旭日下的雙龍: 南韓與台灣人對日本整體觀感研究 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master‘s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master‘s Thesis. 治sun: 政 in the Tigers. 大. 立. South Korean and Taiwanese people‘s opinions toward Japan. ‧ 國. 學. 旭日下的雙龍: 南韓與台灣人對日本整體觀感研究. 林文森. n. al. C. er. io. sit. y. ‧. Nat. Student: Daniel Josephson. i n U. v. hen h i Lee Advisor: Dr. g cMing 李明. 中華民國 105 年 3 月 March 2016.

(2) Table of Contents List of Figures………………………………………………v Preface………………………………………………………vi Acknowledgements…………………………………………vii Abstract……………………………………………………..x CHAPTER 1: Introduction…………………………………1 1.1. Tigers in the Sun………………...………………1 政治. 大. 立 of South Korean and Taiwanese Public 1.2. Background. ‧ 國. 學. Opinions Toward Japan……………………………………..1. ‧. 1.3. Personal Motivations……………………………..3. sit. y. Nat. 1.4. Research Objectives………………………………5. er. io. 1.5. Methodology……………………………………..7. al. n. v i n Ch 1.51. Hypothesis………………………………….…..14 engchi U 1.6. Theoretical Framework………………………….15 1.61. Age Group……………………………………..16 1.62. Historical Differences in Japanese Occupations of Taiwan and Korea………………………………………….18 1.63. 2/28 and White Terror KMT………………….19 1.64. Contemporary Political Issues…………..…….19 i.

(3) CHAPTER 2: Literature Review…………………………….21 2.1. Establishing the difference in Korean/Taiwanese opinions………………………………………………………..21 2.2. The Japanese Occupation of Korea……………….23 2.3. The Japanese Occupation of Taiwan……………...24 2.4. Martial Law in Korea……………………………..28 2.5. Martial Law in政 Taiwan……………………………29 治. 大. 立 Political Issues……………………31 2.6. Contemporary. ‧ 國. 學. 2.61. Japan – Korea: Dokdo/Takeshima Islands………31. ‧. 2.62. Japan – Taiwan: Diaoyutai Islands………………32. sit. y. Nat. 2.63. China – Taiwan: Cross-strait Relations &. er. io. Unification……………………………………………………32. al. n. v i n C–hNorth Korea:UBorder Disputes & 2.64. South Korea engchi. Unification……………………………………………………35 CHAPTER 3: Historical Differences (I): Authoritarian Regimes……………………………………………………….36 3.1. Post-war Taiwan: The Japanese surrender, the KMT takeover……………………………………………………….36 3.11. February 28, 1947: The 2/28 Incident……………37 ii.

(4) 3.2. Ethnic Cleavage: Waishengren & benshengren……40 3.3.The Korean War and Martial Law………………….45 3.4. Synghman Rhee……………………………………47 3.5. Park Chung-Hee……………………………………47 3.6. Kwangju Massacre………………………………....49 CHAPTER 4: Historical Differences (II): Japanese colonial rule…………………………………………53 政治. 大. 4.1. Japan and立 Korea……………………………………53. ‧ 國. 學. 4.11. Korea Under Japanese Rule (1910 – 1945)...…….53. ‧. 4.12. Administrative Policies…………………………...56. sit. y. Nat. 4.13. Educational Policies………………………………59. er. io. 4.14. Resistance………………………………………...62. al. n. v i n Ch 4.2. Japan and Taiwan………………………………….64 engchi U. 4.21. Paradox Attitude………………………………….64 4.22. Taiwan Under Japanese Rule (1895 – 1945)……..65 4.23. Administrative Policies…………………………...67 4.24. Educational Policies………………………………70 4.3. Resistance………………………………………….74. iii.

(5) CHAPTER 5: Contemporary Political Issues………………..80 5.1. Japan and Korea…………………………………..80 5.11. The Dokdo/Takeshima Islands Dispute…………83 5.2. Japan and Taiwan…………………………………85 5.21. Diaoyutai Islands Dispute……………………….85 5.22. Cross – strait Relations: The China Factor & Ethnic Cleavage………………………………………………………89 政治. 大. 5.3. China – 立 Taiwan: Cross-strait Relations &. ‧ 國. 學. Unification…………………………………………………….93. ‧. 5.4. South Korea – North Korea: Border Disputes &. sit. y. Nat. Unification…………………………………………………….95. er. io. 5.41. South Korea and Germany: A game-changing. al. n. v i n Ch comparison…………………………………………………...101 engchi U CHAPTER 6: Conclusion………………………………103 Self-conducted Surveys………………………………….......106 REFERENCES………………………………………………114. iv.

(6) List of Figures Figure 1: Taiwanese Public Opinions Toward Japan………………………………………………...…..2 Figure 1.1: South Korean Public Opinions Toward Japan…………….……....……………………...….3 Figure 1.2: Citizenship (Taiwan)………………………………………………………...………………9 Figure 1.3: Citizenship (South Korea)………………….……………......................................................9 Figure 1.4: Korean Age Groups.…………………………….………………………………………….10 Figure 1.5: Taiwanese Age Groups …………...……………………………………..............................10 Figure 1.6: Korean Political Party Identification …………………………………................................10 Figure 1.7: Taiwanese Political Party Identification …………………………………………………..10 Figure 1.8: Age-group based opinions toward Japan (Taiwan)………………………………………...17 Figure 1.9: Age-group based opinions toward Japan (South Korea)…………………………………...18 Figure 3: Historical Incidents in Taiwan…………………………………..............................................39. 政治大. Figure 3.1: 2/28-based Opinions Toward Japan………………………………………………………..40 Figure 3.2: Kwangju Massacre-based Feelings Toward Japan…………………………………………51. 立. Figure 3.3: Historical Incidents in South Korea………………………………………………………..52. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 4: Japanese Colonial Rule –Education & Economy (South Korea)…….……………………....61 Figure 4.1: Colonial Rules-based Opinions Toward Japan (South Korea)………..................................62 Figure 4.2: Opinions on Violence of Japanese Colonial Rule (South Korea)….....................................63. ‧. Figure 4.3: Japanese Colonial Rule - Education & Economy (Taiwan)..................................................72 Figure 4.4: Colonial-based Opinion Toward Japan (Taiwan)…………………………………………..73. Nat. sit. y. Figure 4.5: Opinions on Violence of Japanese Colonial Rule (Taiwan)……………………………… 79 Figure 5: Geopolitical Opinions (South Korea)………………………………………………………...82. io. er. Figure 5.1: Choosing Sides (South Korea)…………………………..…………………………………83. al. n. v i n Ch Figure 5.3: Island Disputes II (South Korea)…………………………………………………………..84 engchi U Figure 5.4: Island Disputes (Taiwan)…………………………………………………………………..87. Figure 5.2: Island Disputes (South Korea)……………………………………..………………………84. Figure 5.5: Island Disputes II (Taiwan)…………………..…………………………………………….88 Figure 5.6: Geopolitical Opinions (Taiwan)……………….…………………………………………...92 Figure 5.7: Choosing Sides (Taiwan)…………………………………………………………………..92 Figure 5.8: Opinions on Unification (South Korea)…………………….…………………………….100 Figure 5.9: Opinions on Unification (Taiwan)………………………….……………………………..100 Figure 5.91: Unification-based Opinions Toward Japan (South Korea)...………………………...….102 Figure 5.92: Unification-based Opinions Toward Japan (Taiwan)…..……………………….…..…..102. v.

