有機之根: 台灣泰雅族部落替代性食物網路與發展之研究 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大 有機之根:. ‧. 台灣泰雅族部落替代性食物網路與發展之研究 Organic Roots: Alternative Food Networks and Development in Atayal Indigenous Communities, Taiwan. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Student: Madeline Mills 梅佳穎 Advisor: Dr D. Kuan 官大偉. 中華民國 105 年 6 月 Date: June 28, 2016 1.

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(3) 有機之根: 台灣泰雅族部落替代性食物網路與發展之研究 Organic Roots: Alternative Food Networks and Development in Atayal Indigenous Communities, Taiwan 研究生:梅佳穎. Student:. Madeline Mills. 指導教授:官大偉 Advisor: Dr D. Kuan. 國立政治大學. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. ‧. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大. 碩士論文. er. io. sit. y. Nat. a. A Thesis. n. l C Master’s Programn iinv Asia-Pacific Studies Submitted to International. hengchi U. National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in China Studies. 中華民國 105 年 6 月 Date: June 28, 2016. 2.

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(5) Acknowledgements Of course I must thank my parents and extended family for instilling in me a great love and respect for nature and the environment. Quintessentially Canadian summers spent hiking, canoeing and exploring our great lakes, rivers and forests ensured that I would grow up to care deeply about the state of the world’s plants, animals and ecosystems that is, hopefully, reflected in this thesis. I also must credit my partner and father to my baby Ada, Jonathan, for supporting me in writing this thesis and helping me develop the courage to travel the world and confidence to believe I can do something to make it a better place. My deep appreciation cannot be expressed strongly enough to my advisor. 政 治 大 me, he also gave me patience, 立motivation, immense knowledge and went above and. Prof. Kuan for his continuous support in this research. Beyond suggesting this topic to. beyond to help me plan trips to the field. His guidance helped me in all the time of. ‧ 國. 學. research and writing of this thesis. I could not have imagined having a better advisor and mentor for my Master’s study.. ‧. Besides my advisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee. I. y. Nat. was able to travel to the research area multiple times with Prof. Lin who offered me. sit. both practical help and invaluable insight and knowledge. Prof. Blundell and Prof.. n. al. er. io. Wei were everything a student could ask for in their insightful comments and. i n U. v. encouragement, but also for the hard question which pushed me to approach my. Ch. research from various perspectives.. engchi. My sincere thanks also must go to the members of Jianshi Township’s Farmers’ Academy who put up with an awkward, outsider with terrible Chinese asking them strange, probably barely intelligible questions. They welcomed me into their community with warmth, food, laughter, and warm blankets. Not only are their development efforts incredibly impressive, but their entire approach to life, family and friendships. Without their precious support it would not have been possible to conduct this research. I would also like to dedicate this thesis to the late Prof. Howard Daugherty, who did amazing and groundbreaking work in Costa Rica for sustainable development.. 3.

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(7) Abstract Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples, Austronesian speakers with cultural ties to other Pacific Islanders, have encountered waves of outside political, cultural and economic forces. While their political situation has markedly improved with Taiwan’s democratization, their social and economic marginalization remains an issue. Reflecting recent shifts in Taiwan towards more human-centered, post-modern development policies, Atayal People of Jianshi Township have started a movement promoting community values and the transition to organic farming.. 政 治 大. This paper explores this transition and the work of the Jianshi “Farmers’. 立. Academy.” Their aims are to collectivize organic agricultural production,. ‧ 國. 學. transportation and marketing, promote and share traditional crops and knowledge as well as connect spread-out villages through shared culture,. ‧. education and development. Situated in the broader contexts of. y. Nat. Alternative Food Networks and Alternative Economic Spaces, which are. io. sit. typically explored in Western contexts, and Alternative Development. a. er. (typically explored in the developing world), this qualitative research. n. examines these marginalized l communities’ efforts itov formulate a. n U e nenvironmentally grassroots model of culturally and sustainable gchi. Ch. development. The findings suggest that the people in the research area are choosing organic farming for various economic and non-material factors as many of their livelihood goals are culturally bound, outside the purview of conventional macroeconomic theories and critical of mainstream capitalist practices, thus supporting a more locally informed, pluralistic concept of economic development. Key words: organic farming, alternative food networks, alterity/alternative economic spaces, Alternative-development, indigenous culture, Atayal 4.

