犧牲值得嗎？奧運安全措施與侵犯公民自由 - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master's Program in International Studies National Chengchi University 國立政治大學國際研究英語碩士學位學程. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Worth the Sacrifice? 治政大 Security Measures at the Olympic Games 立 and the Infringements on Civil Liberties. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 犧牲值得嗎？奧運安全措施與侵犯公民自由 Ch. engchi. i n U. v. CHRISTIAN SCHOPPMEYER Advisor: DR. YUNG-FANG LIN. February 2019. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(2) Abstract Despite being considered an international sporting event that brings all nations closer together, the Olympic Games in particular have a long history of dealing with a seemingly omnipresent security threat. That is, given the global prominence of the Games, they also attract individuals and groups who aim to utilize the Olympics as a platform for terrorists acts in order to bring their intended message to the world stage. Thus, there is tremendous pressure involved for every host nation to guarantee and deliver safe Games. Interestingly, in recent years and especially following the 9/11 attacks, the international security environment in general has seen a major shift towards an understanding of security, which may be summarized as highly visible measures result in high levels of security. Strict and blatant security measures are therefore being. 政治大 being sacrificed for a (fallacious) 立sense of security. This research demonstrates that similar. implemented and, in turn, civil liberties and the personal freedom of the people are increasingly. ‧ 國. 學. mechanisms are at work when it comes to international sporting events. By having taken the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi as its two case studies, this thesis answers how security is being guaranteed during mega-sport events.. ‧. Additionally, this paper tackles the question of whether the identified actions taken by the. y. Nat. respective governments can be deemed reasonable, particularly in the light of the possible. sit. reductions in civil liberties and personal freedom that often go hand in hand. Ultimately, as the. er. io. analysis examined the security measures taken, it assists in holding the individual strategies and. al. n. iv n C effects. In a final step, a comparative analysis between bothU h e n g c h i cases has been conducted through the lens of the securitization approach and the critical application of securitization theory. The. implemented security measures accountable for their achievements as well as their negative side. researcher was thereby able to identify major disparities as well as a smaller number of overlaps in how the two authoritarian regimes have engaged in securing the Olympics, respectively. Hence, providing evidence that regime type may not be a main indicator for securitization behavior. While this thesis nevertheless reveals how both host nations have utilized the Games for their own political purposes and agenda, it remains important to note that the researcher has intentionally aimed at placing special emphasis on the individual perspectives of both host nations. This included focusing on how both nations understand themselves, their own history, and how they perceive the international community around them. Keywords: Securitization, Civil Liberties, International Sporting Events, Olympic Games. i. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(3) 摘要儘管歷屆國際奧林匹克運動會一向被視為是和平團結各國的象徵，還是無法免除會期間無所不在的安全威脅。換句話說，正由於奧運名氣眾所週知，因此也樹大招風，容易成為某些個人或團體，為了對全世界表達其訴求，而進行恐怖攻擊的目標。因此，對奧運主辦國來說，確保奧運會期的安全是至關重要的。有趣的是，在 911 攻擊後至今，國際上對安全維持的想法有了很大的轉變。總結來說，高外部可視性可等同於高安全性。也就是說，措施越容易讓人察覺，其造成的震懾度越能提高安全。然而，要施行嚴格並明顯易察覺的安全措施的代價是對個人自由與公眾權益的犧牲。安全，是由自由交換而來。本研究演示了相似的安全理論轉變如何實現在國際賽事上。本研究選擇分析 2008 年的北京奧運以及 2014 年的索契冬奧，以及兩場奧運主辦國如何確保會期間的安全。除此之外，本篇論文也旨在研究兩國政府所施行的安全舉措是否合理正當，尤其是這些舉措多大程度的影響了兩國公民的權益和自由。研究結果更進一步助於理解論文中的兩國政府有責於其安全策略與實施的措施為所帶來的結果與負面影響。本研究在論文最後以國際安全理論中的安全化研究的角度去對兩項案例研究進行比較分析。研究者由此能識別出兩個威權型政體的政府在奧運的安全策略上的主要的差異以及少數的相似點。研究者最終的結論是政體類型並沒有足夠的證據作為政府在針對奧運的安全化行為中的主要因素。雖然本研究論文的確顯示兩國皆將奧運會視為達成其政治目的與政治宣傳的工具，研究者仍然有意強調兩主辦國本身的出發點。也就是說，研究者有意在文本中從兩國自己的歷史與敘事脈絡中分析他們對自身以外的國際社會的認知與反應。. 關鍵字：安全化、公民自由、國際運動賽事、奧林匹克運動會. ii. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(4) Acknowledgement To my advisor, Dr. Yung-Fang Lin, a heartfelt thank you for your guidance and support throughout the past year. Without your thorough assistance and sharing of wisdom, this research project would not have been the same. A very special thank you to Professor Hui-Min Ko for her thorough comments and suggestions as a member of my thesis committee. While the idea to engage in this particular research endeavor – as well as my fascination for security studies – have originated and formed inside her classroom within my very first semester at National Chengchi. 政治大 of advice as a committee member, particularly regarding his emphasis on analytical perspectives 立 University. Furthermore, I would like to thank Professor Chien-Wu Hsueh for his various words. ‧ 國. 學. and the position of the researcher.. To Professor Chiung-Chiu Huang and Professor Jui-Wen Hsu, I would like to express my. ‧. sincere gratitude for their excellent advice during the initial stage of this thesis and thus having. sit. y. Nat. significantly contributed in establishing the foundation of this research.. io. er. To my parents, sister, family and friends, I’m still touched by your endless support during. al. the process of this thesis and beyond. Especially during tough times, your encouragements were. n. iv n C of incalculable value. Finally, I would like high praise for the staff at the Office of h eto nexpress gchi U. International Cooperation and the IMPIS program for having done their utmost to ensure that students at NCCU have nothing left to be desired, and for having made the past two years an unforgettable experience.. iii. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION. PAGE. ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................... iii LIST OF CHARTS AND FIGURES ..................................................................................... vi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................... 1 1.1 Motivation and Purpose ....................................................................................... 2 1.2 Statement of the Problem and Research Questions............................................ 3 1.3 Literature Review ............................................................................................... 10 1.3.1 Literature Review on International Sporting Events and the Rise of Security ...................................................................................................... 13 1.3.2 Review of the Two Selected Cases – Background on the Beijing and Sochi Olympics........................................................................................ 20 1.3.3 Discussions on Civil Liberties ......................................................................... 30 1.4 Analytical Framework and Research Method .................................................... 34 1.5 Thesis Structure ................................................................................................ 39. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. CHAPTER TWO: BEIJING OLYMPICS – SECURITY MEASURES AND CIVIL LIBERTIES ............................................................................................................. 42 2.1 The Securitization Process................................................................................ 42 2.2 Technologicalization and Civil Liberties ............................................................. 58 2.3 Warfare During Periods of Peace and Civil Liberties ........................................ 64 2.4 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 67. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. i n U. v. CHAPTER THREE: SOCHI OLYMPICS – SECURITY MESASURES AND CIVIL LIBERTIES .............................................................................................................. 69 3.1 The Securitization Process ............................................................................... 69 3.2 Technologicalization and Civil Liberties ............................................................ 78 3.3. Warfare During Periods of Peace and Civil Liberties ....................................... 82 3.4. Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 84. Ch. engchi. CHAPTER FOUR: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE BEIJING AND THE SOCHI OLYMPICS ............................................................................................................ 87 4.1 A Comparison with Regards to the Securitization Process ............................... 87 4.2 A Comparison with Regards to Technologicalization and Civil Liberties ........... 90 4.3 A Comparison with Regards to Warfare During Periods of Peace and Civil Liberties ............................................................................................... 93 4.4. Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 94. iv. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(6) CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION ...................................................................................... 96 5.1 Significance and Implications of the Study ........................................................ 96 5.2 Research Limitations and Suggestions for Future Studies .............................. 