(7) Preface This Thesis is based on a conglomeration of secondary empirical data conducted from sociological surveys, empirical data self-conducted through my own sociological surveys, and several personal interviews that I conducted with both Taiwanese and South Korean people. As this is still a qualitative research paper, I have used an extensive amount of scholarly textbooks, journals, and articles. Some of these texts include excerpts from personal interviews that were conducted by the authors.. 政治大 of quantitative data that I立 have used to support my arguments that both historical. Despite the fact that this is a qualitative research paper, there is still a lengthy amount. ‧ 國. 學. differences and Taiwanese people‘s political attitudes toward Mainland China account for the difference between South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions toward Japan.. ‧. The use of both qualitative and quantitative data is used to ensure that a balanced and. sit. y. Nat. in-depth perspective is given to take into account all considerations for the reasons of. al. n. opinions.. er. io. this split in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Republic of Chine (ROC) public. Ch. engchi. vi. i n U. v.

(8) Acknowledgements First and foremost, I have to thank my professor and advisor, Dr. Ming Lee of the Department of Diplomacy at National Chengchi University in Taipei, Taiwan. Upon taking his course titled International Status of Mainland China, my interest in both historically and geopolitically based opinions of East Asian people and their opinions toward their neighbors grew significantly. I was especially interested in Dr. Lee‘s outlook on my particular study of South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions, as he is an expert in Korean studies. I could not have had the resources, motivation, or. 政治大 this I will forever be indebted 立to him and his scholarly accomplishments.. proper research techniques without Dr. Lee‘s guidance and inspiration, and because of. ‧ 國. 學. I need to express my gratitude to Won Jong Eem for her generosity in distributing South Korean surveys, and explaining her personal perception of Japan. I. ‧. am also intensely lucky to have had the opportunities to interview Dr. Yuan I, Kelvin. sit. y. Nat. Chen, Jia-ge, Mr. Kim, Mr. Lai, and Wu Xuan Liang in regards to their own. al. er. io. perspectives on South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions toward Japan. I thank. v. n. them for their patience and precision regarding such a sensitive topic of discussion. I. Ch. engchi. i n U. need to extend my unwavering gratefulness to Wu Yi-Ying for her help with translations, interpretations, and distribution of Taiwanese surveys. I also deeply appreciate both Eo Yoon Kyung Walters and Jerrel Lai for their assistance with meticulous translations. Esther Yuna Liu was also heavily instrumental in distributing and translating South Korean surveys. For this, I am immensely thankful.. vii.

(9) In no particular order, I have to praise Aaron Lee Crossen, Steven Mantovani, Yoon-Young Lee Mantovani, Annalisa Feiden, Freya Chou, Caroline Chan, Lee Jia Yan, and Wu Li-Ying for their unyielding support through survey distribution. I could not have completed my research without the help of any of these outstanding individuals, and their hard work is reflected on every page of this Thesis. My father, Sanford, was stationed at Fort Zama, the headquarters for the US Army in Sagamihara Prefecture, Japan from 1965 – 1967, where he worked as a journalist for the Red Cross. In the summer of 1983, he and my mother, Linda, visited. 政治大 scenery. Growing up in their household, I was showered with my parents‘ magical 立 Tokyo, where she, like my father, fell in absolute love with the country‘s culture and. stories and photos from their valued experiences in Japan. From a very early age, I. ‧ 國. 學. was using chopsticks and watching specials on Kabuki theatre. I owe this childhood. ‧. influence turned long-term passion for Asia – Pacific Studies to both of them. While. y. Nat. Japan may not be portrayed in the most positive light throughout this Thesis, it means. er. io. sit. so much to me have her included as one of my key academic subjects for this study. 2009 was the year that I made the most important decision of my life to move to. al. n. v i n C where South Korea and teach English, spend two years soaking in every U h e nI gwould i h c aspect of the culture, and realize that I was hungry for more knowledge about the entire East Asia region. I continued my teaching career in Taiwan, where I also enrolled in the International Master‘s of Asia – Pacific Studies (IMAS) program at National Chengchi University (NCCU). These past six years have molded my life in a way that I never could have imagined.. viii.

(10) In the months leading up to my decision to leave my home country, the United States, and depart for South Korea, my brother Alex and his wonderful wife, Rebecca, were extremely encouraging for me to take on this exceptional opportunity. I must thank them for their support, which was the stepping stone to a social and academic journey that has forever changed my life, and I look forward to watching their beautiful children – my niece, Reese, and nephew Riley, grow up. I would also like to give thanks to Ramona Sojacy, who always took a specific interest in my time abroad. My dear Aunt Mona, an avid Korean soap opera fan,. 政治大 notice in these television series. Through our countless conversations, her curiosity 立 would always pick my brain about very different familial concepts that she would. kept me on my toes, and I urged myself to dig deeper into such anthropological. ‧ 國. 學. Korean topics.. ‧. I need to bow down to the fine people of South Korea and Taiwan, including my. y. Nat. students, who have made their countries a home for me over all of these years.. er. io. sit. Without their acceptance and perspective, I would not have been able to enjoy and learn from this ex-patriot life, which has given me the chance to write this very Thesis.. al. n. v i n CRepublic I will always consider both the (ROK) and Republic of China h e n gofcKorea hi U. (ROC) to be my homes away from home. Thank you for giving me this most precious option. Finally, this work is dedicated to my old friend, Jeffrey Diebold, who left our world this past December at the tender age of 28. Once upon a time, he inspired me to be on a ―quest for knowledge, not grades.‖ From the musty billiards halls of North Jersey, to the steamy rechao 熱炒 (hot-fry) restaurants of Taipei, I take Jeff‘s brilliant words with me everywhere I go.. ix.

(11) Abstract Over the past few years, numerous survey polls have shown empirical data that suggests that the majority South Korean adults have negative views toward Japan, while the majority of Taiwanese adults have neutral or positive views toward her. This is despite the fact that Taiwan was under Japanese control for 15 years longer than Korea was. There are many theories behind the drastic difference between the two former Japanese colonies and their citizens‘ public opinions towards Japan today. It is the purpose of this Thesis Paper to prove that the reason for this difference in. 政治大 of historical differences during 立 and after Japanese occupation in Taiwan and Korea, as. Taiwanese and South Korean people‘s public opinions toward Japan is a combination. ‧ 國. 學. well as Taiwanese people‘s political attitudes towards their neighbor to the west, Mainland China. In this paper, I will show a very visible link between events in Korea. ‧. and Taiwan in the 20th century, and public opinions toward Japan. I will also show a. sit. y. Nat. very visible link between Taiwanese people‘s political attitudes towards Mainland. n. al. er. io. China, and their public opinions toward Japan.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Key words: Japanese colonial rule, The 2/28 Incident, The Tapani Incident, March. 1st. Movement,. Administrative. The. Kwangju. Policies, Educational. Massacre,. Authoritarian. Policies, Dokdo/Takeshima. Rule, Islands,. Diaoyutai/Senkaku Islands, Authoritarian Regime, Unification, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Kuomintang (KMT). x.

