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RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS, WEAKNESSES AND FURTHER WORK
Other than the major challenge of data unavailability, especially, in the case of the State Council, and the lack of a major data bank for many of the institutions examined here, the result shows a serious gender disparity in Chinese elite politics.
In addition, the data collection was more challenging than expected because most of the researchers do not focus on all the institutions studied in this research neither do some of the works relate to the entire period under-review.
An even in-depth analysis of the situation would have been desired if not the graduate timeline of the researcher. This means that the project work could not be any further than my study schedule, which also constraint my ability of interacting with expert scholars on Chinese elite politics.
Finally, language barrier has possible implications on this work as the researcher depended on English works only thus missing an opportunity of studying many of the works done by local scholars in Chinese.
Despite these weaknesses, this research took a rigorous process of information finding and verification to contribute to the existing debate in the feminist discourse about women’s position in Chinese politics. This study has augmented my interest to further explore the affiliates of female elite politicians in those powerful institutions controlled by men. Knowledge of this will provide a greater understanding of working with those establishments for partnership.
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This future engagement will look at women’s relevance in elite politics from a “factional”
perspective. Bo (2007) started an interesting debate about “factional politics” in Chinese elite politics. This suggestion is a result of the researcher’s curiosity about how the few women in Chinese elite politics are able to select the “camps” to affiliate with, their roles in such camps and how their presence paves recruitment opportunities for fellow women. Using Bo’s theoretical framework from a feminist perspective could be an interesting contribution to the ongoing scholarly discussions of gender politics in China.
In conclusion, the political system of the CCP has resulted to a chronic isolation of citizens to fully determine the affairs of their nation through competitive and plural political mechanisms. This has effects on the political life of the country but when engendered, it even deepens women’s inequality and under-representation than any other class or social group. Since 1978, China has indeed listened, adjusted and initiated policies and commitments especially those influenced from global gender activism to advance women’s interest.
Anyway, power is visibly controlled by the CCP and its focus on women’s inclusion is more of a political ambition than true commitment to gender equality. Until a time that women’s participation in politics is turned into a serious commitment and not a mere lip service to the acceptance that, it is a fundamental human right and necessity for justice, China will definitely keep missing an opportunity where the other half of its human resource is not relevant to enough in determining the political health of their nation.
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