103 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 106. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. v. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(7) LIST OF CHARTS AND FIGURES CHARTS PAGE Chart 1.1 Freedom Report of China for the Year of 2018 ........................................ 32 Chart 1.2 Freedom Report of Russia for the Year of 2018 ...................................... 33 Chart 2.1 Estimates of Protest Deaths: March – April 2008 .................................... 45 FIGURES PAGE Figure 1.1 Analytical Framework: The 3 Elements of Infringements on Civil Liberties ...................................................................................................... 38. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. vi. i n U. v. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(8) Chapter 1. Introduction Drawing a connection between the Olympic Games and the topic of security issues might at first glance appear to be rather farfetched or even counterintuitive, particularly when considering that athletes from 204 National Olympic Committees (NOCs) 1 participated and competed peacefully against one another in international sporting events such as the Summer Olympic Games held in Beijing in 2008. The Olympics; in fact, are commonly being regarded as an occasion that actively brings nations together, and are often even attested with the potential to. 治政 General Secretary, Ban Ki-Moon; for instance, pointed out in大 this respect that “[t]he Olympic 立 Truce is rooted in the hope that if people and nations can put aside their differences for one day, (at the very least temporally) ease disputes and the capability to initiate peace. Former UN. ‧ 國. 學. they can build on that to establish more lasting ceasefires and find paths towards durable peace”. ‧. (Ban 2014). The author of this present study certainly does not intend to repudiate the importance of international events, such as the Olympic Games, to foster security on a global level. However,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. a specific form of a security threat concerning international sporting events has been identified and will hence be addressed in this study. Namely, the security of the host nation. More precisely,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. this paper aims to look at how exactly countries guarantee security during times when large-scale. engchi. international events are being held within their borders. That is, ensuring a secure and peaceful sporting event certainly falls within the main responsibilities of a host nation. However, this present thesis also examines what consequences come along with the security measures taken in terms of the civil liberties granted to its people. A particular focus has thereby been set on investigating the occurrence of possible reductions in civil liberties and personal freedom,. 1. The number of National Olympic Committees involved in the Beijing Summer Olympics (namely, 204); for example, exceeds the number of officially recognized countries. In order to avoid potential confusion, the author of this study therefore points out that several territories of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, New Zealand and China, such as Hong Kong or Guam, are not recognized as countries, yet they do represent themselves separately in the Olympics.. 1. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(9) publicly justified in the name of security. Two distinct cases; the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, have therefore been carefully selected for a variety of reasons, as shall be further elaborated on the following pages.. 1.1 Motivation and Purpose Investigating whether or not public and individual security during the Olympic Games. 治政大 Hence, it promises to demonstrates something that has not yet been thoroughly examined. 立 generate new insights that could further be applied to similar mass events all over the world. As it represents a quid pro quo for the relinquishment of individual rights and civil liberties,. ‧ 國. 學. shall be shown, the Chinese as well as the Russian government utilized the extraordinariness of. ‧. the Olympic events to effectively, and to some extent even sustainably, curb the civil liberties and rights of its own people. The critical lens through which the analysis of the designated empirical. y. Nat. er. io. sit. cases will be conducted is formed by the securitization approach. Yet, as the author delved deeper into the subject, it became quite apparent that also the Critical Application of Securitization. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Theory (CAST), based on; among others, Charrett (2009) would greatly inform this academic. engchi. endeavor. Both of them are thus planned to be linked in order to establish the solid theoretical foundation of this study. The decision to rely on those two specific approaches will further be explained and justified within the section of this paper entitled “analytical framework and research method”. For now, it shall however be pointed out that particularly CAST is concerned with deconstructing the institutional power of the securitizing actor. In fact, it puts an emphasis on the notion that socially constructed threats, such as the one of terrorist attacks during the Olympic Games; for example, strengthen state power more than they undermine it (Charrett 2009, p. 27). That is, the state is able to use the securitization process as a tool for their political 2. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(10) agenda and to reinforce bureaucratic decisions related to security, such as the extensive use of technologies for the purpose of surveillance. All of which appear highly relevant for the study of the actions taken during the Beijing Olympics as well as the Sochi Winter Olympics for the ultimate objective of ensuring security. Returning once more to the question of significance and purpose of this thesis, the author wants to highlight that identifying the mechanisms exercised in the name of security – security itself being a goal that can generally be characterized as positive since every individual. 治政大as their negative side effects. As individual strategies accountable for their achievements as well 立 will be pointed out within the next section, the threats of violent attacks during the Olympic instinctively seeks to be safe from any harm - eventually serves the function of holding those. ‧ 國. 學. Games are certainly real. Nonetheless, one shall critically question what price a society is willing. good.. ‧. to pay for its own safety and whether or not those security measures; in fact, do more harm than. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. 1.2 Statement of the Problem and Research Questions. engchi. i n U. v. The decision to focus on the Olympic Games as an example for international sporting events in general, and the 2008 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi in particular as two demonstrative cases for this purpose, is motivated by a variety of reasons. First of all, the Olympics represent the most famous and prestigious athlete games in the world. Attracting hundreds of thousands of tourists, including world leaders, and a staggering amount of media coverage, aired and broadcasted all over the globe. Especially the Olympic opening ceremony constitutes one of the most watched events on world television. Yet, with this enormous amount of attention given also comes the ancillary effect of posing a highly 3. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(11) compelling and enticing target for protests and terrorist attacks. Richards et al.; for instance, stress that terrorism in itself is a form of communication and therefore the Olympics with its large-scale media storm provide a perfect platform to bring the intended message across (2011, p. 15). That such a threat can materialize itself rather abruptly becomes quite clear when recalling the events of the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich, during which eleven Israeli athletes were kidnapped and murdered by Black September Palestinian terrorists. Thus, strikingly proving that securing the game's athletes, its staff2 and spectators is imperative. While simultaneously also. 治政大the Black September fraction of political, religious, or ideological goals. In this particular case, 立 the Palestine Liberation Organization commanded the release of over 200 prisoners incarcerated. delivering evidence for the fact that terrorist groups recklessly utilize such events to achieve their. ‧ 國. 學. in Israel and Germany, or otherwise would proceed to kill their Israeli hostages. The West. ‧. German Olympic security forces during that time; however, had to be deemed largely unprepared for such a hostage crisis, as conveyed by the circumstance that most of them were unarmed.. y. Nat. io. sit. Furthermore, also the rescue attempt carried out by local police forces was highly. n. al. er. unorganized3 and ultimately turned out disastrous with what is now known as the so-called. Ch. i n U. v. Munich Massacre. This level of unpreparedness can also be partly attested to West Germany's. engchi. objective during the Games of erasing the highly militarized image of the country's Nazi past. That is, especially with regards to the 1936 Olympics in Berlin and Garmisch-Partenkirchen, which had been used to propagate the Nazi government and its ideologies. In fact, the Olympic Games in 1972 hosted by West Germany had therefore deliberately renounced heavy security and were hosted under the official slogan of “the carefree games”.. 