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(9) Table of Contents 1.. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 8 1.1. MOTIVATION ..................................................................................................................................... 9. 1.2. PURPOSE ......................................................................................................................................... 10. 1.3. NOMINAL DEFINITIONS ................................................................................................................ 10. 1.4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................................................. 13. 1.5. METHODOLOGY.............................................................................................................................. 14. 1.5.1. Methods ............................................................................................................................................14. 1.5.2. Analysis .............................................................................................................................................15. 1.5.3. Ethical Considerations ..............................................................................................................15. 政 治 大 2. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS ...................................................................................17 立 2.1 O ...................................................................................................................................... 17 1.6. RESEARCH LIMITATIONS .............................................................................................................. 16. VERVIEW. ‧ 國. Alterity and Alternative Economic Spaces .......................................................................17. 2.2.2. Alternative Food Networks .....................................................................................................20. 2.2.3. Post-Development........................................................................................................................24. ‧. 2.2.1. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE ....................................................................................................... 26. sit. y. Nat. 2.3. CONTEXT AND CASE .............................................................................................................28. io. er. 3.. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................... 17. 學. 2.2. 3.1. GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY AND DEMOGRAPHICS OF TAIWAN ..................................................... 28. 3.2. HISTORY OF TAIWAN’S INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ........................................................................ 30. n. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 3.2.1. Ancient History (more than 8000 years ago – 1623) .................................................30. 3.2.2. European period (1623–1662)..............................................................................................32. 3.2.3. Qing Dynasty ( 1683 - 1895)...................................................................................................33. 3.2.4. Japanese Period (1985-1945) ................................................................................................34. 3.2.5. Marshal Law Period (1949- 1987) ......................................................................................36. 3.2.6. Democratic Period (1989 – present) ..................................................................................38. 3.3. ATAYAL HISTORY AND CULTURE ................................................................................................ 40. 3.3.1. Creation Myth and Historic Migration ..............................................................................41. 3.3.2. Atayal Social Organization .....................................................................................................44. 3.3.3. Gaga ...................................................................................................................................................44. 3.3.4. Atayal Resource Management Systems .............................................................................45. 3.4 3.4.1. THE CASE AREA HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ................................................................................. 46 Location, Terrain and Industry .............................................................................................47. 6.

(10) 3.4.2. Traditional Swidden Agriculture Period (before 1920s) ..........................................50. 3.4.3. Terraced Rice Farming (1920s-1980s) .............................................................................52. 3.4.4. Conventional Agriculture (1980s to present) .................................................................53. 3.4.5. Alternative Agriculture (1990 to present) .......................................................................56. 4. THE FARMERS’ ACADEMY ..................................................................................................63. 5. FIELDWORK EXPERIENCE ..................................................................................................72 FIRST CONTACT: CINSBU 鎮西保部落 .................................................................................... 72. 5.2. A WEEKEND IN THE CLOUDS: SMANGUS TNUNAN 司馬庫斯部落 .................................... 75. 5.3. TENSIONS IN CO-MANAGEMENT: PYANAN 南山部落, QURI 石磊部落, TBAHU 田埔 . 77. 5.4. INDEPENDENT FIELD WORK: MAGALAN (APRIL 2014)..................................................... 84. 5.5. THE FARMERS’ ACADEMY COMES TO CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY (JUNE 2014)................. 87. 5.6. WORKSHOP IN CINSBU AND IELDWORK IN URI AND AGA (AUGUST 2014) ............ 88. 立. 政 治 大 F Q P. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION..............................................................................................93. 學. 6.1. ‧ 國. 6.. 5.1. DEVELOPMENT BASED ON ALTERNATIVE ECONOMIC VALUES .......................................... 93. 6.1.1 Land, God, Gaga .................................................................................................................................94. ‧. 6.1.2 Non-competitiveness .......................................................................................................................99 6.1.3 Multigenerational Concerns...................................................................................................... 101. Nat. sit. y. 6.1.4 Autonomy from outsiders and Collective Decision-making........................................ 103. er. io. 6.1.5 Low prioritization of Profit-making and Emphasis on Community Work .......... 106 6.1.6 Sense of identity, belonging, cultural confidence ............................................................ 107. al. n. 6.2. i n U. v. INTERACTION WITH OUTSIDE WORLD................................................................................. 109. Ch. engchi. 6.2.1 Interaction with Mainstream ................................................................................................... 109 6.2.2 Interaction with other AES ........................................................................................................ 111 6.3. DISCUSSION .............................................................................................................................. 112. 6.3.1 Implications for Alternative Development ......................................................................... 112 6.3.2 Implications for Theories of Alterity, AES, and AFN ...................................................... 113 6.3.3 Policy Implications ........................................................................................................................ 115 6.3.4 Criticisms............................................................................................................................................ 116 7.. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...................................................................................... 118. 8.. REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................ 120. 7.