(12) Introduction 1.1. Tigers in the Sun The term ―tigers‖ is often used to describe the four East Asian countries who accelerated their economies in the 1970s, a decade where many of their neighbors, with an exception of Japan, severely struggled. These tigers – Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan, are constantly referred to in scholarly Asian articles and texts, especially in the light of economic studies. While all four of these tigers were at some point occupied by the once rising sun of the Japanese. 政治大 these same two tigers, in fact, that went through the trials and tribulations of 立. empire, only two of the four underwent long-term Japanese colonial periods. It is. ‧ 國. 學. martial law in the mid-twentieth century, only to rise to prominent democracies by the 1990s. It is these same two tigers – South Korea and Taiwan, which are now. ‧. so often compared in virtually every category, from economics to democratization,. sit. y. Nat. that will be investigated throughout this research paper to determine the reason for. io. al. n. Japan.. er. their heavily differing public opinions toward their former colonial master –. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 1.2. Background of Korean and Taiwanese Public Opinions Toward Japan In 2013, a Japanese – South Korean joint poll from Genron –EAI showed that 76.6% of South Koreans ―held ‗unfavorable‘ or ‗relatively unfavorable‘ views of Japan.‖ (Hiroshima, Shimizu, 2013) By contrast, a 2012 Interchange Association Japan (IAJ) survey found that ―65 percent of Taiwanese feel either ‗close‘ or ‗really close‘ to Japan.‖ (Thim, Matusoka, 2014). These are just two of many data collections that show the bizarre divide in how these two former Japanese colonies feel towards the country who once dominated them. Scholars 1.

(13) can search far and wide, and they will always find results that show a heavy skew of Taiwanese who appreciate Japan, and Koreans who despise her. During the late autumn of 2015, and early winter of 2016, I conducted my own opinion polls among both Taiwanese and South Korean respondents about their views toward Japan, as well as other demographically, historically, and politically driven questions to try to find out the reasons for such differing opinions toward Japan from two places who were once colonized by her. My results were not terribly close to those of the Genron-EAI or IAJ, but certainly continued the trend of reaching higher numbers of Taiwanese people who like. 政治大. Japan (40.2%), and South Korean people who dislike her (44%). It is my mission. 立. through this research paper, my self-conducted surveys, secondary sociological. ‧ 國. 學. data, and personal interviews to prove exactly why there is such an opposite general public opinion toward Japan between two of her former colonies - South. ‧. Korea and Taiwan.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Figure 1: Taiwanese Public Opinions Toward Japan. Ch. engchi. 2. i n U. v.

(14) Figure 1.1: South Korean Public Opinions Toward Japan. 政治大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 1.3. Personal Motivations. In the Fall of 2009, to say that I was adapting to my new surroundings would. ‧. be an understatement. I was a fresh fish in the post-college working world, and. sit. y. Nat. had chosen to do it on the other side of the planet – the Republic of Korea. Aside. n. al. er. io. from Puerto Rico, England, and Ireland, I had never even spent any time off of the. v. shores of my home country – the United Stated States of America. So, as one. Ch. engchi. i n U. might imagine, embarking on my first ever full-time white-collar job in a country whose language, food, and traditions I was quite unfamiliar with was quite an overwhelming experience. That first month or two in this Far Eastern peninsula were especially unlike anything I had ever encountered. I saw, tasted, and heard some of the most interesting elements of culture that I could have hoped for – I was stared at from all angles when I walked down the street; as I was living in a smaller city over an hour outside of the more international Seoul, residents were not very used to seeing Western men. I ate delicious, spicy barbecue, but we had to do every step 3.

(15) of the cooking process ourselves on a wok at the restaurant table; my legs also often fell asleep from having to sit cross-legged on the floor. Neon lights enveloped the torn up streets at an even higher rate than the booming metropolis of Manhattan that I had grown up so close to; Korean Pop songs blared out of the speakers of almost every coffee, eye glass, and cell phone shop in sight as pedestrians went on with their days in what were usually stylish outfits that made me feel dangerously underdressed and unsophisticated. Amongst all of the mind-blowing every day aspects of this new life, though, one moment will always stay particularly tattooed to my brain; it was a quote from one of my seven-year. 政治大. old students, as I was working in this country as an English teacher.. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. ―Why [did] the Japanese people take the Koreans?‖. In English that was miraculously barely broken, this kindergartener had. sit. y. Nat. unmistakably inquired about the humiliating years of the Japanese occupation of. n. al. er. io. Korea. He proceeded to explain to me that he had heard about this from his. v. mother, and it had not taken long to also make him upset. As this was very early. Ch. engchi. i n U. on in my Korean life, I was still taken aback by the forwardness of this child who had not even been alive a decade ago, let alone during the period of Japanese colonization. It did not take me long to find out that this student‘s negative impression turned opinion of the giant island to the East was by no means an exception. From students expressing their feelings during many of my lectures, to locals in the bars rooting for whichever team was playing against Japan in a soccer match, the disdain for the former colonizer was in full affect, even more so than the looming threat of North Korea. Korean Studies scholars explain such situations as key examples of Koreans expressing their ―han‖ or inner rage; such 4.

(16) feelings can be fueled by history such as Japanese war crimes. (Hyong, 2014) During the two years that I lived in the ROK, such a sentiment in no way wavered. It was in 2011, after all, that a South Korean friend of mine compared Japan and the ROK‘s contemporary geopolitical situation to that of Israel and Palestine. It was for these reasons that I wondered, when moving to former Japanese colony Taiwan, if I would encounter similar feelings. Soon after arriving there, though, I found out that, despite the shared colonial history, many feelings towards Japan do not replicate those that I had experienced in South Korea. For the four years of my Taiwanese life, this has truly been a topic that I have tried to. 政治大. dig to the bottom of. I have been back to visit the ROK twice, and this difference. 立. in Japanese feelings still creates a web of confusion not just for me, but other. ‧ 國. 學. friends of mine who are from or live there. Not only was Taiwan also a Japanese colony, but for fifteen years longer. The Republic of China was the very first. ‧. colony of Japan, and completely controlled by her for a whopping five decades.. sit. y. Nat. I have now lived, worked, and studied in South Korea and Taiwan for a total. n. al. er. io. of six years. My experiences in both countries have been incredible, but at the. v. same time quite different. I find this topic to be especially interesting since Korea. Ch. engchi. i n U. and Taiwan are so often compared in fields such as economics, politics, and technology. Their relationships with Japan, though, could not be any more on the contrary. It is my aim, through this thesis paper, to find out exactly why.. 1.4. Research Objectives The purpose of this paper is to find out why so many Taiwanese like Japan, and why so many Koreans hate her, despite their shared colonial history with the superpower. While this Thesis paper is undoubtedly geared toward Asia – Pacific studies, the specific focus within this subject is that of Area Studies. 5.