2 3. Apart from the Israeli athletes, a German police officer was also killed during the fire exchange. As the police forces were preparing for their rescue mission, they had been filmed by television channels and thus the terrorists had the opportunity to watch the security forces approaching live on broadcasting media. Hence, eventually causing the police to retreat its initial rescue attempt.. 4. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(12) The introduction of the above case has been thought of as being especially noteworthy as it clearly pinpoints the major impact that each individual host nations' own historical background has on how the country may host the event. The intended image each nation would like to display of itself to the world by hosting such a mega-sporting event also certainly differs from country to country, and so do the security measures taken. Furthermore, the example above also highlights the existing and real security threats during the Olympics. Therefore, one of the bitter lessons learned from the past are the realization that preventive security measures during the Olympic Games are absolutely necessary. Toohey and Taylor even go so far as to argue that “[s]ince 1972,. 治政大the Olympic Games” (2008, p. there has been an association between terrorism, violence, and 立 451). In fact, the tragedy of 1972 actually attested that terrorist attacks during the Olympic. ‧ 國. 學. Games could be a powerful method to challenge governments and to achieve massive. ‧. international awareness of one's mission (cf. Johnson 2001). The Palestine Liberation Organization, who had orchestrated the massacre, did so with the intention to bring their conflict. y. Nat. io. sit. with Israel to the international forefront. Even more worrisome may be that, at least according to. n. al. er. the PLO’s own judgement, they had succeeded in reaching their goals:. Ch. i n U. v. In our assessment, and in light of the result, we have made one of the best achievements. engchi. of Palestinian commando action. A bomb in the White House, a mine in the Vatican, the death of Mao Tse-tung, an earthquake in Paris could not have echoed through the consciousness of every man in the world like the operation in Munich. The Olympiad aroused the people's interest and attention more than anything else in the world. The choice of the Olympics, from the purely propagandistic viewpoint was 100% successful. It was like painting the name of Palestine on a mountain that can be seen from the four corners of the earth. (Dershowitz 2002, p. 46).. 5. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(13) The quote had been uttered by Black September members shortly after the attack and was published in Al-Sayad, a Beirut newspaper. Although one may be inclined to deny this gruesome statement - for very good reasons the author would like to add - one cannot hide the fact that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict had barely received any global attention in the years directly prior to the attack. Yet, following the Munich massacre, the issue had captured a great amount of awareness and the chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization at that time, Yasser Arafat, was subsequently being invited to talks with many of the world leaders of his era. In fact, Arafat. 治政大further been granted its observer recognized as the legitimate representative of Palestine and had 立 status in the UN in that very year. even addressed a plenary session of the UN General Assembly in 1974 and the PLO had been. ‧ 國. 學. It is due to the conditions outlined above that large international sporting events do. ‧. represent preferred targets for terrorist attacks. Certainly having recognized this issue, security measures for every Olympic Games following the 1972 incident have been elevated to new. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. heights and cannot compare to the security standards of the Munich Summer Olympics anymore.. Ch. i n U. v. Interestingly; however, a second proliferation point in security can be pinpointed, which. engchi. had been reached in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Although the incident itself was unrelated to sporting events, it nevertheless entailed serious consequences with regards to the perception of security in all layers of society nearly world-wide. The subsequent Winter Olympics in 2002, held on American soil in Salt Lake City, noticeably provided additional evidence to this. In fact, the White House itself highlighted in a press statement entitled ‘Preparing for the World: Homeland Security and Winter Olympics’ that a new approach to security would be taken. In essence, the new understanding of security that was pursued meant “highly visible = highly secure”. An approach that is geared towards the aim of deterring any 6. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(14) potential terrorist threats through highly visible security measures (White House 2002). The succeeding trend of increasingly tighter and stricter security measures also characterize the environment in which the two selected cases for this present study are situated. The implemented security arrangements during the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics, as well as their respective implications for civil liberties, will serve as the prime elements of attention for this current endeavor. The study's first empirical case of the Beijing Olympics is extremely worthwhile. 治政大its own people’s rights. Examples absolute prioritization of the success of the Beijing Games over 立 for this include; for instance, the forceful eviction of over 300,000 Chinese residents from their investigating with respect to the questions the researcher tries to address. That is, due to the. ‧ 國. 學. homes in order to make way for the Olympics. While the Beijing case's immense security budget,. ‧. which, for its time, was unparalleled, also plays a major role. Therefore, analyzing the security measures taken by the Chinese government with the support of these extensive amounts of. y. Nat. io. sit. financial means appears to be extremely interesting. This will be done; however, with the. n. al. er. disturbing global post-9/11 trend in security in mind 4, which is characterized by a tendency. Ch. i n U. v. towards an increase in security going hand in hand with the privation of civil liberties. That is, as. engchi. the level of security rises, the degree of civil liberties is drastically being reduced. Examples for the establishment of such thoughts can be found globally, even in countries that are widely believed to be one of the main advocates for liberties and individual rights. The United States of America; for instance, had passed the “Stop and Frisk Policy”. This policy. 4. The 9/11 attacks and the following anti-terror discourse have fundamentally changed the way security is being understood. Within the United States; for instance, the so-called Patriot Act was signed into law and consequently heavily infringed civil liberties and personal freedom under the veil of national security. For a more exhaustive discussion on the subject in the context of the U.S., the author refers to Darmer et al. “Civil Liberties Versus National Security in a Post-9/11 World” (2004).. 7. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(15) allows police officers to question and frisk pedestrians for weapons or other illegal objects without having previously inquired any concrete evidence. A second, and perhaps even more famous example is the so-called Patriot Act. The latter, so can be argued, actually goes directly against the Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which states that everyone shall be secured from unreasonable searches and seizures of property by the government. The Patriot Act allowed law enforcement officers to conduct searches in people’s homes and businesses without the owner’s consent or knowledge. Measures like these, although implemented with the intention. 治政 Although this recent development can be traced back to大 have originated from (or at least 立 was intensified by) the United States in the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks as indicated. of providing security, have significantly curbed civil liberties of the citizens of the United States.. ‧ 國. 學. above, this research will demonstrate that similar mechanisms are at work when it comes to. ‧. international sporting events. This current study is therefore situated in an emergent research subgenre as it seeks to explore and furthermore ultimately answers the following research. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. questions:. Ch. i n U. v. 1. How is security guaranteed during international sporting events with a focus on the 2008. engchi. Olympic Games in Beijing and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi? 2. Additionally, are the identified actions taken by the governments reasonable, particularly in the light of possible reductions in civil liberties and personal freedom in order to ensure security?. Apart from the 2008 Beijing Olympics, it is planned to conduct a comparison with the second selected international sporting event above, namely the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. As the 2008 and the 2014 Olympics were held in different countries, as it is common with 8. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(16) regards to the Olympic hosts, the author is able to generate a comparative analysis between the security measures taken in China and Russia. This is promising as it appears to the author of this study at the current research stage that a number of the processes involved in securitizing international sporting events are; in fact, uniform and consistent. Hence, including a comparison between those two events will help provide evidence for such an argumentation. Yet, simultaneously, it additionally allows this thesis to demonstrate differences, that might exist (or not) due to cultural, historical, and governmental aspects, for example.. 治政大 the International Olympic government's authoritarian and the large amount of criticism 立 Committee (IOC) as well as the Russian government have received on how the Games had been In this respect, the case of the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics has been chosen due to the nature 5. ‧ 國. 學. organized. That is, particularly when keeping the then current international debate in mind on. ‧. whether or not to boycott the Sochi Winter Olympics altogether. Factors such as the two antiLGBT laws passed in 2013 and the thus caused alleged safety risks for LGTB spectators and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. athletes were serious concerns. The tension with the ethnic minority group of Circassians added another layer of objections and hesitations. Additionally, and also closely related to the security. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. issue are the number of inherent security risks that the location of Sochi poses. That is, due to the. engchi. neighboring Republic of Abkhazia 6 and the Chechen Republic. All these aspects, along with the wave of terrorist attacks in major Russian metropolises, such as the suicide bombings targeting public transportation in Volgograd in 2013, or the bombing at the Domodedovo International. 5. Although on paper, Russia is a clearly democratic nation with respect to its constitution, it can be argued that Putin has taken advantage of the loose constitutional control and has gradually turned Russia increasingly towards an authoritarian regime. Shevtsova (2015) in “The Authoritarian Resurgence: Forward to the Past in Russia”; for instance, impressively elaborates on this issue.. 6. Abkhasia, a separatist state which is recognized by Russia, yet is considered to be part of Georgia by the United Nations and most other countries.. 9. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(17) Airport in Moscow in 2011, impacted the security measures taken during the Games. Eventually leading up to the establishment of forbidden security zones and the restrictions of demonstrations, protests and meetings four weeks prior, during, and after the Sochi Olympics Games via presidential decree, for example. Hence, both cases constitute an excellent ground to examine and compare the potential reductions in civil liberties experienced by the people of the two nations and whether the measures adopted by the Russian and Chinese government, respectively, can be deemed reasonable.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 1.3 Literature Review. ‧. Before approaching the actual analytical framework that has been generated for the purpose of this study, this section first introduces a comprehensive literature review on the three. y. Nat. therefore been divided into three distinct sub-categories:. n. al. Ch. er. io. sit. main elements crucial to the two posed research questions of this thesis. The literature review has. i n U. v. - Literature Review on International Sporting Events and the Rise of Security. engchi. - Review of the Two Selected Cases – Background on the Beijing and Sochi Olympics - Discussion on Civil Liberties. Within the first sub-section a historical overview of the connection between international sporting events and terrorism (as the main cause for the elevation of security measures) will be presented. Thereby allowing the reader to comprehend the link between the two and shedding light into what exactly within the nature of the Olympic Games causes them to be determined as one of terrorists’ preferred targets. In this context, a substantial amount of efforts is also being 10. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(18) invested on understanding the terrorists’ minds and goals. That is, in order to further clarify the selection of potential targets for terrorist acts and the driving forces for such crimes in the first place. Ultimately, this first sub-section is intended to reveal the increasing intensity and progression of security arrangements over the past 50 years of Olympic Games history. Certainly, not only the security measures have amplified. In fact, the former has been a consequence; at least in part, of the steep increase in the (perceived) security threats during the past years. These trends have of course not remained unnoticed by the academic community, and. 治政大 to further inform this sporting events have been generated, and will hereinafter be reviewed 立 present study.. therefore a number of studies dealing with the seemingly omnipresent security threat in mass. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. As the first research question of this paper is directed towards answering how security has been ensured during the two selected Olympic cases, a background of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. y. Nat. er. io. sit. and the 2014 Sochi Olympics will be provided in the second sub-section of this literature review. This will, among other things, address the way the Chinese and Russian governments have. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. perceived their tasks and responsibilities as a host. While this second sub-section of the literature. engchi. review will also focus on the internal circumstances of both nations prior and during the Olympics and outline each country’s prime goals for the Olympic Games. The author of this present study further realized the need to understand how both host nations see themselves and the world around them, in order to be able to truly assess their respective actions. All of this assists the researcher in understanding what has led the respective host nation to pursue specific security strategies and implement the measures that have been taken. Moreover, the segment is further destined to function as a potential lead-in to identify some of the underlying objectives of the wide-ranging security operations adopted by both nations. Throughout the review, the author 11. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(19) of this present study will justify the selection of the two Olympic cases and provide sound reasons for having chosen each one of them and in that particular constellation.. As a last component of this literature review, civil liberties are being extensively discussed in the third sub-section. The sub-section is of paramount importance due to the fact that this study is not solely interested in how security is being guaranteed, but also in the consequences that the applied measures may result in. That is, as particular attention will be paid on the potential. 治政大sides of the spectrum. liberties, at least superficially, thereby appear to be on opposite 立 Governments as well as the media attempt to convey the message that in order to secure the. reduction of civil liberties conditioned by the necessity to ensure security. Security and civil. ‧ 國. 學. public during the Olympic events, individuals have to renounce and surrender their civil liberties. ‧. to a certain extent. Yet, this also poses the question of what exactly civil liberties are comprise of. This final sub-section will hence take on the rather difficult task to define civil liberties and. y. Nat. er. io. sit. further elaborate on the distinction between the term and civil rights by drawing on related scholarly work. Furthermore, the overall approach to civil liberties of this thesis will be. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. explained, while highlighting that the assessment will not be conducted from a Western-centric. engchi. perspective. Literature and official reports on the situation in China and Russia in terms of civil liberties will be introduced. The review then concludes with carving out the civil liberties most relevant to the aims of this study (thus narrowing down the scope from a vast number of civil liberties available), which will then serve as reference points and leads for the proceedings of this thesis.. 12. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(20) 1.3.1 Literature Review on International Sporting Events and the Rise of Security As international sporting events attract the attention of millions of people, it shall be no surprise that also the academic community has spent a significant amount of time investigating on this subject. While being advertised as family-friendly mass events, which bring all nations closer together, these gigantic gatherings of people also always bring along a security threat for its attendees and participants. This particular fear for one's own security has been most prominently escalated by the September 11 events in 2001. Yet, even more recently, fears have. 