(11) Table of Figures Figure 1 – A Diverse Economy (Gibson-Graham 2006) ............................................. 18 Figure 2 – Social and spatial dimensions of alternative food networks (Kjeldsen and Ingemann 2010) ........................................................................................................... 22 Figure 3 - Demographics of Taiwan ........................................................................... 30 Figure 4 - Atayal Historic Migration Route (Li 2001) ................................................ 42 Figure 5 - Atayal Sub-groups ....................................................................................... 42 Figure 6 - Jianshi County Qyunams (waterwatch) ...................................................... 43 Figure 7 - Jianshi Agricultural Phases ......................................................................... 47 Figure 8 – Village-level Administrative Units of Jianshi Township ........................... 48. 政 治 大 Figure 10 - Land-God-People 立.....................................................................................61 Figure 9 - Timetable of harvest and earnings .............................................................. 49. Figure 11 - FA Market Demographics ......................................................................... 67. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 12 - The Farmers’ Academy ............................................................................. 68 Figure 13 – Jianshi Township Atayal Qalang and Qyunam ........................................ 71. ‧. Figure 14 - The International Dialogue. Schedule ...................................................... 79. y. Nat. Figure 15 - Workshop Poster ....................................................................................... 88. sit. Figure 16 - Multigenerational Concerns .................................................................... 102. n. al. er. io. Figure 17 - A Diverse Economy (Gibson-Graham 2006) .......................................... 114. Ch. engchi. 8. i n U. v.

(12) 1. Introduction 1.1 Motivation I grew up in the Suburbs of North America’s third largest city and Canada’s largest, Toronto, spending much of my ample free time with siblings, cousins or friends exploring a ravine behind my house or camping, hiking, canoeing and kayaking in various conservation areas nearby. With so much time spent outdoors but with a citydweller’s sense of awe of nature, it would have been hard to not grow up to be a keen environmentalist. At York U in Toronto, I decided in my second year to major in Anthropology because it seemed to me the only discipline that really tried to understand the world. 政 治 大 year, I was fortunate enough to participate in an Environmental Studies workshop 立 course that involved volunteer activities, research and then a two-week trip to San with a fundamental respect for different people and their perspectives. In my third. ‧ 國. 學. Isidro, Costa Rica which I expanded to a month-long trip for independent travel. The purpose of the visit was to help at and study an Alternative Development oriented. ‧. partnership (Las Nubes Project) between local farmers, conservationists, York U and a specialty coffee shop. The farmers grew coffee on difficult mountainous land;. y. Nat. sit. working to create a buffer zone of shade-grown coffee farms around a conservation. al. er. io. area. The idea was that conservation would be more successful if the surrounding. n. population had economic benefits. They planted fruit and medicine bearing trees. Ch. i n U. v. alongside their coffee plants to provide food and medicine for local people, shade and. engchi. deep roots to protect the soil, and food and habitat for vulnerable migratory animals like birds and butterflies. Since many of these animals spend summers in Canada and winters in Costa Rica, the partnership markets its product as an ethical option for Canadian consumers to protect our birds while they are south for the winter. This project owes much of its success to my Professor, the late Dr. Howard Daugherty, who understood that when trying to protect land and animals, the social aspects of conservation are essential to long-lasting success. He knew that spending time talking to people to understand and empower their perspectives was more valuable than any charts or graphs (though he did encourage and facilitate a variety of quantitative studies as well). My time spent on this project drove home to me how intertwined social and environmental issues are and how useful the anthropological approach could be in exploring them and bringing about positive change. 9.