(17) The aim of this paper, like most of my academic research, is to gather answers that allow us to distinguish key differences within East Asia. It is forever my goal to establish and explain the reasons behind geopolitical relationships and socio-cultural differences within the Asia – Pacific region. We live in an age where, 70 years after the end of the Pacific War, governmental and cultural relationships within East Asian neighbors are tenser than ever. East Asia continues to struggle to achieve regional strength, due to painstaking differences among different nations in the region. (Goh, 2013) Japan still stands as a historical, yet contemporary piece that does not fit to the puzzle when dealing with Korean and. 政治大. Chinese diplomatic strategy. She is one of the key agitators in the line of hopeful. 立. progress and peace in Asia – Pacific relations, due in a large part to her violent. ‧ 國. 學. role in the Pacific War and what many Chinese and Korean citizens feel is an insincere approach to apologize. (Curtis, 2015). ‧. Quite differently, as this Thesis will very often reflect, Taiwanese people, and. sit. y. Nat. typically the soon to be ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), tend to be. n. al. er. io. more favorable to Japan. They focus their tension towards Mainland China in. v. relation to a struggle for sovereignty, and fear of annexation. Through any of these. Ch. engchi. i n U. geopolitical and cultural wars, it is important for us to understand the differences between the people, and understand the sociological concepts why. In an effort to master Area Studies, despite the fact that such problems may indeed continue for quite some time, we cannot make any hint of progress without first grasping the meaning behind such quarrels. With recent empirical data, I will first confirm the striking differences in opinion towards Japan. Such data will not only be secondary, but also my own. I will then dissect several possible motivations, and come to a conclusion.. 6.

(18) It is very easy to detect the contrast in public opinions towards Japan after visiting, reading, or watching media on Taiwan or South Korea. However, not many people can answer why such a contrast exists. Moreover, not many scholars have published a work like mine that actually digs beneath the possible reasons for why. There are an infinite number of academic textbooks, articles, and journals that explain why South Korea and Mainland Chinese have a disdain for the Japanese. This is researched and discussed almost regularly in East Asian academic circles. There seem to be just as many publications and dialogue in regards to the Taiwanese and their more positive opinions of their former imperial. 政治大. tyrant. Nonetheless, it is extremely difficult to identify work which touches base. 立. on the interest in and mystery behind why the two former colonies to the west of. ‧ 國. 學. Japan hold such differing images of her.. More importantly, in an academic world where Taiwan and South Korea are. ‧. regularly compared in almost every other category, be it economics, history of. sit. y. Nat. democratization, or technology, they are not in their psychological approaches to. n. al. er. io. the Land of the Rising Sun. Because of this absence of information, and what I. v. have experienced in my years in both the ROC and ROK, I plan to deliver on this. Ch. engchi. topic with both accuracy and depth.. i n U. 1.5. Methodology Despite the plethora of information that confirms the fact that Taiwanese and South Korean public opinions toward Japan are quite different, I have also conducted my own sociological surveys. This is not only to further cement the differences in this Northeast Asian triangle‘s opinions of each other, but to also dig deeper and clarify such reasons for this. For example, I have asked the general question in regards to the surveyors‘ feelings towards Japan (like/dislike/neutral). 7.

(19) This has allowed me to gather the percentages of Taiwanese and South Koreans who feel a certain way towards their neighbor to the East. In addition, each survey contained questions about age, importance of political issues, historical events, and how they feel that the overall Japanese occupation has affected the education and economies of their countries. This allowed me to deduce the key factor(s) as to why there is such a difference in opinion between the two former colonies. The surveys for South Koreans and Taiwanese have some different questions pertaining to their own historical events and political issues with Japan.. 政治大. I have distributed a total of 400 surveys – 200 in both South Korea, and 200. 立. in Taiwan. The surveys each asked 12 questions in relation to Japan in the. ‧ 國. 學. countries‘ respective languages. I truly feel that I was able to get a very well-rounded pool of respondents from different age groups and backgrounds.. ‧. Below I have posted the graphs to show confirmation of my respondents being. sit. y. Nat. ROK and ROC citizens, as well as the percentages of each age group and party. n. al. er. io. identification. This is to first establish credibility and show that my sample was. v. not skewed by an overwhelming amount of respondents from a particular. Ch. engchi. i n U. generation or party affiliation. As one can see, many respondents actually identified themselves as independents.. 8.

(20) Figure 1.2: Citizenship (Taiwan). 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 1.3: Citizenship (South Korea). n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. 9. i n U. v.

(21) Figure 1.4: Korean Age Groups. Figure 1.5: Taiwanese Age Groups. Figure 1.6: Korean Political Party Identification Identification. 立. Figure 1.7: Taiwanese Political Party. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The details of how these particular survey questions relate to arguments behind the reason for such differences in public opinions toward Japan will be explained in my theoretical framework section. Since I have been in Taiwan, I have had the opportunity to distribute surveys in a wide range of places - from libraries, to offices, from city parks to the school that I work in. I also had the help of many great Taiwanese friends, who helped distribute surveys to their family members, some of whom were in their 70s and 80s. As I used to live in South Korea, I was fortunate enough to have an excellent research team distribute many of my surveys in office and classroom settings, as well as senior citizen 10.

(22) communities. Out of my Taiwanese sample, 43/200 surveys were distributed online. Out of my Korean sample, 11/200 surveys were distributed online. The rest were all manually distributed. As this is still a qualitative research paper, I have conducted several interviews from a varied group of Taiwanese and South Korean people in regards to their opinions on Japan. My Taiwanese interviewees include an established professor from the International Relations Department at National Chengchi University (NCCU), a first generation restaurateur who actively supports both the Kuomintang (KMT) and the New Party (NP), and a camera equipment company. 政治大. boss who actively supports the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).. 立. My Korean interviewees include a well-traveled housewife who is tri-lingual. ‧ 國. 學. with fluencies in both English and Japanese, and a Pattern Related Design student at the Fashion Institute of Technology (FIT). All in all, my interviewees‘ ages. ‧. range from as young as 26, and as old as 70 years.. sit. y. Nat. Because this Thesis is on the subject of public opinion, I purposely chose. n. al. er. io. interviewees from a wide range of backgrounds. Typically, the credibility of a. v. Thesis rises with a larger amount of expert opinions and interviews. However, the. Ch. engchi. i n U. goal of my particular research is not to only unveil the public opinions of South Korean and Taiwanese professors toward Japan, but all types of citizens. Surely, self-conducted and secondary sociological data that I have collected, analyzed, and reported on are not limited to ROC and ROK citizens of certain categories. For this reason, to fulfill my scholarly responsibility to use sociological methods to answer questions regarding the vast difference in South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions toward Japan, I interviewed the diverse group of people that I did. This is quite similar to the fact that I distributed my surveys in many different types of atmospheres. 11.

(23) In addition to my self-conducted surveys and interviews, as I will mention in my literature, I have gathered, analyzed, and reflected on a massive amount of secondary sociological data from scholarly articles, books, films, and journals. Once again, such secondary sociological data is gathered from studies on perspectives from South Korean and Taiwanese people from all different wakes of life in order to have a fair understanding of where such public opinion towards Japan comes from. By using quantitative methods such as self-conducted and secondary sociological data, I was able to establish a lot of credibility from numbers that do not lie. There are many parts to this study, first having to confirm. 政治大. the statistic that show that many more South Korean people hold negative views. 立. toward Japan, and many more Taiwanese people hold positive views toward her.. ‧ 國. 學. After clarifying that, it of course becomes important to gain statistics that explain exactly why such a difference in public opinion occurs. Due to the complexity and. ‧. sensitivity of the issue, I felt that it was indeed necessary to use quantitative data. sit. y. Nat. to illustrate a level of objectivity in regards to how big the difference is, as well as. n. al. er. io. the reasons behind it.. v. As crucial as quantitative data is, though, I also found it necessary to use. Ch. engchi. i n U. qualitative methods such as interviews and scholarly articles. These are equally as valuable, because as accurate and telling as numbers can be, an issue such as public opinion toward Japan requires much background information, whether it be political ideologies, historical perspectives, or cultural identification. By also utilizing qualitative data, I was able to provide a backbone to the quantitative data, and provide logical, personal answers to the numbers at hand. Through the voices of many scholarly authors, and members of my subject population group, this Thesis provides deeper questions, theories, and closure while simultaneously resting on some very convincing data. 12.

