. utilized this narrative in some way. According to Wang (2014), in the 1980s Deng Xiaoping. ‧. placed the emphasis on invigoration and the rise of living standards for the Chinese people. Jiang Zemin continued this narrative but deviated from Deng by placing intense blame on the West for. y. Nat. io. sit. China’s past suffering. Hu Jintao furthered this form of patriotism and developed the idea of. n. al. er. establishing harmonious relationships both domestically and internationally. Lastly, according to. Ch. i n U. v. Wang, current leader Xi Jinping advocates the idea of the “Chinese Dream,” which claims that. engchi. rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the most important goal for China. Wang differentiates between these leaders and identifies multiple narratives: Chinese dream, humiliation, and rejuvenation. He argues that it is important for policymakers and China watchers to understand each of these narratives in order to grasp the goals of the current Chinese dream (2014). Although Wang differentiates between these narratives, I argue that they are merely different emphases on the same fundamental narrative. The foundation of each one is consistent—national humiliation at the hands of foreign powers and the rejuvenation of a great China.. 14. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(22) Of course, there are also scholars who are critical of the ways in which historical narratives are shaped and used. For example, Andrew Norman (1991) is skeptical of the integrity of of these narratives due to his concerns of historian bias. He asks whether a historical narrative can be meaningful if its structure is “imposed” upon the past by a historian, and whether the past in question had any kind of meaning before this projected narrative. Furthermore, he questions whether the past is even capable of having a plot, an element he states is necessary for the existence of a narrative (Norman, 1991). Norman’s concerns regarding the authenticity of. 治政大 originate, they have political established narratives. Regardless of where and how the narratives 立. historical narratives are interesting and valid, yet they do not diminish the political importance of. importance if they can be seen to affect political rhetoric, perspectives, or policy.. ‧ 國. 學. 3.3 The American Narrative. ‧. y. Nat. An oft-discussed narrative that shapes the American domestic and international identity is. er. io. sit. American exceptionalism. This is the idea behind the origins of the U.S. as a country; the idea that the U.S. has a unique destiny and place in the world. American exceptionalism not only. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. holds that the U.S. is fundamentally different than other nations, but also that it is superior to. engchi. other nations and therefore has an obligation to lead the world toward American values (Nayak & Christopher, 2009). At the nation’s founding, this narrative of exceptionalism set the U.S. apart from Britain and the rest of Europe. It has continued to define the U.S. as a special country and to define and justify its international role as a moral leader and global hegemon. The narrative has persisted in the form of the idea that the U.S. is the greatest country in the world, and that its values are more true and progressive than those of any other country (Nayak & Christopher, 2009). This narrative has had the effect of shaping the American identity that colors. 15. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(23) its foreign policy. The American narrative as it pertains to U.S.-China relations stems from this more general idea of American exceptionalism, continuing a bit further to involve aspects of unreciprocated benevolence. There is a gap in the literature when it comes to this specific narrative. Due to the connection this narrative has to American exceptionalism, it is useful to include that relevant literature here. Much has been written about the idea of American exceptionalism. It is often credited with being a foundational part of the American identity, both domestically and internationally.. 治政大 exceptionalism. These Puritan world, exemplifying the ideals that would later come to be called 立 The earliest writings of Puritan colonists identify their mission to be a moral beacon for the. ideas were carried on through the Enlightenment and thus became associated with progress as. ‧ 國. 學. well as God (McEcoy-Levy, 2001). For the Puritans, the exceptionalism story explains how they. ‧. overcame persecution to achieve their goal of life with religious freedom. American exceptionalism is perhaps most well-known under the term “Manifest Destiny,” coined by John. y. Nat. io. sit. L. Sullivan as a way to justify the seemingly endless westward expansion of America (Nayak &. n. al. er. Christopher, 2009). American exceptionalism has risen both from its own assertions and beliefs. Ch. i n U. v. about its identity and from the observations of foreigners. In particular, there were two. engchi. Frenchmen who early on noted the exceptionalism that characterized America. Hector St. Jean de Crèvecoeur described Americans as a “new people melted into one” at the creation of the U.S. (Lewis, 2012). Alexis de Tocqueville, to whom the term “American exceptionalism” is attributed, traveled to the U.S. in the 19th century and observed its distinguishing characteristics as the following: individualism, faith in democracy, and a certainty of living in an unbounded land (Lewis, 2012).. 16. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(24) Other scholars have understood American exceptionalism through different lenses. For example, Peter Onuf (2012) puts forth the idea that what makes the U.S. exceptional is not its prided values, institutions, or origins, but rather its insistence upon the exceptionalism narrative throughout history. The fact that so many Americans believe in the idea of American exceptionalism and moral superiority is a more distinctive trait to Onuf than the other characteristics of America. The exceptionalism narrative can also be interpreted as exemptionalism. Harold Koh (2005) writes that because the U.S. believe its commitments to. 治政大rules it imposes on others. He the forces that corrupt other nations, it can be exempt from the 立. certain values (liberty, equality, laissez-faire economics, among others) render it immune from. argues that this exceptionalism-turned-exemptionalism affects the role of the U.S. in its. ‧ 國. 學. international engagements by justifying its self-exemption from some international laws, rules. ‧. and agreements. He refers to this double standard as the U.S.’s willingness to be a “flying buttress” instead of a “pillar” of the international community, following the rules the majority of. y. Nat. io. sit. the time for political appearances instead of real legal obligation (Koh, 2005).. n. al. er. There are also a number of scholars who have pointed out problems with American. Ch. i n U. v. exceptionalism and highlighted the downsides that come with embracing a narrative of. engchi. superiority and exceptionality. Others have even questioned the validity of claims to exceptionalism. For example, Michael Kammen (1993) questions how “unique” and “exceptional” the U.S. really is, implying that it does not fundamentally differ from many industrialized nations and that any form of exceptionalism is rooted in the past. Alternatively, he suggests that the American identity might be better served by considering other meanings of “American” that can define national identity and national experiences (Kammen, 1993). Margaret MacMillan notes the implications exceptionalism can have for international relations,. 17. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(25) writing, “Faith in their own exceptionalism has sometimes led to a certain obtuseness on the part of Americans, a tendency to preach at other nations rather than listen to them, a tendency as well to assume that American motives are pure where those of others are not” (2003). William E. B. Du Bois was a prominent American who also acknowledged the problematic side of exceptionalism. He understood the U.S. as in constant conflict between its ideological goals of freedom for all and its materialistic goals of private wealth and power. He described this as the “American Assumption,” where the best of America was built on the ideas of exceptionalism,. 治政 Andrew Bacevich (2008) sees the widespread acceptance of 大 American exceptionalism as a 立 but failed to cover up the issues of class and race buried in the foundation (Lewis, 2012).. primary cause of many American economic, political, military, and cultural conflicts. He argues. ‧ 國. 學. that the endless pursuit of American values, principally freedom, results in too many impossible. ‧. obligations, and so, the U.S. needs to put a stop to its imperial tendencies and “reassert control over its own destiny” (Bacevich, 2008).. y. Nat. io. sit. Exceptionalism is the narrative that shapes the American identity. It serves as a. n. al. er. justification for its domestic and foreign policies, validates its status as a global hegemon, and. Ch. i n U. v. confirms (at least for Americans) the correctness and moral righteousness of their interests and. engchi. values. Margaret MacMillan writes that American exceptionalism “has always had two sides: the one eager to set the world to rights, the other ready to turn its back with contempt if its message should be ignored” ( (MacMillan, 2003). This identity narrative informs the benevolent hegemon story that guides American interactions abroad. The benevolent hegemon story portrays the U.S. as a helpful and well-intentioned global leader whose interactions with other nations are always rooted in efforts to help the other party become better in some way. However, the narrative holds that these attempts are not always appreciated by the receiving country and the U.S. winds up. 18. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(26) being taken advantage of and used. This is the narrative structure that colors the way the U.S. discusses its relationship with China, and its trade dealings in particular. The U.S. views itself as enacting fair and open trade policies with China, whereas China continuously disappoints the U.S. by pursuing “unfair” or illiberal policies and failing to conform to American values.. 3.4 The Chinese Narrative The narrative that has long defined Chinese identity and driven Chinese domestic and. 政治大 China’s Century of Humiliation, the period of Western and Japanese intervention in China 立. international politics is that of national humiliation. This narrative has its roots in what is called. between 1839 and 1949. The narrative purports that China, once a great power, was abused and. ‧ 國. 學. humiliated at the hands of foreign powers, and that it must rise up to reclaim the power and. ‧. respect it deserves. Key to the national humiliation narrative is the importance of escaping from. y. Nat. humiliation and returning to China’s former glory as a global power. Christopher Ford refers to. er. io. sit. this idea as China’s Great Telos of Return, where China believes its history of humiliation at the hands of foreign powers is evidence of how it deserves more power and status now (Ford, 2015).. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. The long-held Chinese view of the world maintained that China was the center of the earth and. engchi. the highest form of civilization. A history of foreign abuses beginning in 1839 with the Opium War damaged that image and the resulting humiliation is now seared into the Chinese consciousness and identity. The narrative calls for national liberation as the way out of humiliation by returning to an independent China with a powerful international status. This goal has defined its approach to foreign affairs by making it sensitive to issues of intervention and hegemony (Zhang, 1999).. 19. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(27) The national humiliation narrative once again became prominent in the 1990s, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) needed to reestablish its political legitimacy after the setback of the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown. The CCP revived and encouraged the national humiliation narrative in order to reinforce its legitimacy as China’s ruler and to remind younger generations of the imperialism and accompanying humiliation that came before them (Cohen, 2002). The CCP’s core message at this time was that it was responsible for both lifting China out of its national humiliation and altering its fate (Wang Z. , 2008). Since the CCP adapted the narrative. 治政大one, and to what extent is it a the current Chinese narrative of national humiliation a Chinese 立. for its own purposes, it raises questions as to the consistency of the narrative. To what extent is. CCP conception? Can these two be equated as a consistent sentiment through history? I believe. ‧ 國. 學. they can be, because while the CCP certainly has its own political purposes for pushing national. ‧. humiliation, the fundamental concepts of the narrative pre-date the party. It has become a critical part of the Chinese national identity and impacts the way international relations are discussed. y. Nat. io. sit. and approached. In fact, Chinese discussions of international relations today are similar to those. n. al. er. that took place during the Century of Humiliation (Kaufman, 2011). Therefore, it is originally. Ch. i n U. v. and foundationally a Chinese narrative, but has also become a CCP narrative and tool by which. engchi. the party sustains its political legitimacy. Due to the scope of this paper, apart from demonstrating the narrative’s creation in Chinese history, the narrative I refer to is the CCP’s rendering of the national humiliation narrative. The narrative of national humiliation is a prominent topic in literature seeking to address the Chinese perspective to international relations or the motivations behind Chinese foreign policy. Many scholars recognize the importance of this narrative to China’s identity. Paul Cohen (2002) gives numerous examples of the narrative appearing in advertisements, textbooks, and. 20. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(28) articles. William Callahan also demonstrates how common the narrative is by citing evidence such as the frequent mention of national humiliation in Chinese history textbooks and curriculum, the memorialization of the slogan “never forget national humiliation” in songs and plays, and the implementation of a National Humiliation Day in China from 1927 to 1940 (Callahan, 2004). Callahan (2010) also identifies this narrative in both political and popular discussions. He writes that the success of the 2008 Beijing Olympics was framed in a way that told the domestic community a story of a triumphant return to greatness on the world stage under. 政治大. the guidance of the CCP (Callahan, 2010).. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 21. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(29) Chapter 4: The Narratives and Historical Examples In addition to understanding the U.S.-China trade relationship, it is also important to understand the specific historical narratives that this thesis examines. Narratives are stories with distinct plotlines and themes that inform understandings of history and establish expectations for the present and future. This section outlines both the American narrative and the Chinese narrative as the identity stories they are, draws upon historical examples to demonstrate the pervasive presence of the narratives, and highlights historical instances where the narratives. 治政大each narrative interprets the same see how they contribute to both narratives. Understanding how 立 interacted with each other. These historical moments will be analyzed from two viewpoints to. historical moments is important to understanding the relationship and the interaction of the two. ‧ 國. 學. narratives. This interaction will be discussed later on in this paper, in the context of the current. ‧. U.S.-China trade conflict.. Nat. sit er. io. 4.1.1 The Story. y. 4.1 The American Narrative. al. n. iv n C The American narrative outlinedh in this thesis stemsU e n g c h i from the larger, umbrella narrative. of American exceptionalism. The idea of American exceptionalism holds that the U.S. is both. different from and superior to other nations; as a result, the U.S. has a responsibility to guide the rest of the world. As a narrative, American exceptionalism is both a founding story and an identity story. It has its roots in the story of the Puritans overcoming persecution and setting out to be a moral beacon for the world. This idea of chosenness, that God’s favor validates the American mission, defines American exceptionalism and the narrative that is to be outlined here.. 22. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(30) Exceptionalism has been used in a variety of ways, but most commonly denotes the idea that the U.S. is unique, special, and tasked with spreading its universal values to the rest of the world. The American narrative identified here, with particular relevance to U.S.-China relations, can be called either the unappreciated benevolence narrative or the benevolent hegemon narrative (Harding, 2015)1. It pushes the exceptionalism concept further to inform the way the U.S. interacts with other actors, defining and explaining its approach to international relations. Aspects of this narrative arise in the American approach to numerous other countries, but is. 治政大Brothers’ tale “The Ungrateful narrative follows, to a certain extent, the plotline of the Grimms 立 nowhere as fully exemplified as in its approach to China. The unappreciated benevolence. Son.” The U.S. takes on a parental role in its relationship with China; it sees it as backwards,. ‧ 國. 學. immature, underdeveloped, but brimming with potential. Thus, the U.S. adopts a protective, and. ‧. at times condescending, parental role in its approach to China. It seeks to elevate China, while first and foremost benefiting itself, and sees itself as bestowing friendship and benevolence upon. y. Nat. io. sit. China. If and when China fails in some way to appreciate this benevolence, or acts in a way that. n. al. er. opposes American values or subverts expectations, the “parent” becomes disappointed, upset,. Ch. i n U. v. and punitive. Thus, this narrative has two sides: the parental side that looks at China with. engchi. fondness, if perhaps also condescension, and the punitive side that sees an ungrateful, misbehaving China. The unappreciated benevolence narrative is cyclical; it describes the numerous ups and downs that a relationship can experience. Specifically, it follows periods of high engagement and hope in the U.S.-China relationship, as well as periods of disengagement. 1. The title of “benevolent hegemon” or “unappreciated benevolence” is inspired by remarks by Harry Harding at the Distinguished Public Lecture series at the Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore on April 10, 2015, as well as from in his course on U.S.China relations at National Chengchi University in Taipei, Taiwan taught in the fall of 2018.. 23. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(31) and disappointment. These correlate to the ever-changing nature of the relationship as well; at varying times it can be characterized more by animosity, amity, or competition.. 4.1.2 Identifying the American Narrative The great majority of the work involved with this thesis has been identifying both the American and Chinese narratives in the source materials. Thus, it has been important to define what constitutes the specific narratives. The American narrative of unappreciated benevolence. 政治大 American moral or technical superiority over others, and establishing American authority, 立 can be divided into three main sections: establishing American benevolence, establishing. paternalism, and disappointment. Different sources and examples may speak to just one part of. ‧ 國. 學. the narrative or to multiple parts at once.. ‧. Benevolence towards other countries is often expressed as innate American fairness, a. y. Nat. sense of wanting others to do well, and a focus on kindness and friendship as American. er. io. sit. motivations. Benevolence can also be expressed as charity, or as examples of the U.S. going out of its way to help another country even if there is no gain for itself. Moral and technical. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. superiority can be found anytime American values are presumed to be universal and beyond. engchi. reproach, or when the American model for doing something is treated as the only proper model. When it comes to China, this is often conveyed through a direct condemnation of a Chinese model, the assumption that China needs to follow U.S.-set rules or a U.S. model, or through the assumption that American motivations in its interactions with China are pure and just. Finally, the paternalism aspect of the American narrative can be seen in remarks that appear to be talking down to China, assuming Chinese naivety or immaturity, or treating China as something that needs to be taught. Paternalism also arises in situations where the U.S. is disappointed in China. 24. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(32) and employs punitive measures, much as a parent would punish a naughty child. Therefore, statements that allude to some sort of Chinese wrongdoing or betrayal also fall into this category. 4.1.3 Identifying American Non-Narrative It is also important to identify non-narrative, and to take note of where non-narrative is used instead of narrative. In the U.S.-China relationship, non-narrative is often evident through expressions of friendship and a strong desire to cooperate. It can also encompass elements of. 政治大 of trade. Sources that give trade statistics and facts, such as the United States Trade 立. shared history and deep-rooted respect. In addition, non-narrative includes technical discussions. Representative, are almost always examples of non-narrative. My research has found that non-. ‧ 國. 