(13) Upon graduating university, I spent a year traveling around Asia and the Middle East and some time working and studying in Taiwan and have only become more interested in the intersections of society, environmental issues and economics. This research can be seen as an attempt to carry on the good work of Dr. Daugherty.. 1.2 Purpose Much of the history of the Social Sciences has involved an internal reflection regarding the degree to which its disciplines can be considered part of the “sciences.” With this self-consciousness in mind, many social scientists have made great attempts to seek universal truths (or Truth with a capital “T”) or rules that can be applied to human experience. Economics is one such discipline; in which opposing perspectives. 政 治 大. of Capitalism and Marxism, among others, have endeavored to see human experience and behaviour through universalizing lenses. While it is beyond the scope of this. 立. research to actually disprove such assumptions, the more modest goal is to make a. ‧ 國. 學. small contribution to the ever-growing body of work that attempts to complicate the matter. Following in the footsteps of other cases of Alternative Economic Spaces, by telling the stories, experiences and perspectives of one piece of the complex puzzle of. ‧. human experience, this research attempts to contribute to our understanding of the. sit. y. Nat. diversity of human economic meanings and motivations. By following in the feminist tradition of deconstructing the binary oppositions that make up so much of our. io. n. al. er. vocabulary and contributing to a more nuanced understanding of human economic. i n U. v. interaction, this research hopes to support a more inclusive and pluralistic. Ch. engchi. conversation about economics, development, nature, culture and agriculture. And, as mentioned in the previous section, to prioritize the different perspectives in talking about economic development and environmental protection. Furthermore, much of the research on Alternative Economic Spaces and Alternative Food Networks, while deconstructing Western-centric economic vocabulary and assumptions, has taken place in a Western context. This research, following that of Abrahams (2006) in South Africa hopes to expand that lens by looking at the applicability and significance of such frameworks in the experience of an indigenous population in an industrialized Asian country.. 1.3 Nominal Definitions Alterity: An individual or group’s sense of difference or ‘otherness.’ 10.

(14) Alternative Economic Spaces (AES): Defined by Fuller et. al. (2010) as “the enactment of economies through socio-spatial relations that are to a greater or lesser degree distant or disengaged from global capitalism” (p. 2). Alternative Food Networks (AFN): a variety of organizations and behaviours diverse in scale, motivations, outcomes and degrees of integration with each other and the global capitalist system. While they may or may not be based on cohesive themes of organic food, sustainability, localism, community development, rejection of mainstream capitalism, etc., they are more easily categorized by their “alternativeness” to so-called “Conventional Food Networks” (CFNs) Development: A highly contested, culturally constructed and frequently critically deconstructed term that refers to interventionist efforts at improving human. 政 治 大. well-being. Although originally linked to post-WWII reconstruction in Europe. 立. and then investment and loans to former European colonies through the work. ‧ 國. 學. of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), such a system has been widely denounced variously as a failure by its own narrow measures, a cover for cold-war proxy conflicts or hegemonic power struggles and a form. ‧. of neo-imperialism. While it is still debated by its critics whether or not the. sit. y. Nat. term should be abandoned completely (ex. post-development and alternatives to development), this research still makes use of the term but favouring a. io. n. al. er. critical, deconstructing and pluralistic approach to these issues.. Ch. i n U. v. Indigenous Culture: As with the terms discussed above, a concrete definition of what. engchi. it means to be indigenous is difficult to agree upon. For this reason, the United Nations (UN) Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues has not agreed upon a formal definition for the term indigenous and, rather, relies on self-definition of identity. As a guideline, the forum outlines some main qualities of indigenous peoples:       . Self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member. Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources Distinct social, economic or political systems Distinct language, culture and beliefs Form non-dominant groups of society Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities. (UNPFII). 11.

(15) While there is some debate in Taiwan surrounding the indigeneity and categorization of other groups, the indigeneity of the Atayal People, on whom this research focuses, is broadly consensual and enshrined in article 1 of the “Indigenous Peoples Basic Law” of 2005. Organic Agriculture and Natural Farming: The term Organic refers to a set of principles relating to what are considered “natural” techniques for producing agricultural products usually due to environmental and/or health concerns. Definitions, regulations and promotion of such terms is overseen by individual nations and independent international certification bodies based largely on the standards of the International Federation of Organic Agricultural Movements (IFOAM) established in 1972, which declares the goal of organic farming to be,. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. "Organic agriculture is a production system that sustains the health of soils, ecosystems and people. It relies on ecological processes, biodiversity and cycles adapted to local conditions, rather than the use of inputs with adverse effects. Organic agriculture combines tradition, innovation and science to benefit the shared environment and promote fair relationships and a good quality of life for all involved...” (IFOAM website). In Taiwan, the Association of Taiwan Organic Agriculture Promotion (ATAOP) has assumed the task of regulating and promoting both domestic. y. Nat. sit. organic farming practices and imported organic products. Standards and. al. er. io. regulations are a difficult hurdle for producers in the transition to organic. v. n. agriculture: getting certified can be a long, expensive and arduous process for farmers.. Ch. engchi. i n U. In the case of the Farmers in Jianshi Township, many have adopted organic farming practices yet are still not officially certified as organic by the relevant governing bodies. Furthermore, their method of organic farming has been influenced by a technique called “Korean Natural Farming,” which makes use of local microbes. For these reasons, their current production is often referred to as “natural farming” or “Indigenous Natural Farming” while the phenomenon discussed in this research is referred to as the “transition to organic farming” as Organic certification is the goal of their hard work.. 12.