(24) I strongly believe that both qualitative and quantitative data are needed to get to the root of many research questions. In this Thesis, my quantitative and qualitative data complement each other, rather than contradict each other. Moreover, they give additional coatings of truth, rather than take the risk of plunging into a deep sea of generalizations. It is my scholarly responsibility to make sure that this does not happen, especially in the light of such an emotionally acute topic such as Japanese occupation, or cross-strait relations. There are only so many interviews that one can have without them merely being regarded as anecdotal, and there are only so many graphs and dots that one can use without. 政治大. them being regarded as junk science.. 立. However, when they are used together, with the consistency that is displayed. ‧ 國. 學. in this Thesis, the value of both is quite strong. The answers in my interviews, and scholarly information in the articles that I used go in complete alignment with the. ‧. quantitative data that I retrieved from my self-conducted and secondary. sit. y. Nat. sociological data. The answers, both qualitative and quantitative, do an. n. al. er. io. unwavering job of informing the reader of why the societies of South Korea and. v. Taiwan have the public opinion toward Japan that they do. The data is. Ch. engchi. i n U. sociological because it shows how a certain number of people feel the way they due in relation to the historical and contemporary events of their local and surrounding governments. This public opinion Thesis, with its use of the aforementioned data, succeeds in interpreting how society affects the people being studied. It is the most effective way to truly answer such sociological questions as to why public opinion toward Japan differs amongst Taiwanese and South Koreans.. 13.

(25) 1.51. Hypothesis Based on my empirical data and sociological evidence, I have reason to believe that the reasons for the differences in South Korean and Taiwanese opinions towards Japan are politically and historically motivated. My hypothesis, to be exact, is that South Korean and Taiwanese people have very contrasting opinions toward Japan due to a combination of historical differences, and Taiwanese people‘s political attitudes toward Mainland China. Specifically speaking, I believe that the Japanese occupation of Taiwan, while extraordinarily violent, is viewed by many Taiwanese as more economically and educationally. 政治大. beneficial than in South Korea. I also believe that it is not merely a difference of. 立. historical differences during Japanese rule, but also immediately after it.. ‧ 國. 學. The February 28, 1947 incident, which will be explained in great detail throughout this paper, accounts for a large part of why so any ROC citizens. ‧. decrease their level of animosity toward Japan, and rather focus it towards the. sit. y. Nat. Mainland Chinese. Equally as effective, the fact that roughly 2/3 of ROC citizens. n. al. er. io. oppose unification causes them to have neutral or positive feelings toward Japan.. v. Since, by contrast, roughly 80% of South Koreans want unification with North. Ch. engchi. i n U. Korea (Feffer, 2015), they are not detracted from their negative feelings toward Japan, and therefore still have a higher level of people who ―dislike‖ her.. 14.

(26) Independent variable (1): Overall effects of Japanese occupation. dependent. variable: opinion towards Japan Independent variable (2):Opinions toward 2/28 & White Terror KMT/Kwangju Massacre & Authoritative Korean/Taiwan Regimes. dependent variable:. opinion towards Japan independent variable (3): Political attitude towards unification with China/North Korea dependent variable: opinion towards Japan. 1.6. Theoretical Framework. 政治大. The thesis paper will be divided into several sections to cover the two main. 立. theories that I am exploring. I will mention additional intervening variables. Some. ‧ 國. 學. of these intervening variables will prove to have been weak, while others will still fall into the same two categories of historical differences, and political attitudes. ‧. toward China or North Korea. The theory, once again, ties a lower level of. sit. y. Nat. negativity from Taiwanese people toward Japan because of a more negative. n. al. er. io. political attitude toward China, as well and a different historical outlook on the. v. Japanese rule and what followed it. I am taking the approach from a historically. Ch. engchi. i n U. and contemporarily based theory; this theory involves the effects of mid-twentieth century history, in combination with an international relations based theory which is tied to ideologies surrounding reunification with China or North Korea. Every element of this theory will be argued through my secondary data, self-conducted data, and personal interviews.. 15.

(27) 1.61. Age Group When I tell some friends in Korea how people here in Taiwan tend to be more favorable to Japan, one reaction is that it might be more of the new generations, while the older generations may still have hatred. Because of this, the age has to be addressed as an intervening variable. However, as I will show from my data, it proves to be somewhat insignificant for explaining the reason why more Taiwanese people have neutral or positive feelings toward Japan. While differences in public opinion toward Japan are certainly illustrated among different age groups of both the ROC and ROK, it still does not explain why there. 政治大. is such an overall contrast in the public opinions between the populations of both. 立. places. In addition, according to my interviews, younger Taiwanese or South. ‧ 國. 學. Korean people of today are still influenced by what happened during their parents or grandparents‘ lives, so the fact that they were not alive during the Japanese. ‧. occupation does not necessarily rid them of a relevant opinion towards it.. sit. y. Nat. To be specific about the effects I encountered, and why I am eliminating age. n. al. er. io. group as a prime independent variable, I will calculate and share that according to. v. my self-conducted surveys, 55.93% of Taiwanese citizens between the ages of 18. Ch. engchi. i n U. – 29 answered that they ―like‖ Japan. This admittedly does largely outweigh the 29.47% of those aged 30 – 49 who answered the same, but 61.05% of that same age group selected the choice ―neutral‖ for their feelings toward Japan. Furthermore, 42.86% of Taiwanese between the ages of 50 – 70 years old answered ―like‖, as did 40% of respondents who were 71 or older; the latter group was actually alive during the period of Japanese rule.. 16.

(28) Figure 1.8: Age-group based opinions toward Japan (Taiwan). 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. When looking at the above figure, it should be strongly noted that while. ‧. differences in public opinion toward Japan surely show amongst different. sit. y. Nat. generations, there is still a much higher level of positive or neutral feelings and a. io. er. much lower level of resentment when in comparison to the respondents from my South Korean poll. As we look at the figure below, we see that only 5.68% of. al. n. v i n Cages ROK respondents between the h eofn18g –c29h ―like‖ i U Japan, and 5.97% of those. aged 30 – 49 do. 0% of all ROK respondents aged 50 or older chose ―like‖. While, once again, some differences occur between older and younger generations, the evidence is blatant that South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions toward Japan are completely diametric.. 17.

(29) Figure 1.9: Age-group based opinions toward Japan (South Korea). 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. While there may be some causal connections with age and public opinion. ‧. toward Japan, it is not substantial enough to account for the 40.2% of ROC. sit. y. Nat. respondents who like Japan, and 44% of ROK respondents who dislike her. Most. io. er. importantly, while Taiwan and South Korea are both nations that face again populations, they are both ¾ comprised or people under the age of 54. (Korea,. al. n. v i n C h 2016) Therefore,U we cannot try and use any South PEOPLE/Taiwan, PEOPLE, engchi asymmetrical age groups to argue for the difference in public opinion toward Japan that this Thesis works to explain.. 1.62. Historical Differences in Japanese Occupations of Taiwan and Korea This category, after identifying the surveyors‘ answers about how they feel occupation affected their country‘s economy/society, will get deep down into detailed similarities and differences between what happened in Taiwan and Korea under Japanese rule. It is of utmost importance to unveil why there is only an 18.

