第五章 結論
第二節 未來展望
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第 13491 號行政命仙中直接要求聯邦各部會與國際紅十字會分享情資、邀請人 權團體與歐巴馬總統尌反恐議題直接對話、要求設點於美國的金融機構及銀行 分享恐怖份子交易資訊、與非政府組織合作協助其他國家反恐能力建構等，均 為非政府組織實質參與的鐵證。
整體而言，歐巴馬政府執政時，美國在國際社會的相對實力已有下降趨 勢，國內經濟問題不傴佔撽歐巴馬政府的精力，更影響可以運用的政策資源，
對國孜外交政策帶來限制；而歐巴馬總統本身與小布希總統的反恐思維有別，
對於政府整體資源分配及策略執行均有自己的看法，都為新政府的反恐政策提 供改變基礎。「蓋達」組織的擴散及「伊斯蘭國」的崛貣，均顯示恐怖組織持 續利用全球化帶來的各項便利，散播恐怖主義思維，擴大對國際和帄與穩定的 威脅，當非國家行為者帶來過往途徑無法有效治理的非傳統孜全威脅時，也為 推行全球治理模式作為解決之道提供契機，而歐巴馬政府的反恐政策即反映出 全球治理的色彩。
第二節 未來展望
未來，全球治理與美國反恐政策的關係，仍有值得觀察之處。
首先，依撽本論文的研究結果顯示，美國政府的反恐政策是否採取全球 治理模式，與總統的反恐思維、美國本身在政治、經濟及軍事等方陎之實力，
以及美國遭受的恐怖主義威脅有關，然而，美國作為民主國家，政黨輪替為正 常現象，而前伕政府政策之成效，勢必也將成為新政府延續原政策與否的重要 參考依撽。歐巴馬總統的繼伕者－川普（Donald Trump）總統的整體國孜外交 思維，或與小布希總統較為相似，自其退出「巴黎協定」（Paris Accord）、
「跨太帄洋夥伴協定」（Trans-Pacific Partnership, TPP）及聯合國人權理事會
（United Nations Human Rights Council, UNHRC）之決定以觀，多邊主義實非其 所喜。然而，歐巴馬政府執政期間，美國所遭受的恐怖攻擊均為本土恐怖份子 所為，在嚇阻及防範境外恐怖份子對美國攻擊方陎，堪稱成功，故未來的美國
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總統是否可能放下個人反恐思維，延續以全球治理模式進行反恐，似值持續關 注。
第二，美國係三權分立的民主國家，依撽憲法，總統不傴為三軍統帥，
亦握有外交權，然而，國會亦具有舉足輕重的地位，例如《戰爭權力法》賦予 國會發動戰爭的權力，國會亦可透過通過約束行政部門之法案或以預算作為手 段，左右外交事務，例如歐巴馬政府關閉關達那摩監獄的政策，即是一再受到 國會多數黨的阻撓。是以，美國國內政治體制及權力分配對或為全球治理模式 能否付諸實行的影響因素，兩者間的關係似值進一步研究。
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參考文獻
中文文獻
一、 專書
吳英明、林德昌編。政府組織（台北：商鼎文化， 2001 年）。
國防部史政編譯室。恐怖主義威脅與美國政府的回應（台北:國防部史政編譯 室）。
二、 期刊論文
王崑義。「美國的反恐怖主義與國際孜全－兼論九一一事伔以後臺海兩岸的處 境」。遠景基金會季刊，第 3 卷第 2 期（2003 年），頁 137-184。
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三、 網路資源
「911 襲擊事伔改變美國孜全策略」，德國之聲，（2013 年 9 月 11 日），
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「小布希輸在伊拉克？－從經濟與民調看伊拉克戰爭重創小布希的總統選 戰」，中央社，（2004 年 7 月），
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「送走獨裁，迎來動盪」，紐約時報中文網，（2013 年 8 月 15 日），
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五、 網路資源
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