(16) 1.4 Research Questions Looked at within the theoretical context of “Alternative Economic Spaces” and “Alternative Food Networks,” focusing on the work of the Jianshi Farmers’ Academy, what are the meanings, motivations and experiences of local participants in the shift to organic farming in Jianshi Township and how does it contribute to thinking about AES and AFN? 1. What is the history and context of the founding of the Farmers’ Academy and Dream-weaving group? a. Historical, cultural, economic, geographic context 2. Why are the participants promoting the transition to organic farming? a. What are the material benefits of such transition? (i.e. more secure, value-. 政 治 大 What are the “non-material” motivations? (i.e. fits better with cultural 立 ethics, aids community cohesion through labour and knowledge sharing, added product, environmental protection). 學. ‧ 國. b.. supports local autonomy, keeps young adults in the area, supports traditional water-sharing culture, bolsters local pride. Aspects outside the. ‧. purview of orthodox development thinking). i. What are local values relating to agricultural development? (i.e.. y. Nat. sit. nature/culture dualism, traditional crops/ relationship between. al. er. io. production and conservation). v. n. ii. What are the priorities of the participants? (i.e. what are the main. Ch. goals, ideas about the ‘good-life.’). engchi. i n U. iii. What is the symbolic meaningfulness? 3. Relating to the concept of alterity: What is the nature of the participants’ interpretation of the mainstream society and economy or “conventional food chains?” a. What criticisms, rejections or negotiations of a mainstream system are implied, how is this framed/experienced by participants? b. How is the mainstream system represented? In terms of mediums and symbols. c. What aspects of the mainstream system do case participants reject, criticize, accept, negotiate, internalize? Why? (i.e. industrial agriculture techniques are criticized, are actions seen as overly individualistic, whereas certain. 13.

(17) outside technologies, medicines, music and clothing seem to be more accepted) d. What are the wider goals of the participants? i.e How do the participants interpret their project as interacting or impacting the rest of the world? (Through previous observations, research has indicated that members of the Farmers’ Academy situate their actions in a global paradigm of environmentalism and pan-indigeneity, this area of questioning aims to explore how, why and to what extent they hope to impact global issues) i. To what extent do participants hope to undermine the mainstream system? Are impacts mainly intended to be local with outside support?. 治 政 大 discussion, knowledge of organic agriculture, academic 立sharing, local example?. ii. How to interact with outside world? Through expansion. ‧ 國. 學. 4. How does the case relate to, support and/or adapt the theories of “Alternative Economic Spaces” and “Alternative Food Networks” in terms of a conscious. ‧. attempt to create livelihoods that run on different principles from those in the mainstream?” i.e. inclusive of other values of ecology, community, tradition…. y. Nat. sit. rather than rational self-interest, individualism, profit.. n. al. er. io. a. How? To what extent? With what implications for these theories?. 1.5 Methodology. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 1.5.1 Methods The main sources of information for this research have been conversation with community members in the research area, observation of daily life and community events, and, most informative, the reports and presentations by members of the Dream Weaving Foundation and Farmers’ Academy themselves. The members of the organizations are very aware of the importance of presenting their work on their own terms, in fact these skills, the ability to report on successes, plans and motivations, are part of the capacity building that is central to their efforts. Thus, much of the information used in this research comes from presentations made by members at various workshops and gatherings that I, with the help of Chen Yi-chieh and. 14.

(18) Catherine Xu, have translated into English. These presentations involved sophisticated use of technology (PowerPoint, video, projectors, graphics, maps, GIS), academic terminology and strategic inclusion of local language and self-definition. For personal, qualitative reflections on the meaning of their work, I found short documentaries in a series by Qinghua University to be very helpful. For whatever reason, those interviewed in the films shared their feelings more openly in this medium than they did in conversation with me. Of course, previous academic writing on the area and some news articles were very helpful. While my plan was to ask questions in “in-depth interview” style, I found it difficult to make participants (and myself!) feel comfortable, for this reason much of my time spent in the field involved more informal conversation and participation observation in daily life and special. 政 治 大. events. While not the original plan, I actually found this method quite illuminating.. 立. 1.5.2 Analysis. ‧ 國. 學. This research has found that there are particular values being expressed, interpreted and preserved through the economic choices of the community and the “Alternative Economic Space” they are working to create. In the “Analysis and Discussion”. ‧. section of this work, these values are listed and analyzed with examples from the. sit. y. Nat. above-mentioned sources. This research focuses on the local meaning and significance of local cultural values and how they are expressed and interpreted. io. er. through economic strategies, a qualitative, discursive analysis that tries to reflect local. al. n. v i n C perspective and interpret it in termshofeits significance n g c h i Uto global thinking on economic perspectives on the issues is employed. This research endeavors to present this local. and social development.. 1.5.3 Ethical Considerations From the outset, this research has not intended to be critical of the efforts of the participants in the research area. It was always intended to try to understand and present their perspective as best could be understood and presented by an outsider. While there are unlikely to be any ethical issues impacting participants in this study, it is important to consider that, while very vocal and involved, they are not the only members of the community and there are others who have chosen not to participate in these actions, perhaps it is limited to assume that they speak on the behalf of their whole communities. Even if they have very positive, long-term, inclusive intentions,. 15.