(30) overwhelmingly negative attitude towards Japan in South Korea, while not Taiwan. This will all be investigated through the many details about Japanese administration/education/social policies in colonial Korea and Taiwan. There will in fact be many references and narratives that show similarities, but it will still in the end address the key differences that account for the differences in opinion toward Japan.. 1.63. 2/28 and White Terror KMT While there was lots of bloodshed during both the imperial Japanese and. 政治大. authoritative KMT regimes, Taiwanese generally seem to view the latter as more. 立. personally horrific. I believe that because of the sudden Republic of China take. ‧ 國. 學. over after the Japanese surrendered, the mass killings that ensued on February 28, 1947, and decades of martial law, are all key reasons why Taiwanese may look. ‧. back to Japanese occupation as slightly better in the face of Chiang Kai-shek.. sit. y. Nat. This section, however, will have to be examined very carefully, as South. n. al. er. io. Korea, much like Taiwan, also faced atrocities after the Japanese left. From the. v. Korean War to the slew of authoritative dictators and decades of martial law they. Ch. engchi. i n U. experienced, it could indeed seem illogical to say that Taiwan has been distracted from Japan‘s misdeed through those of the post-Pacific War R.O.C. However, through my data and interviews, I will prove why it is indeed a factor for the Taiwanese people and their present-day views of Japan. 1.64. Contemporary Political Issues For the Koreans, a major political issue is the Dokdo/Takeshima dispute with Japan. Surely, this can be a possible reason for the increased likelihood of Koreans to dislike their neighbor. For Taiwan, we will not look at negative political issues 19.

(31) with Japan, but rather with China to try to justify why so many Taiwanese are fond of the Japanese. Just like we will examine 2/28 and White Terror KMT to see if it counters psychological aggression to the Japanese, we too will look into Cross-Strait Relations and the China Factor. It is likely that Taiwanese choose to look more favorably towards Japan in light of their geopolitical battle for sovereignty from China, as well as the fact that Japan also has her own problems with the rising superpower; Japan and Taiwan have this negative relationship with China in common. Of course, it depends on the political views of every ROC citizens, but because of the higher numbers of anti-unification, general pan-green. 政治大. people in Taiwan, the opinion polls have the results that they do.. 立. For the Korea – Japan Dokdo/Takeshima section, it will touch upon the. ‧ 國. 學. empirical results that I will have found about its level of importance. This section will give in depth history about both Korea and Japan‘s claims, the islands‘. ‧. importance in natural resources, and then dig into whether or not it accounts for. sit. y. Nat. Korean hatred towards Japan. On the contrary, it may prove that the debate on the. n. al. er. io. islands is itself fueled by an already existing feud. My hypothesis certainly links. v. to the latter. For Cross-Strait Relations/The China Factor, it will explore the entire. Ch. engchi. i n U. 65-year rift of Taiwan (ROC) and the People‘s Republic of China. It will lead up to current day conflicts such as annexation/independence, the missiles that still point towards Taiwan, and Taiwan arms purchases for possible defense. This section will include everything it possibly can about the Taiwan – China relationship. It will then connect the surveyors‘ answers regarding their opinions of their neighbor to the West to question and answer if a large reason that Taiwanese may like Japan is due to a convenient coincidence that they both have sour relationships with China.. 20.

(32) II. Literature Review 2.1. Establishing the difference in Korean/Taiwanese opinions This literature includes both publications from popular media, as well as sources used will be from in-depth scholarly journals and research textbooks. As the basis for this thesis paper is to acknowledge and then figure out reasons for the difference between Taiwanese and Koreans‘ views towards to Japan, I have referenced recent articles and opinion polls. They do not merely scratch the surface of the issue at large, but also establish the foundation of what I am researching, and help confirm to the reader early on that this divide in Asian. 政治大. opinion of Japan exists. Two key articles, titled, ―INSIGHT: Do South Koreans. 立. really hate Japan?‖ from the Asahi Shimbun, and ―The Odd Couple: Japan &. ‧ 國. 學. Taiwan‘s Unlikely Friendship‖ by Michal Thim and Mitsato Matusoka of The. ‧. Diplomat not only ensures current, important, and credible data about South Korean and Taiwanese public feelings toward Japan, but also include some. y. Nat. sit. possible independent variables for this difference that I will dissect.. n. al. er. io. The Asahi Shimbun article questions the relation of current political issues to. i n U. v. the Korean‘s overwhelming level of descent towards Japan. It initially hints at a. Ch. engchi. spark in the Japanese – Korean rivalry in the last several years because of a larger emphasis on the Dokdo–Takeshima islets dispute. This very geopolitical conflict over resources and territory is a large issue to be investigated throughout my paper. However, a question that I will dig into is whether the political disputes, namely Dokdo–Takeshima, are what cause the Japanese – Korean conflict, or whether an already standing negative relationship is what so easily catalyzes heated arguments over territories like the tiny islands in question. The Asahi Shimbun article certainly seems to imply that my latter question carries more weight, as he reports that less than 1% of Korean respondents ―told the Genron-EAI opinion 21.

(33) poll that they formed their opinions on bilateral relations through information obtained through direct conversations with people from the other country.‖ (Hiroshima and Shimizu, 2013). This points to possible evidence that current geopolitical anger that Koreans feel towards Japan is ultimately fueled by history of the occupation, rather than recent foreign policy. This article, however, leaves an absence of historical detail. It rather focuses on the relationship of Japan and Korea since the late 2000s, without any mention of how it was decades prior. The main purpose of this article, albeit, is to inform the public of how contemporary Japanese and Koreans feel. 政治大. towards each other. Because of that, the lack of historical information is somewhat. 立. warranted. My aim, with respective difference, is to inform the public of such. ‧ 國. 學. opinions, look at contemporary political issues, but also historical ones. This is why I am also using articles, books, films, and interviews to explore further than. ‧. the Asahi Shimbun article did.. sit. y. Nat. The ―Odd Couple‖ article bout Taiwanese opinions towards Japan, rather. n. al. er. io. than those of South Koreans, was published by Michael Thim, a research fellow in. v. the Taiwan Studies Program at the China Policy Institute (CPI) of the University. Ch. engchi. i n U. of Nottingham, and Misato Matusoka, a Associate Fellow at the Institute of Advanced Study (IAS) at the University of Warwick. This research article was based on a very extensive survey by the Interchange Association Japan, or the ―de facto‖ Japanese embassy of Taiwan. The study used a sample of 17, 340 Taiwanese respondents aged from as young as 20, and old as 80. Matusoka mentions that in the Taiwanese respondents aged 20 –29, there is an even higher tendency to favor Japan (54%).. 22.