治政 coordinated terrorist attacks - including suicide bombings and大 mass shootings – had taken place 立 on November 13. The attacks had been carried out during a large-scale football match and grown to new heights with the November 2015 Paris attacks. During the latter, a number of. ‧ 國. 學. targeted, among other things, a concert by the band “Eagles of Death Metal”.. ‧. Hence, given the topic’s actuality, the academic world has and is still producing significant amounts of literature concerned with the security threat during mass events, as well as the reasons. y. Nat. er. io. sit. for (and consequences of) terrorism in connection to tourism and mega events in general (cf. Hall, Tomothy, Duval 2003). This is certainly rightly so, as according to Clark, there have been. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. 168 terrorist attacks of different scale and scope during sporting events between the years 1972. engchi. and 2004 alone (2004, p. 34). However, particularly the 9/11 incident and the wealth of media reports in the years after the attacks – actively engaging in scaremongering (cf. Monahan 2010, p. 171) - suggest that mass events are no longer safe. Certainly it has to be remembered that, as Kertzer has accurately put it, “[a]lthough terrorism was not born on the morning of 11 September 2001, the stark calculation and symbolism of the attacks renewed its salience on the public agenda” (2007, p. 964). Thus, in response, this has brought a number of new and stricter security measures for mega-sporting events and tougher safety standards for organizers. In fact, security measures nowadays do not only entail what had been implemented by the Olympic committee 13. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(21) following the 1972 tragedy, namely regulatory management, fortification, and surveillance in order to divide and control Olympic sites. Instead, and among other things, a ring of steel strategy is being put to the forefront. This involves counterterrorism measures, a massive use of digital surveillance, the utilization of complex technology to control people's access into restricted areas, and dispersing security responsibilities to a variety of different agencies such as the army, navy, air force, and the Olympic police. Thus, due to the nature of these measures, event organizers are forced to cooperate a lot more closely with the government's security agencies and in some cases. 政治大. even with the security agencies of other states.. 立. According to experts, such as Atkinson and Young, especially mega-sporting events seem. ‧ 國. 學. to represent a particularly attractive target to terrorists and terrorist organizations. Partly due to. ‧. the fact that they involve a considerable amount of international audience (2002, p. 54). However, when attempting to understand why terrorists select certain targets over others, one. y. Nat. io. sit. first has to grasp what terrorism actually is. Phabha rightly highlights in this context that despite. n. al. er. terrorism representing a global phenomenon, it “is easy to recognize but difficult to define”. Ch. i n U. v. (2000, p. 125). While scholars have been arguing for many years on a concrete, universal, and. engchi. legal definition of ‘terrorism’, the endeavor has remained without major success. That is, as various definitions appear to be correct and suitable in their individual perspective, yet quite obviously miss other components of terrorism. Given this dilemma, one can nevertheless agree on a number of common characteristics that can be linked with acts of terror and thus at least establish a working definition. This thesis therefore adopts the following characteristics as core elements of terrorism and has further elaborated these features in detail in order to be able to differentiate between terrorist perpetrators and the often used label of ‘freedom fighters’ as a disguise. 14. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(22) Terrorism is generally committed by individuals and groups that lack the (political) power to alter the policies and conditions they strive against. Furthermore, they ground their logic on a certain ideology or religion, and in that way make members believe that common law does not apply to them. In fact, this is also used in order to cast off feelings of guilt and to justify their crimes, as they are convinced that the actions taken serve a greater overarching good (cf. Drake 1998, p. 56). Terrorist also select targets that will ensure maximized attention and getting their message across to a particularly wide audience. Yet, terrorists mostly engage in violence against random civilians, who often lose their lives although they do not represent the actual ‘enemy’.. 治政大(cf. Schmid and Jongmann 1988, Instead, the victims tend to merely serve as message generators 立 p. 28). Ultimately, through this, an omnipresent fear is being sparked, as the public is ought to. ‧ 國. 學. believe that they can as well fall victim to terrorist attacks at all times.. ‧. Given these circumstances, it shall be no surprise that mega-sporting events represent one of the preferred sites for such terrorist acts, particularly since great media exposure is guaranteed.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Another element that makes sporting events a popular target is the aforementioned large number of spectators at a single space, which simultaneously makes it nearly impossible to identify. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. potential terrorists. In addition, as transportation near stadiums and other big sporting venues has. engchi. to provide sufficient services for millions of people, this simultaneously means that multiple convenient getaway routes for the culprits are also made available.. Atkinson and Young furthermore included an additional interesting layer in their argumentation on how mega-sporting events and terrorism may be connected. Both scholars noted that during international sporting events, the respective audiences are already divided by countries, and often situated in the context of viewing a competition between different nations. An element that also perfectly illustrates the nature of the Olympic Games; for example, as over 15. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(23) 200 different territories and nations regularly participate and contest with one another. Thus according to Atkinson and Young, “sport can [easily] be utilized as a vehicle for political sparring, and waging and disseminating forms of political violence against others” (2002, p. 54), since the environment in such international sporting competitions encourages confrontation through its rivalrous and vying atmosphere. Even apart from terrorism, sport events in general possess a link to violence, as emotions among athletes and the spectators tend to be quite heated. For this very reasons, a variety of. 治政大 on these issues have been crowd control in the sphere of sports. As a matter of fact, studies 立 circulating for multiple decades, while Steve Frosdick has to be named as one of the pioneers and studies have been conducted on sport, safety, and risk management and on feasible strategies for. ‧ 國. 學. most distinguished experts in the field in recent years.7. ‧. It is important to note that especially post-9/11, a very strong financial commitment in. y. Nat. er. io. sit. terms of the provision of security during sporting events can be observed. That is, host nations and organizers invest in large-scale and wide-ranging risk management activities that exceed. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. anything that has been seen before. Thus, as Stura et al. confirm “costs of security and safety. engchi. have increased significantly” (2017, p. 28). While one can detect that the costs have generally spiraled upwards for all recent Olympic hosts (due to the perceived threat of terrorist attacks), there are a number of other key factors that are at work. Most relevant for the aim of this present study, as a comparison between different host nations is being drawn, is therefore the component of national identity and culture. Frosdick in this respect highlights that the specific cultural. 7. Steve Frosdick is considered one of the most celebrated experts in the areas of stadium and arena safety and security. He has published ‘Sport and Safety Management’ in cooperation with Lynne Walley in 1997, and joined Jim Chalmers in writing the textbook ‘Safety and Security at Sports Grounds’, which appeared in 2005. Both of his works have thoroughly informed the research carried out in this study.. 16. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(24) background plays a major role in how public safety and order is being ensured and maintained (1997). In that sense, it is mentioned that the security risk - or rather the perception of this risk along with the source and level of threat and danger - is, among other things, highly dependent on culture and national identity. Thus, carefully assessing the measures that have been taken by the Chinese as well as the Russian government in order to prevent potential attacks and to deal with the seemingly omnipresent security threat, promises to be quite fruitful. Through this, this current study may be able to stress that a nation’s individual characteristics, history, and cultur represents. 治政大 that particularly focus on the researcher of this present thesis is unaware of studies conducted 立 comparing security measures taken by different nations for similar sporting events, while. a falsely neglected and certainly underrated component impacting security policies. As of now,. ‧ 國. 