(19) it must be assumed that there are other perspectives that this research has failed to include.. 1.6 Research Limitations This research has many limitations, some of which are common in Anthropological study such as language, which was an issue at every step despite the patient and generous help of many. This is part of the reason why the afore-mentioned short documentary films were so helpful: lots of time could be spent carefully translating and discussing the participants’ answers. Also as mentioned above, gaining a rapport was difficult. The people in the research area are incredibly friendly, generous and outgoing, but sometimes other than in set, academic situations were a bit hesitant to. 政 治 大. answer my more general questions about their cultural values, perhaps because they were unsure about speaking on behalf of their whole community: there is a strong. 立. traditional of egalitarianism and consensus-building. Probably with better language. ‧ 國. 學. ability and time contributing to more carefully considered interview questions this research could have overcome these difficulties.. Another difficulty encountered in doing research is that the area is a few. ‧. hours’ drive from Taipei, where I live and work. When I visited, unless I got a ride, I. sit. y. Nat. would take a bus, subway, three trains and then rely on a local person to pick me up and take me up the mountains, and then I also must rely on them for food and shelter.. io. n. al. er. A testament to the kindness and generosity of people in the community: all of these. i n U. v. things were never hard to procure. However, it did mean that I was at the mercy of. Ch. engchi. whoever I was staying with, mostly Sayun. Though I had expected to spend more time working on the farm to earn my stay and learn about that work, mostly we traveled around the area visiting people and chatting. While I can of course only be incredibly grateful that Sayun brought me along for this, and also recognize that this was not just for my benefit and in fact her important job with the group, it was unexpected and sometimes left me feeling uncomfortable that I was not contributing enough in return for their generosity.. 16.

(20) 2. Theoretical Considerations 2.1 Overview The purpose of this research is to analyze the local meanings and experiences of Atayal Indigenous Peoples in North-Central Taiwan in their attempt to promote economic development in their community through a transition to organic farming. This research situates their efforts in the broader contexts of “Alternative Food Networks” (AFN) and “Alternative Economic Spaces” (AES) but focuses attention on the local meanings, motivations and significance of such efforts. By showing that the case does in fact represent an expression of “alternative” development goals and actions, it is then situated in the larger issue of development studies (Alternative. 政 治 大 contribution to a growing body of critical analysis), embodied a set of universalizing, 立 ethnocentric assumptions about the goals, principles and assumptions of development. Development) and global economic thinking which has, in the past (this being a. ‧ 國. 學. This research attempts to support a more nuanced approach to human betterment that includes a greater number of voices, perspectives and values.. sit. Nat. 2.2.1 Alterity and Alternative Economic Spaces. y. ‧. 2.2 Literature Review. er. io. Central to this research are the concepts of Alterity and “Alternative Economic. al. Spaces” (AES) Alterity is important in terms of a self-defined concept of being. n. v i n different or marginalized, often C but not always relatedU h e n g c h i to indigeneity. The people of Jianshi see their alterity not just in terms of ethnicity, but as an active culture with values that are different from those of the mainstream society in Taiwan. Furthermore they are applying these different values and perspectives towards creating alternative forms of economic development, farming methods, charity work and ecological conservation, not least in that they do not compartmentalize these aspects of their work but rather take a holistic approach. AES, according to Fuller et. al. (2010), are “the performance and enactment of economies… through socio-spatial relations and networks that are to a greater or lesser degree distant or disengaged from global capitalism and the system of territorial states” (p. 2). This definition, of course, still leaves room for much diversity in the forms, motivations and philosophies that may create AES. For 17.