(34) However, it fails to contrast this with results of older generations, particularly any Taiwanese still alive that were present during the Japanese occupation. This is something that I did find out in my own research, as I conducted sociological surveys of my own. Additionally, I conducted personal interviews with Taiwanese in their 50s, 60s and 70s. This was to avoid any results of Taiwanese favoritism towards Japan being skewed by younger populations.. 2.2. The Japanese Occupation of Korea While the systems and policies that the Japanese used on colonial Taiwan are. 政治大. explained, I will then have to compare it with Korea. As one can see, as. 立. thoroughly equipped with information as the previous texts are about Japanese. ‧ 國. 學. rule in Taiwan, they do not provide nearly enough about its comparison with the occupation of Korea. As mentioned throughout my research paper, there must. ‧. have been large differences in the colonial periods of Korea and Taiwan to create. sit. y. Nat. the vast difference in the countries‘ opinions of Japan that we see today.. n. al. er. io. Undoubtedly, there was violence, discrimination, and suffering in both of them.. v. However, they must have been to certain degrees, quite different in some respects.. Ch. engchi. i n U. It is often argued by scholars that Koreans were treated more inferior by Japan then, say, Taiwanese were. Japan did not provide colonial Korea with the same educational and economic care that they did in Formosa. One thing that I have to do to prove such differences existed, is to dig into the brutal historical accounts of what many Koreans faced under Japanese rule, to then see if Taiwanese suffered at the same level. One of many academic works that I will use to trace the horrific history that Koreans faced under Japanese rule, which is a key motivating factor in 3/4 of their country sharing a ―disliking‖ towards Japan, are tales and numbers of comfort women, genocide, marriage prevention, and 23.

(35) imperial induced poverty that is all told in Kang Hildi‘s ―Under the Black Umbrella: Voices from Colonial Korea, 1910 – 1945.‖ (Hildi, 2005) I have traced the depths of this extremely sensitive issue by examining a sociological scholarly journal article by Pyong Gap Min. Titled ―Korean Comfort Women: The Intersection of Colonial Power, Gender, and Class‖, it delves in the details of not only the grossly large numbers of sexual slaves, but also the psychological effects that took place on the victims and their society. This article is crucial for understanding the background of a hot contemporary issue that drives much of the anti-Japan sentiment throughout South Korea.. 政治大. Unfortunately, the issue of comfort women is something that is going to have. 立. to be discussed a lot in this research paper. It is not only of grave importance to. ‧ 國. 學. recognize the pain and suffering of so many forced, trafficked women (Min, 2003), but, as I will argue, a main reason for the soured relationship of Japan and Korea. ‧. 70 years later (Toosi, 2015). It was just this past summer, after all, that an 80-year. sit. y. Nat. old Korean man set himself on fire at a Seoul rally for justice in the name of. n. al. er. io. comfort women (NA, 2015). The heartbreak of Japanese colonial history in Korea. v. is extremely poignant to the present public opinions that ROK citizens have. Ch. engchi. i n U. toward Japan, as well as the underlying arguments to this research paper.. 2.3. The Japanese Occupation of Taiwan One of the most important lessons to be learned during this research paper is that both Korea and Taiwan experienced decades of bloodshed under Japanese rule. It is for this reason that I was so curious in the first place why one former colony despises Japan, and the other enjoys her proximity. To get a very thorough view of Japanese rule over Taiwan, I will be using the book put together by Liao Ping-hui and David Wang. 24.

(36) Titled ―Taiwan Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1895 – 1945: History, Culture, Memory.‖ It examines the hardships that Taiwanese, like Koreans, faced under Japanese rule. On the contrary, it uncovers some more positive factors of the colonial rule; these are positive factors that I may or may not be able to find during the Japanese rule of Korea. Nonetheless, the negatives that took place because of Imperial Japan are more than studied as well. What makes this literature different, though, is that it covers all aspects of the Japanese process. While it delves into the effects of agricultural expertise, like Ka does, it also highlights the specifics such as land surveys and the census. In. 政治大. addition to land management under the Japanese, this book takes a deep look into. 立. the realm of education. This is an invaluable topic, as, much like agricultural and. ‧ 國. 學. economy, it is almost always brought up as a discussion point to why many Taiwanese might feel favorable to the period of Japanese rule. When discussing. ‧. key alleged benefits of Japanese colonial days, it is extremely important to use. sit. y. Nat. historical and contemporary findings of educational improvements that Taiwan. n. al. er. io. can thank Japan for.. v. The economic and educational changes brought under colonialism are not. Ch. engchi. i n U. researched in these articles without an emphasis on the inequalities of the Taiwanese, Japanese, lower class and elites. While it is often argued that Japanese gave the Taiwanese much more opportunity and freedom than they did in say, Korea, many authors of the articles in ―Taiwan Under Japanese Colonial Rule‖ are very careful to also include the realities of segregation and limitations to certain groups of native Taiwanese when it came to employment or education. Such disadvantages still faced by the Taiwanese may seem to impede my argument that benefits gained under Japanese rule may contribute to a more positive Taiwanese opinion to it, but it is more useful to me while trying to reveal the real reason the 25.

(37) sentiment exists. If anything, such findings help eliminate any exaggerated or false connections between the history of Japanese rule and contemporary Taiwanese public opinion towards the country. As will be mentioned in my methodology section, it is important to note that I am further confirming such feeling that Taiwanese have towards the advantages or disadvantages of Japanese rule through my own self-conducted surveys. Additionally important is this book‘s scholarly research on the ethnic and national identity cleavage that was formed after the Japanese had to leave. While this particular topic would fit better into this literature reviews next category of. 政治大. 2/28 and White Terror KMT, it does an excellent job to set the tone of what came. 立. after from the Chinese, and how it may very well have lead many Taiwanese to. ‧ 國. 學. think less about any violence or inequalities inflicted on them by the Japanese. At this point, of course, the question as to why Taiwanese favor Japanese is if. ‧. anything stronger than any explanation. Because of that, this text alone is not. sit. y. Nat. sufficient, to say the least.. n. al. er. io. To continue to look for answers through the exploration of Japanese. v. occupation in Taiwan and how it compares with Korea, I will be heavily. Ch. engchi. i n U. referencing the book titled ―Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan: Land Tenure, Development, and Dependency, 1895 – 1945.‖ This book surely covers aggressive measures taken by the Imperial Japanese, but focuses more instead on the positives that they contributed to Taiwan at that time and, as many argue, that still exist in contemporary Taiwanese economy and society. Written by Chi-ming Ka, a research fellowship at Academia Sinica in Taipei, the text researches and confirms such positives of Japanese colonialism on Taiwan. He also emphasizes how Taiwan was not a typical colony, not just in comparison to Korea, but to others all over the world. 26.

(38) A key reason, as Ka explains, that Taiwan was an exception in the history of countries victimized by colonization is because of how much she thrived under Japan in sugar production. Because the island reached such great agricultural and economic heights in sugar, there is much progress to be attributed to the period of Japanese colonization, despite how ugly some social factors may have been. The main goal of Ka is to explore, uncover, and invigorate the feelings of agricultural and economic achievement that Taiwan gained during the fifty-year period of colonization. Such a reality, with empirical data to not only confirm how the island thrived during Japanese rule, but also decades later in capitalism, and. 政治大. even into its fresh years of democracy, surely help point to my dissertation‘s. 立. emphasis on the fact that Korea and Taiwan had very different periods of Japanese. ‧ 國. 學. rule, which may affect the difference in opinion toward the country. What Ka does not do, contrary to the goal of my thesis paper, is further contrast Taiwan‘s. ‧. agricultural benefits of the colonial era to those of Korea. Because Ka‘s text lacks. sit. y. Nat. such an angle, it still makes it impossible to see why Koreans tend to hate Japan.. n. al. er. io. What Ka‘s text does show is why it is plausible that so many Taiwanese favor. v. Japan‘s colonial history, but it can say nothing to the reader about why Koreans usually do the opposite.. Ch. engchi. i n U. Equally confusing as the contrasting views of South Korean and Taiwanese opinions is the fact that comfort women are not mentioned nearly as much in the majority of literature about Japanese colonization of Taiwan. Such a vacancy of information is astonishing, as it is extremely important when researching a topic such as mine. It is for this reason that I have included the very recent publication from The Diplomat article titled ―China, Taiwan Apply Pressure to Japan Over ‗Comfort Women‘ Issue‖.. 27.