學. narrative is used quite frequently, especially in diplomatic situations where the two countries are. ‧. speaking directly to each other. Joint press conferences, for example, when representatives from. y. Nat. each country are in the same space, tend to rely heavily on non-narrative. This can involve. er. io. sit. expressions of admiration, a focus on non-sensitive issues or areas of agreement, or iterations of the importance of maintaining a strong bilateral relationship. Often, the latter is accomplished. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. through emphasizing the great esteem the people of each country feel for the other. For example,. engchi. at a state dinner in Beijing in 2017, President Trump’s remarked to President Xi: The people of the United States have a very deep respect for the heritage of your country and the noble traditions of its people. Your ancient values bring past and present together into the present. So beautiful. It is my hope that the proud spirits of the American and Chinese people will inspire our efforts to achieve a more just, secure, and peaceful world, a future worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors, and the dreams of our children. (The White House, 2017).. 25. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(33) The focus on commonalities, and the optimism for the future of the relationship are key elements here that make this statement an example of non-narrative. Non-narrative is used to emphasize cooperation and the forward-moving direction of the U.S.-China relationship. While some may point to these focuses as parts of other narratives, this research takes the position that not everything is narrative, and that the material described above constitutes non-narrative.. 4.1.4 Historical Examples of the American Narrative. 政治大 two countries have exemplified this American narrative. This section includes some of the more 立 Since the first Americans went to China in the late 18th century, interactions between the. prominent moments and issues in the U.S.-China relationship that demonstrate the American. ‧ 國. 學. narrative.. ‧. One of the earliest important issues in the U.S.-China relationship was the opium trade.. y. Nat. While most often associated with the British, the opium trade in China was not limited to just. er. io. sit. one country. In the 1820s American merchants were also bringing opium into China, and increased the amount they were trading in the mid-1820s and again in the 1830s by the same. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. proportion as the British traders (Downs J. , 1968). Traditionally, American and other Western. engchi. historians have characterized this period as one of U.S. support for the opening of China (Downs J. M., 1991). The U.S. often acknowledges the negative effects the opium trade, and subsequent Opium Wars, had on China only as the direct results of British actions. Part of the American view on the history of U.S.-China relations involves a sense of pride at this distinction from the British and other Western countries, a view that paints the U.S. as a friend to China instead of a European foe. Vice President Mike Pence’s remarks on China in October 2018 illustrate this perspective: “When China suffered through indignities and exploitations during her so-called. 26. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(34) ‘Century of Humiliation,’ America refused to join in, and advocated the ‘Open Door’ policy, so that we could have freer trade with China, and preserve their sovereignty” (Pence, Remarks by Vice President Pence on the Administration's Policy Toward China, 2018). This view allows the U.S. to see itself as a benevolent actor during this part of history and abdicate any responsibility for the losses China suffered during this period. By focusing on the positive aspect of opening up China, the U.S. contributes to the narrative of American benevolence and goodwill toward China.. 治政 privileges and the use of its ports. In order not to miss out on大 this opportunity to access the 立. The first Opium War ended in 1842 with China being forced to grant Britain special. Chinese market, the U.S. sent Caleb Cushing on a mission to obtain the same rights that had been. ‧ 國. 學. given to the British. Before embarking on the mission, Cushing spoke at a dinner at Faneuil Hall,. ‧. addressing the significance of his China mission. He spoke of the superior advancement of the West, saying, “We have become the teacher of our teachers. I go to China…in behalf of. y. Nat. io. sit. civilization” (Haddad J. R., 2008). This patronizing tone is found in many of Cushing’s formal. n. al. er. communications with China (Haddad J. , 2013). Although here Cushing acknowledges China’s. Ch. i n U. v. historical prowess, he also makes it clear that the U.S. has far surpassed China and possesses. engchi. superior knowledge and values. This assumption that all the U.S. has to offer is beneficial and will bring China into civilization demonstrates the idea of American exceptionalism; American values, systems, and norms are immediately thought to be universal. The sense of duty that the words, “I go to China in behalf of civilization” convey illustrates the benevolence aspect of the unappreciated benevolence narrative. These words portray an America that is not only responsible for bringing its superior models to the backwards parts of the world, like China, but one that is also eager to do so. Cushing’s mission resulted in the signing of the Treaty of. 27. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(35) Wanghsia in 1844. It was the first treaty between the U.S. and China, and awarded the U.S. all the advantages given to the British and assured that any new gains for the British would also apply to the Americans (Hunt, 1983). The U.S. has long promoted the idea that it was Europe alone who was responsible for the humiliation of China, but its eager acceptance of the treaty system and the advantages to be gained were certainly part of China’s humiliation. John Fairbank writes, “This was an accident of history: that we Americans could enjoy the East Asian treaty privileges, the fruits of European aggression, without the moral burden of ourselves. 治政大Here, Fairbank succinctly undeserved moral grandeur in our own eyes” (Fairbank, 1970). 立 committing aggression. It gave us a holier-than-thou attitude, a righteous self-esteem, an. explains how the U.S.’s tendency to distance itself from the injuries perpetuated by Europe. ‧ 國. 學. against China is a self-deception that contributes to the American narrative of benevolence. ‧. without wrongdoing.. The Open Door policy was a statement of principles initiated by the U.S. in 1899 and. y. Nat. io. sit. 1900. It was intended to preserve equal trade privileges among China’s trade partners and. n. al. er. Chinese sovereignty (Hay, The Open Door Note, 1899). The policy looked to control the. Ch. i n U. v. scramble for spheres of influence in China and prevent the country from being divided up into. engchi. colonies by ensuring that the different powers would have equal access to open trade ports. Secretary of State John Hay issued two notes, called the Open Door Notes, to other foreign powers interested in staking a claim in China. The second note, issued in July of 1900, defined the purpose of the Open Door Policy as to “bring permanent safety and peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire” (Hay, 1900). This framing of the Open Door Policy. 28. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(36) supports the perception the U.S. had of itself as a benevolent country; there is a clear focus on supporting and protecting China instead of on the motivating benefits this set of policies would bring the U.S. In 1900, President McKinley reiterated this in his annual message to Congress. In stating the U.S.’s approach to China and the Open Door Policy, he said: The United States from the earliest days of foreign intercourse with China had followed a policy of peace, omitting no occasions to testify good will, to further the extension of lawful trade, to respect the sovereignty of its Government, and to insure by all legitimate. 治政大beneficent callings among the of out law-abiding citizens and for the exercise of their 立. and kindly but earnest means the fullest measure of protection for the lives and property. Chinese people (McKinley, 1900).. ‧ 國. 學. President McKinley’s words depict the U.S. as a benevolent hegemon that acts out of a sense of. ‧. kindness and concern for the Chinese that stems from the American people themselves. His statement also focuses much more on an innate American interest in Chinese success than on. y. Nat. io. sit. American commercial interests, despite the latter being a crucial part of the Open Door Policy. In. n. al. er. order to build up support for the Open Door policy among the American public, the Asiatic. Ch. i n U. v. Association and the Journal of Commerce started a campaign to push the merits of the policy.. engchi. This campaign involved emphasizing the importance of the Chinese market for U.S. commercial interests and the idea that the U.S. government and the American people had responsibilities to the Chinese (Campbell, 1941). This appeal to obligation serves as another example of the benevolent hegemon narrative; it illustrates both the American paternalistic sentiment toward China and the conviction that China would undoubtedly benefit from American involvement. Finally, even the use of the phrase “open door” as the title of the policy contributes to this narrative. Eric Blanchard (2013) takes a constructivist and cognitive approach to understand how. 29. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(37) the use of an “open door” as a metaphor impacted the U.S.-China relationship. He finds that this metaphor helped strengthen a paradigm of the U.S. and the West as the bringers of civilization and China as a place both stagnantly backwards and full of potential. He also argues that the imagery of the open door implies a reality where the U.S. must step in to hold open the door for China because China is incapable of doing so on its own, or being its own doorkeeper. Finally, he points out that the American charity implicit in this metaphor acts as a statement of an antiimperialist American identity, even as some of the U.S.’s actions proved otherwise (Blanchard E.. 治政大truly saw, and continues to see, benevolent hegemon narrative by demonstrating how the U.S. 立. M., 2013). Thus, Blanchard’s analysis of the open door metaphor contributes to the idea of the. itself as a generous global leader eager to usher China into civilization. All of the above. ‧ 國. 