(21) example, while some groups may consciously create economic spaces with the overt rejection of (their perception of) the capitalist system, how does this apply to more nuanced initiatives? The AES concept is developed by Fuller et al. as an extension of Gibson-Graham’s model of a “Diverse Economy” (2006). They argue that AES reflect a diversity of exchange relations, social networks, forms of collective action and human experiences in different places and regions. Gibson-Graham draws on political economy, post-structuralism and radical feminism to, on the one hand, point out that there are many economic actions, motivations and relations within capitalist economies which are not typically recognized in conventional economics, such as gifting, women’s unpaid labour, etc. and, on the other hand, the concept of self-conscious and intentional activities that. 治 政 diverse economy, upon which the concept of AES rests,大 is one that embraces the 立 diversity of human economic experiences both within and between economies and undermine and criticize the mainstream capitalist economy. Thus the model of the. ‧ 國. 學. does away with overly simplistic dichotomies. Having said that, Gibson-Graham does offer a chart that visually organizes the diversity of types of economic behaviours and. ‧. organization (see figure 1).. Nat. n. sit er. io. al. y. Figure 1 – A Diverse Economy (Gibson-Graham 2006). Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Thus AES, as the name implies, represent forms of socio-economic organization that posit themselves as outside or at the margins of the mainstream economic and social system. There are two main themes in the approach to studying. 18.

(22) AES: recovering and revealing aspects of human economic interaction that lie outside the homogenizing uniformity of globalization. The recovering aspect refers to delving deeper into human relations within a capitalist society to show the hidden noncapitalist relationships, values or transactions that have always been there. The revealing side refers to Gibson-Graham’s call for cases, narratives, models, and projects of that are examples of non-capitalist or alternative-capitalist development. This research can be seen as a contribution to the latter. A key contributing concept for Gibson-Graham’s diverse economy that is exceedingly relevant to this work is Arturo Escobar’s (1995) poststructuralist critique of a “capitalcentric” model of development, which will be further outlined below in the discussion on development theory. The crux of his argument that is deployed by. 治 政 大factual, scientific and discuss development and economics, while thought of as 立 objective, are assumptions based on culture, history, and false dichotomies. GibsonGibson-Graham and integral to this research, is that many of the concepts used to. ‧ 國. 學. Graham argues that in her experience in academia, too often the answer to every question about every phenomenon, be it environmental issues, social change, etc. has. ‧. (too simply) been “Capitalism.” They argue that instead of such easy answers, researchers should be describing examples of situations that show the diversity within. y. Nat. sit. and between economies. Thus, Escobar and Gibson-Graham (and this research). al. er. io. endeavor to both provide a critical discursive analysis of the taken-for-granted. n. concepts and dichotomies of capitalism and development and also to provide on-the-. Ch. ground research in support of their critiques. engchi. i n U. v. The significance to the present discussion is that “alternativeness” (while we remain suspicious of such dichotomies) is often deeply embedded in a critique or disapproval of mainstream economic organization. Fuller and Jonas (2003), expanding on the previous chart of human economic activity constructed by GibsonGraham, further identify “alternative” or “non-capitalist” activities as potentially falling into two categories: “alternative-substitute” and “alternative-oppositional.” The latter of which involves participants who consciously attempt to challenge mainstream institutions while the former denotes the existence of coping strategies that are employed when mainstream mechanisms fail or do not exist. This research intends to situate and discuss the case as falling into the former though with some characteristics of the latter.. 19.