學. including a cultural, political, and historical component.. ‧. There are however, studies that slightly touch on these factors. One of the undoubtedly most interesting studies regarding the issue of security during international sporting events is the. y. Nat. er. io. sit. one by Klauser (2012). Klauser used the 2008 European Soccer Championship in Switzerland and Austria as an example and focused, among other things, on the level of autonomy of the state. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. and local stakeholders with respect to the securitization process. The results of his study have. engchi. therefore been extremely informative and thought-provoking for the construction of this current study. That is, particularly in terms of research questions 1, which focuses on the similarities and differences in the ways that China and Russia have guaranteed safe Olympic Games. Klauser highlights in his paper, that there are; in fact, numerous fixed norms outlined by the soccer association that have to be fulfilled by the host country. Additionally, there is a certain pressure involved for the host nation to rely on international security professionals and their securitization strategies. That is, so they argue, since these strategies have been proven to be successful and thus shall be adopted once again (p. 255). When following Klauser’s argument and applying it to 17. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(25) the two selected cases of the Olympic Games in Beijing and Sochi, this would suggest that the securitization shall be largely the same in both cases despite political, cultural, and historical differences. However, interestingly, also Klauser's study ultimately seems to fall into a vacillation or indetermination. On the one hand, he emphasizes the high level of external influence when it comes to the security measures implemented, which results in an overall conformity. Yet, on the other hand, he clearly identified major securitization differences among the two host nations of the same tournament (Switzerland and Austria). Switzerland's use of drones and mobile. 治政大 posed question. Also, while researcher, leaving the reader with no clear answers to the originally 立 Klauser is not overly concerned with the implications of the taken security measures on civil fingerprints could be named as such an example (p. 255). Thus, at least in the eye of this current. ‧ 國. 學. liberties, it remains to be said that the fixed norms outlined by the Soccer Association and the. ‧. ones by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), do differ quite substantially. Interestingly, Klauser; in fact, points out that the level of autonomy for local stakeholders with regards to. y. Nat. er. io. sit. security measures at the European Football Championship is much higher than the more standardized procedures at the Olympic Games (p. 256). A statement with which the author of. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. this current study strongly disagrees and which will hence be counter-argued in the following chapters.. engchi. Perhaps even more closely related to the subject and aims of this present thesis is Donnelly (2016), who focuses on reframing the understanding of the Olympic Games from a fixed place of peace to a space of contestation, political protest and existential threats. As her study is clearly situated within the context of the securitization approach, it is particularly relevant for the investigation intended in this current research. A number of implications with regards to how the feeling of exceptionalism of the events is fabricated as well as how the securitized story is being conveyed to the public, and by whom it is believed, have been adopted and build upon for this 18. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(26) present study based on Donnelly's work. Especially relevant has been the discussed balance within the discourse of the Olympics being an event of peace on the one hand, and yet the communicated necessity to resort to heavy securitization measures on the other hand (p. 200). Donnelly, however, lacks of the component of civil liberties, and instead puts her mind on Michel de Certeau's writings on spatial practices and the theorization of space in opposition to place. That is, admittedly something clearly outside of the targeted field of interest of this present paper. Of vital concern for this thesis is unquestionably also an understanding of what security is. What first comes to mind to most people when being confronted with the term ‘security’ tend to. 治政 be security providers, such as the police or even the military.大 Yet, the police; for example, 立 basically solely represents a constituted body of individuals that are predestined by the state to. ‧ 國. 學. enforce the domestic law. The law, on the other hand, serves, among other things, the function of. ‧. protecting people and property and ensuring civil order. The question yet remains from what people need to be protected and who is to determine what constitutes a security threat. This. y. Nat. er. io. sit. current study therefore employs an understanding of security that is highly related to the Copenhagen School of security studies and draws on the research of scholars such as Buzan,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. Waever and de Wilde (1998). Security in this sense has to be understood within social aspects. engchi. and can be considered a speech act. To be more precise, the perception of safety or danger are generated and can be manipulated by the state; for instance, through speech acts and the release or withholding of certain information about existential threats. While such an understanding is tightly linked with the securitization approach, a more detailed elaboration on the concept will be provided in the analytical framework section.. 19. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(27) 1.3.2 Review of the Two Selected Cases – Background on the Beijing and Sochi Olympics. The 2008 Beijing Olympics in China Although the Beijing Olympics are being set 7 years after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, a number of scholars have connected all Olympic Games succeeding the year 2001, and its respective host countries' approaches to security, with what has been coined by Crelinsten as 'September 12 thinking' (2009). This particular mentality incorporates the notion of a constant. 治政大 summer Olympics, was initially holding the summer Olympics of 2004 and preceding the Beijing 立 being thought of as not reliable to host the event and to face this immense threat. Greek was thus terrorist threat, which is intended to be countered by truly massive security operations. Athens,. ‧ 國. 學. pressured by the international community and various stakeholders to establish an international. ‧. security alliance. Furthermore, Athens was urged to buy the most cutting-edge security and surveillance equipment made in the United States and several European nations (Samatas 2007,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. p. 222). Thus, the Greek organizers had to accept security planning and training by the newly created Olympic Advisory Group (OAG), essentially being an international security committee.. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. All these measures drastically increased the security budget, which eventually amounted to a total. engchi. sum twice as high as the one of the Olympics 4 year before, with a total of approximately US$ 1,5 billion (cf. Zimbalist 2016). Being subject to the same pressure, and furthermore as a first-time host country, China followed the path paved by Greece and is believed 8 to have even clearly surpassed Greece's budget on security (cf. Lei Lei et al. 2005). According to estimates by Roche, the number for. 8. The Chinese officials have, unfortunately, not released any official information concerning the exact amount of the security budget spent for the event. As a result, the author can only rely on estimates of the actual spending.. 20. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(28) Beijing’s security expenditure is located around US$ 6,5 billion (2017, p.134) and hence more than 4 times as high as the Greek Olympics 4 years prior. As a result, the incredible amount spent on security alone makes it a highly interesting case with regards to an exploration of security measures taken for the purpose of this current study.. Besides the pressure to assure the peaceful course of the events, there are always also other factors involved that push host countries to extreme measures. While mass events, such as the. 治政大as one of the other driving polishing up its image on the international stage can be regarded 立 forces. An image that had long been suffering. Partly due to a tendency of a negative global. Olympic Games, pose a number of economic opportunities, particularly for China the aspect of. ‧ 國. 學. perception on the (allegedly) poor quality of Chinese products (cf. Wang 2013, p. 36). But more. ‧. prominently, due to the highly contested topic of human rights violations in China, including the frequent arrest of government critics. Thus, presenting an utterly progressive, competent, open,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. and extensively beautified Beijing 9 to a global audience, gives an incredible momentum to the city, and the country as a whole. Driven by those re-branding efforts and the desire for the large. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. amount of favorable publicity to remodel the country's international image, all possibilities of. engchi. potential protests or violent attacks that could overshadow the events had to be prevented. Yet, during the conducted urban beautification, initially the opposite had been achieved when the government decided to clear entire neighborhoods, predominantly those of lower social status and migrant workers, in order to create sufficient space for the Olympic facilities, or merely for the. 9. Beijing has undergone an extreme Olympic face-lift, with; for instance, the creation of forests, temporary shutdowns of factories to increase air quality, and the imposition of “etiquette trainings” on certain parts of its population. Hence, literally creating a 'New Beijing, Great Olympics', as one of the official slogans of the event goes.. 21. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(29) purpose of beautification alone. Having affected at least 300,000 people - who have not been properly reimbursed and who's rights have been heavily infringed upon - the actions created an international outcry even before the Olympics had started (cf. Human Rights Watch 2007, p. 267). Hence, at least indicating a rather bumpy start to the Beijing Olympics as this further damaged China's public image globally. It is important to keep in mind however, that the Beijing Olympics examined in this paper took place in the year 2008. Thus, prominent international issues that have occurred more. 治政 the time of the Olympic events. Thus, unless the future events大 stand in close relations with the 立 discourses and actions taken during the Beijing Olympics, they may not be assessed in detail in. recently cannot be directly considered in this study, since they simply had not taken place yet at. ‧ 國. 學. this paper. These may include the institution-building activities of China, first and foremost with. ‧. the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. The AIIB was officially launched at the end of 2015 and stands in competition with the World Bank, currently counting 87 states from across the. y. Nat. io. sit. globe as its members. Another event that may not be thoroughly considered for the same reason. n. al. er. represents China’s military proceedings in establishing a military base on a contested island in the South China Sea.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Yet, what is important is that all these past and more recent events have taken place under the overarching strategy of China’s rise and within the context of the so-called ‘China Dream’. In fact, Callahan links both of them (the nation’s rise and the fulfillment of the China Dream) directly to the Beijing Olympics when he states the following about the Beijing Olympics’ opening ceremony: At 8:08 pm on August 8, 2008 the world’s gaze focused on China. What it saw was the birth of a new superpower, which emerged in a novel way through a stunning cultural performance, as opposed to a decisive military victory. For a global television audience, 22. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(30) Beijing asserted its power through fireworks rather than firepower, presenting the Chinese nation to the world as young and beautiful, wise and strong. (2010, p. 1) Given the attested importance of the Olympic Games as a symbol for, or even displayed birth of, China as a new superpower, one may also understand why the government considered the hosting of safe and disturbance-free games paramount. Therefore, security in this particular case cannot solely be understood as national security provided for the spectators and participants of the Beijing Olympic Games. Instead, it also includes nationalist security in order to guarantee that. 治政 governmental form from protests and criticism, as well as the大 aspect of cultural security (cf. 立 Callahan 2010, p.1).. the aims of promoting China globally can be met; the element of regime security as to protect its. ‧ 國. 學. In this sense, it is also essential to understand how China has intentionally presented itself. ‧. throughout the Olympic Games and what messages it aimed to convey. That is, because it is necessary to acknowledge how a country sees itself and the world when assessing its actions. The. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Olympics’ opening ceremony in Beijing; for instance, included the performance of 56 children carrying the Chinese flag, who were understood to represent the 56 ethnic groups recognized in. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. China 10. Thus, illustrating openness and harmony internally, although there may be reasons to. engchi. believe that such harmony and tolerance towards the different ethnic minorities in China does not truly exist as will be shown later. Another element focused on telling the history of the 5,000 years of Chinese civilization and thus carried a strong notion of pride. Overall, China intended to display itself as an unthreatening and peaceful superpower to a foreign audience. Internally, on the other hand, the main focus was set on exemplifying the extraordinary power of the state and proving to its people that China does not need to rely on Western models.. 10. China represents a multi-ethnic state, with the majority of the population are being classified as Han (over 90%). Other minority ethnic groups with a significantly large population are the Zhuang, Hui, Manchu, Uyghur, Miao, Yi, Tujia, Tibetan, and Mongols.. 23. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(31) In fact, as stated by Ye (2008), the Games had been organized with an obvious absence of direct control by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Instead, the event was governed by the Chinese Communist Party and central government officials, following their own Chinese values. This is important, since China actively tried to distinguish itself from the previous non-Western host nations, such as Japan (1964) and South Korea (1988). The latter have strongly adhered to the guidelines proposed and initiated by the former western Olympic hosts and the IOC. That being something that China vehemently refused. Ye states further that:. 治政大disappointment, it did not. The bring some changes to this East Asian nation, but to their 立 Games proved not only the existence of the China model, but also its success. (2008).. this is exactly what surprised some Westerners. They thought the Beijing Olympics would. ‧ 國. 學. As it is the case that China did not directly follow the standards and guidelines provided by the. ‧. IOC, it complied to its own values and generated its own Chinese model instead. Therefore, with respect to research question 1 and 2 posed for the conduct of this present study, it is extremely. y. Nat. er. io. sit. attractive and worthwhile to examine the implemented ‘Chinese model’ in terms of its adopted security measures and the consequences thereof. That is, particularly also in the light of. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. comparing it with the arrangements made in the second selected case. Due to this, the Beijing. engchi. Olympics have been reasonably selected as one of the two empirical studies to be investigated in this thesis.. The 2014 Sochi Olympics in Russia Quite similar to China, also Russia has viewed the Sochi Winter Olympics as a unique opportunity to portray the nation in a very specific way. That is, paying particular attention on demonstrating that it has regained its great power status, geopolitically and geoeconomically speaking. Hence undoubtedly tying it to the glory days of the former USSR. The Union of Soviet 24. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(32) Socialist Republics (USSR) had faced its dissolution on December 26 in 1991 and the independence of the former Soviet republics had been declared through declaration 142-H. While the Russian Federation represented the biggest republic within the USSR, it also dominated militarily, politically, and economically. Thus, following the dissolution, Russia served as the successor state of the former USSR. However, what followed shortly after was Russia’s constitutional crisis in 1993 and Russia’s fall into a deep economic depression by the middle of the 1990s. The Russian Federation’s economy was further struck by the financial crash of 1998 and years of reorganization and hardship followed. In addition, also Russia’s international image,. 治政大 and European voices, can be a picture that had most strongly been affected by North American 立 regarded as relatively negative. This may lead back to several factors, such as the historically. ‧ 國. 學. perceived threat of its communistic traditions against the West’s capitalistic values. Also the. ‧. USSR’s (Eastern Bloc) cold war with the United States and its allies, seems to still play a role. While more recent events, such as an increase of accusations of human rights violation in Russia,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. especially following the year 2008, can be identified to have contributed to this perception. To be more precise, these include torture and death of people in custody and the suspected killings of. n. al. Ch. journalists and opposition politicians.. engchi. i n U. v. Thus, Russia’s leadership showed itself highly interested in changing this perception of the nation and presenting itself in a new light. In fact, Putin himself voiced out that he “would like the participants, fans, journalists and all those who watch the Games on television to see a new Russia, see its face and possibilities, take a fresh and unbiased look at the country” (The Sydney Morning Herald 2016). According to Orttung and Zhemukhow, Russia’s development policy of the previous years was based on, among other things, a multitude of mega-projects (2017, p. 1). The Sochi Olympics therefore of course represented one of them, which aimed at further cultivating Russia. 25. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(33) While prestigious and breathtaking projects have been realized through this approach, it also led to downfalls. Both authors mention in this regard that “the path that Putin chose facilitated widespread corruption, the development of extensive security forces, and a crackdown on civil society” (p. 1). Nevertheless, representing a particular interest for Russian leader Vladimir Putin, he nearly single-handedly determined Sochi to represent the Russian host candidate and meant the Sochi Olympics to become his “crowning achievement as Russian leader” (Heritage 2014). Essentially,. 治政 Russia, to bring the country closer together internally, and to大 display Russia’s recouped strength 立 and esteem. Sochi itself - a formerly popular summer resort that had been on its declining years by the means of hosting the Olympics, it was planned to reshape the international image of. ‧ 國. 學. could thereby be revitalized. The very notion of Sochi being described as a summer resort should. ‧. therefore raise a number of eyebrows, as the Sochi Olympics of 2014 were the Winter Olympics. Indeed, Sochi’s climate can be classified as sub-tropical and temperatures may reach 10 to 12. y. Nat. er. io. sit. degrees Celsius in February, during which the Sochi Olympics were being held (February 7 to February 23). As a result, having casted many doubts on whether having awarded Sochi as the. n. al. host city had been well thought out.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. With this overall grand mission outlined above and Russia aspiration for the events, however, also comes the pressure to conform with the expectations of what Persson and Petersson call the great power myth (2014, p. 192). If one wants to present oneself in a fashion of a figurative resurrection in terms of power and glory through such a sporting event, it is essential to avoid any mishaps, political protests or (terrorist) attacks from occurring. That is, since such events would debunk the desired image and challenge the country in terms of its capabilities. However, what one has to keep in mind is that as Donnelly has put it, “history clearly 26. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(34) demonstrates, the Olympics are not immune from boycotts, protest, violence and even death” (2016, p. 199). Therefore, the Russian government's solution to this uneasy truth was to response with a large-scale security concept, which will be further elaborated in the subsequent sections of this thesis. Nevertheless, throughout the seven years of preparation before the Olympic Games, there have been debates on whether or not the decision of selecting Sochi as the host of the Winter Olympics should be reversed. Among a multitude of factors, most noteworthy appears to be. 治政大the positive portrayal of LGBT fact, a law had been introduced in 2013 which actively banned 立 members. Those actions were publicly justified by arguing that such “propaganda” would. Russia’s stance on the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transsexual (LGBT) community. In point of. ‧ 國. 學. influence children in thinking of homosexuality as a behavioral norm (cf. Travers and Shearman. ‧. 2017, p. 43). A second law followed shortly after that, which prohibited Russian orphans to be adopted by members of the LGBT community on a global scale. Travers and Shearman in this. y. Nat. er. io. sit. regard have analyzed the response of the LGBT community in the United States and Canada, which predominantly called for peaceful protests and international boycott of the Games (2017,. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. p. 57). Besides ensuring the well-being of the local Russian LGBT community, the safety of. engchi. Olympic spectators and journalists with an LGBT background was a major concern during the Olympics Games in Sochi.. Another controversial issue concerning security risks, protests and demands for boycotts is the one surrounding the Circassian people, who represent an ethnic group from the Northwest Caucasus. Due to the international attention on Russia and Sochi in particular, the Circassian people had been mobilized to voice their demands about what had happened during the Caucasian war. That is, thus far Russia refuses to admit the historically committed genocide 27. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(35) against Circassians in 1864. However, apart from these long-burning discriminatory issues, it quite saliently stands out when reviewing the academic literatures on the Sochi Olympics that many researchers have focused on the component of corruption. Scholars like Foxall (2014) have highlighted that the preparations for the Sochi Winter Olympics included some of the largest construction projects the region had seen. In fact, in combination with the related infrastructure projects, the Sochi Olympics have been deemed the most expensive Winter Olympics to date. Furthermore, with the main investors to this sporting event, such as Gazprom and Sberbank of. 治政 (Olympstroy), being owned or co-owned by the government,大 corruption within the sphere of 立 government officials appears to be highly plausible according to Foxall (ibid., p. 3). Such Russia, and the corporation in charge of planning and constructing the Olympic venues. ‧ 國. 學. allegations, although for the most part remaining unconfirmed by Russian officials, are founded. ‧. in the overall budget. That is to say, the budget was originally set to be US$ 12 billion, yet eventually amounted to more than four times the estimate. Moreover, Olympstroy (the State. y. Nat. er. io. sit. Corporation for Construction of Olympic Venues and Sochi Development as Alpine Resort); for instance, had seen a change in managers three times during the preparation process. This was. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. caused by criminal cases with charges of corruption and other criminal acts filed against them.. engchi. Hence, leaving little doubt that corruption certainly was an issue. All these instances and elements listed above – of which most of them had already taken place before the Sochi Olympics had officially been launched – have certainly sparked the interest of this current research to delve deeply into the case of the Sochi Olympics for this thesis project. After all, with such a substantial number of concerns and controversies prior to the event, it presents itself very interesting to investigate how Russia has dealt with these issues and guaranteed security (research question 1) throughout the Olympics.. 28. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

(36) The deliberate choice of focusing on two rather authoritarian nations as case studies for this research endeavor is grounded on the firm belief that the comparison between the selected nations will put forth more clear and concrete findings. The author of this present study could certainly have compared a Western democratic nation – for instance the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, Canada – with the Russian or Chinese case. However, it is quite obvious that the results obtained in that way would rather be shallow, indistinct, and un-allocatable. That is, since there would be too many arbitrary factors at hand that could have possibly contributed to, and. 治政大an authoritarian regime form On the other hand, by focusing on two nations, both with 立 which are even in geographical proximity to one another - differences detected among them are influenced, the potentially diverging results in the two cases.. ‧ 國. 學. deemed to be much more valuable and actually relatable to the variables tested in this study.. ‧. Hence, more argumentative power can therefore be put behind the discovered differences or similarities with regards to the applied security measures between the two nations. That is to say,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. that although both cases follow an authoritarian regime type, they may secure the events by very different means. This would then clearly argue against the idea of uniform and consistent. n. al. Ch. i n U. v. processes in securitizing international sporting events. In fact, both nations’ hosting conditions. engchi. were further similar, since China as well as Russia actually experienced a lot of internal and international pressure hosting the events. They both also had to manage and counter the generally more negative international image that has been attached to them through the international community. While having to ensure that they meet their own expectations for the Olympic events. Moreover, it will be striking and beneficial to explore what these (different) applications of security measures have meant with regards to the people’s civil liberties and personal freedoms (research question 2).. 29. DOI:10.6814/THE.NCCU.IMPIS.002.2019.A06.

犧牲值得嗎？ 奧運安全措施與侵犯公民自由 - 政大學術集成

犧牲值得嗎？奧運安全措施與侵犯公民自由 - 政大學術集成