學. examples highlight the ways in which the U.S. saw itself as genuinely helping China out of. ‧. paternalistic kindness and friendship. The narrative’s impact on the American view of China and American obligations to China helped encourage the U.S. to pursue the Open Door policy. y. Nat. io. sit. instead of following along with a potential partitioning of China by European powers.. n. al. er. In 1946, the U.S. and China signed a five-year Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and. Ch. i n U. v. Navigation. This treaty affirmed peace, friendship, and cooperation between the two parties by. engchi. establishing trade rights for both countries. On paper, it established reciprocal rights for an equal trading relationship. While the U.S. was by far the principle beneficiary of the treaty, its technical fairness allowed it to be considered an equal agreement in the U.S. In the Congressional hearing regarding this treaty in 1946, the treaty was repeatedly referred to as being based on the “principle of mutuality” (Congressional Hearing, 1948). Furthermore, Senator Alexander Smith of New Jersey raised concerns regarding the actual equality of the treaty, asserting that while the U.S. would certainly want more freedom to explore China, it would not. 30. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(38) welcome similar exploration of its own resources. The subsequent discussion easily dismisses these concerns as unlikely to happen in the actual situation (Congressional Hearing, 1948). This reveals a core American assumption; that even behind an emphasis on mutuality, there is an underlying notion that other countries are not the equal of the U.S., and that the U.S. is not beholden to the standards and expectations it has of others. This sentiment is echoed through the many exclusionary immigration policies the U.S. put in place to keep the Chinese out, despite a strong American interest in, and assumed right to, exploration in China.. 治政大in opening and modernizing Americans in China. Where merchants claimed to be interested 立. Alongside merchants and traders, missionaries also made up a large portion of the early. China, missionaries looked to transform the Chinese nation into one of the Christian faith.. ‧ 國. 學. Beginning in the 1830s, American Christian missionaries began to arrive in China with the hopes. ‧. of bringing their faith and values to the Chinese people. Most missionary work took the form of medical assistance and education; through these Western techniques missionaries hoped to. y. Nat. io. sit. access the spirit of the Chinese and convert them to the Christian faith (Hunt, 1983). This desire. n. al. er. to educate and convert the Chinese people demonstrates both the benevolent paternalism and. Ch. i n U. v. blatant superiority America felt for towards China. Furthermore, in his book Chinese. engchi. Characteristics, Arthur H. Smith wrote that despite a handful of potential similarities, and in addition to numerous flaws, the U.S. and China were completely different, with “the face of China…always and everywhere towards the darkness of the remote past” (Smith, 1890). Thus, there was a prevailing idea that Americans went to China to affect change, not to change themselves. Carol Chin refers to the missionaries as beneficent imperialists who were “secure in the superiority of their American-ness and the magnanimity of their Christianity…they did not pause to consider the possibility that Chinese culture might have some value” (Chin, 2003).. 31. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.

(39) China, then, was a place to be saved from itself by the generosity of the U.S., a platform upon which American benevolence could be demonstrated. The Boxer Rebellion was a large reaction against the foreign presence in China, and in particular the Christian missionary presence, that took place from 1899 and 1901. Growing frustration among the Chinese regarding the perceived foreign invasion of their country intensified into violent anti-foreign, anti-Christian outbreaks in northern China. The Boxers, as they came to be known, were strongly anti-Christian and went after Chinese Christians and. 治政 reaction to the Boxer Rebellion came in two parts. First, there大 was shock and outrage at the 立. missionaries in an effort to push the foreign presence out of China (Plante, 1999). The American. violence, and Western media used this to paint a demonizing picture of the Chinese. Jane Elliott. ‧ 國. 學. (1996) analyzed the coverage of the Boxer Rebellion in many British, American, and English-. ‧. language newspapers in China. Elliott’s research found that there was a high rate of emotional adjectives used to describe the Chinese in American newspapers, such as words like “cruel,”. y. Nat. io. sit. “decayed,” “murderous,” “sinister,” and so forth (Elliott, 1996).. n. al. er. The second face of the American reaction was one of perseverance in the face of. Ch. i n U. v. adversity. There was an intentional decision not to give up on China, a decision that China’s. engchi. potential was not gone, despite the demonizing way it was described and viewed by many. This doubling-down, so to speak, is evident in an article by John Barrett. In 1900, John Barrett (1900) wrote an article entitled “America’s Duty in China” that begins, “Christendom is staggered by the crisis in China. But America’s duty is definite; her path is plain.” With this, and the rest of the article, Barrett tasked the U.S. with rising to meet the daunting China challenge with Christian and moral heroism. He reinforced the idea of China both as an unprecedented challenge for American Christians and as a place that desperately needed America’s assistance.. 32. DOI:10.6814/NCCU201900222.