(39) This article addresses the fact that an estimated 2,000 Taiwanese females were forced into some type of sexual slavery during the Japanese rule. (Tiezzi, 2016) While it is roughly 10% the size of the estimated Korean comfort women population, it is a key reminder of a horrible part of history that is seemingly contradictory to a large percentage of ROC citizens‘ opinions toward Japan.. 2.4. The Korean War and Martial Law Since I am spending a significant portion of this thesis paper harping on the cruelty and oppression of the Taiwanese period of martial law and how it may. 政治大. affect the topic at hand, I also have to recognize the fact that South Korea faced a. 立. very similar situation at pretty much the same exact time. The ROK faced her fair. ‧ 國. 學. share of ―tanks and soldiers guard[ing] the entrances to most government buildings and many universities and newspaper offices.‖ (Tharp, 1981). ‧. A very challenging question of this thesis topic regard the fact that through. sit. y. Nat. such political unrest as military coups and the assassination of a president, the. n. al. er. io. evils of Korean domestic governance still did not outweigh any hatred towards. v. Japan like it did in Taiwan. A large part of this difference might have to do with. Ch. engchi. i n U. the fact that Park Chung-hee, the dictator of South Korea for nearly two decades until his assassination, is still regarded by many Koreans as having been a positive leader. (Yi, 2013) His reign over the ROK is arguably the longest and most harsh period of Korean martial law, yet the overall opinion of him is still up for debate. Nonetheless, Chun Doo-hwan continued a very similar trend of authoritarianism and violence when he replaced the late Park. He wasted barely any time at all quashing his people with an iron fist like Park, and the ROC‘s very own Chiang Kai-shek; he instilled martial law in the spring of 1980. When student protests swarmed the peninsula in response, hundreds were slain by the troops that 28.

(40) Chun sent in. (Breen, 2011) Known as the Kwangju Massacre, others argue that as many as 2,000 were murdered by South Korean troops. (Gonzalez, 2005) Once again, it becomes hard to believe that Koreans of today do not view this period of authoritarianism as badly as Taiwanese view their own. Where the dictators were from may prove to be the reason for such stark differences. For instance, unlike Chiang Kai Shek or his son Ching Kuo, both Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo Hwan were from the country over which they reigned. The fact that the Kuomintang and White Terror policies came from Mainland China to Taiwan may be the reason why Taiwanese express more ill will towards. 政治大. their martial law period than Koreans. The 2/28 Incident of 1947 was and is. 立. viewed by many Taiwanese not just as a massacre, but one committed through a. ‧ 國. 學. foreign invasion. (Chen, 2015) This could be parallel, say, to how Koreans view the Japanese occupation.. ‧ sit. y. Nat. 2.5. Post-war Taiwan and Martial Law. n. al. er. io. As I turn to another section of theories, I will focus on the push for the. v. possibility of KMT and White Terror overshadowing a Taiwanese hatred for. Ch. engchi. i n U. Imperial Japan. This is a very fair angle to take to explain why Taiwanese, whether having been alive during Japan‘s colonial era, or being part of the new generation, do not resent the Japanese. It can be very possible that there is a higher level of anger towards the more recent, and in the eyes of many Taiwanese, more horrifying rule of the Kuomintang during the White Terror Era (Chen, 2008, 187 – 190). An academic work that will point towards this theory is ―Disciplining Taiwan: The Kuomintang‘s Methods of Control during the White Terror Era (1947 – 1987)‖. This article, written by Ketty W. Chen, can certainly help mold the argument that Taiwanese forget about Japan‘s methods in light of the tragic 29.

(41) dictatorship that they faced under Chiang Kai-shek. It paints a very convincing picture that Chiang was and still is seen as the greatest villain in Taiwanese history. Through this depiction, the image of Japan playing second fiddle to the authoritative ROC government that replaced it is alive and well, similarly to how the situation is portrayed in the famous 1989 film A City of Sadness. When I first watched this film, I began to understand the picture of how many Taiwanese felt in 1945 after the Japan left. While excited and proud to no longer be a colony, they expressed apprehension at the arrival of the Chinese (Chu and Wu, film,. 政治大. 1989). This apprehension soon turned into hatred, and through the 2/28 incident. 立. and other atrocities that followed, there is forever a greater scar that seems to be. ‧ 國. 學. left by the invading ROC than by its colonial predecessor. Chen‘s article digs deeper into such a story that can explain contemporary Taiwanese political views. ‧. of Japan and the KMT. Nonetheless, he fails to make this connection. It is my. sit. y. Nat. duty throughout this section of my thesis paper, to do so. This will help dig to the. n. al. favor the Japanese when the Koreans do not.. Ch. engchi. er. io. bottom of whether or not it is the most convincing argument about why Taiwanese. i n U. v. Reasons that Taiwanese may have positive opinions of colonial and present-day Japan due to a bigger hatred for Nationalist China are further prevalent in Chuang Ya-Chung‘s book titled Democracy on Trial: Social Movements and Cultural Politics in Postauthoritarian Taiwan. While this book‘s primary focus is to cover the democratization of Taiwan, rather than any historically differences which lead to a split in South Korean and Taiwanese public opinions of Japan, it does further cement some arguments that Chen made. Chuang explicitly states that ―Formosans [he] met, however, regardless of age, social classes, of other differences, all cited the comparative virtues of Japanese 30.

(42) rule…not because they were pro-Japanese, but to emphasize their dislike for the Nationalists.‖ (Chuang, 2013) This particular quote, a microcosm of a large argument that he makes in the book to explain the power necessitated to fight against the Kuomintang majority in post-war to Taiwan and all through martial law to one day attain democracy, is well suited for one of the reasons that I believe Taiwanese tend to have a more favorable opinion of Japanese than Koreans do: the horrors of Imperial Japan being cancelled out by those of the KMT White Terror Period. The connection between the two is more clearly connected than in Chen‘s collection of scholarly articles.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 2.6. Contemporary Political Issues. After looking at the aforementioned historical factors, it will then be time to. ‧. consider the contemporary political issues that both Taiwan and Korea have with. sit. y. Nat. Japan and even China. Such present-day situations will, nonetheless, still relate to. n. al. er. io. historical issues, but the question that I will ask in this section is how relevant the. v. current issues are to the current public opinions of Japan. The research in. Ch. engchi. i n U. importance of these affairs will undoubtedly point to a large relation to the polls.. 2.61. Japan - Korea: Dokdo/Takeshima Islands For this reason of questioning, I will first look at a heated political issue that has been and continues to be one of the first topics that scholars or the general public think of when Japan and Korea are mentioned – territorial disputes over the Dokdo/Takeshima islands. This is historical in itself, as the debate began over six decades ago after the Second World War, but it is alive more than ever right now. (Bowman, 2013, 434) A fairly recent scholarly journal articlewhich examines the 31.