(23) Thus while the concepts of AES and diverse economies are useful in this research in a variety of ways, special attention will be paid to how individuals and groups challenge mainstream thinking and principles about how to do business and make a living, and in this case it is in a way that promotes local culture and values as holding the key to better economic decision making and therefore happier lives. 2.2.2 Alternative Food Networks The Alternative Economic Space that this research focuses on can be further situated in the literature on Alternative Food Networks (AFNs). Though this research does not include an examination of the “network” or Slow Food Chain (SFC), it is instead an in-depth look at the production-side of this alternative agriculture system. To begin, AFNs represent a variety of organizations and behaviours that are. 政 治 大. diverse in scale, motivations, outcomes and degrees of integration with each other and. 立. the global capitalist system. While they may or may not be based on cohesive themes. ‧ 國. 學. of sustainability, localism, community development, rejection of mainstream capitalism, etc., they are more easily categorized by their “alternativeness” to socalled “Conventional Food Networks” (CFNs), which (again representing a diversity. ‧. of scales, motivations and impacts) are lumped together as involving,. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Productionist, industrial, modernist, agri-production systems, feeding into long, opaque, increasingly globalized food processing/ retailing/ consumption chains – […] increasingly displaying a series of environmental and social “bads” [including]: destruction of biodiversity and environmental service systems (water and soil health); problematic economic/social/biophysical characteristics such as labour exploitation, disease risk, animal welfare issues; unequal relations of power within large corporate food chains; the quality of food produced in terms of taste, human health, nutrition; excessive levels of waste and high carbon footprints; and forms and levels of consumption in relation to the ‘diseases of modernity’ such as obesity and heart disease… the stark bottom line is that CFNs are corrosively unsustainable. (Jones et al., 2010, p. 95).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. CFNs are producing a “diet for a dead planet” as Cook (2004) puts it, or a “Fatal Harvest” according to Kimbrell (2002). While we must deconstruct such totalizing dichotomies as AFNs and CFNs and recognize that these linguistically imposed categories hide the diversity of such endeavors, this research situates the case study in the literature on AFNs which are practiced and studied in the spirit of Alterity, therefore: in terms of self-conceived differentness to the dominant paradigm. The academic thinking of AFNs typically situates this phenomenon within the concepts of AES and Gibson-Graham’s “Diverse Economies,” hence this discussion of all three concepts. 20.

(24) With so many negative aspects of CFNs to be alternative to, approaches to studying AFNs have looked at different aspects of the phenomenon, such as Slow Food Supply Chains (Ibery and Maye, 2005) as alternative to conventional massproduction, marketing and distribution. Some academics write about AFNs internationally as a “popular mobilization against US cultural and corporate food imperialism” (Whatsmore et al., 2003, p. 389). In an article arguing that the main focus of practicing, studying and evaluating the success of AFNs should be on sustainability, Jones et al. (2010) deconstruct the ethnocentricity of the dominant nature/culture dichotomy. They point out that much environmental conservation practice entails separating spaces of nature from spaces of production that is based on the assumption that human-nature interaction is always destructive or “zero-sum.”. 治 政 assumptions (Whatsmore, 2002; Raffles, 2004; Jones et大 al., 2010), Kevan Berg 立 (2013), has actually taken samples from soil strata in Atayal areas in the Hsinchu While excellent literature exists in academia deconstructing and disproving such. ‧ 國. 學. county of Taiwan, and empirically demonstrated that the healthy, bio-diverse forest itself is the product of hundreds of years of human (Atayal) interaction with nature.. ‧. While this research is interested in the environmental sustainability of organic food production in the research area, the focus is on “alternativeness” and the social values. y. Nat. sit. and definitions of conservation and development. Environmental sustainability is. al. n. sustainability is seen as a necessary prerequisite.. Ch. er. io. significant to the community that this research follows, but social and cultural. i n U. v. A common point of debate among researchers both in regards to Alterity in. engchi. general and AFNs specifically is the “conventionalization hypothesis” (Buck et al., 1997; Tovey, 1997; Guthman, 1998), which argues that alternatives become more integrated with CFNs as they increase in scale. In their study of the Danish organic movement, Kjeldsen and Ingemann (2010) argue against overreliance on such dichotomies by situating AFNs in a chart based on two ideal-typical dimensions. This chart is helpful in recognizing the diversity of AFNs in terms of: (1) the social setting to which a given food network is constituted in terms of the degree of social integration; and (2) the spatial configuration or setting which a given food network is constituted in terms of dependence on particular places (Kjeldsen and Ingemann, 2010, p. 179). While, Kjeldsen and Ingemann use this chart to predict the likelihood of conventionalization, this research makes use of it for a far more simplistic purpose: to demonstrate the diversity of AFNs and to situate this case within that context. The 21.

(25) can not be reduced to an in principle frictionless social topography, but that its function as a material setting for social systems is of crucial importance (Tonboe, 1993a; Sayer, 2000). The distinction between social and absolute space is challenging analytically, since one has to balance between the environmentalism of the past and the voluntary modernism of the present (Tonboe, 1993a; Tonboe, 1993b). One possible middle ground between these two positions has been proposed by Andrew Sayer, with his distinction between social context-dependence case positioned on the lower right quadrant, based on high levels of andwould spatialbecontext-dependence (Sayer, 2000). These being concepts signify shifting degrees of importance of space as a material setting for social systems, with social context-dependence sigdedication/exclusion and place-dependence (to be discussed further along with results nifying a socially determined space, whereas spatial context-dependence signifies a high deofgree research and discussion). of importance of spaceIncidentally, as a materialthough setting.not entirely relevant to the goals of. this research, by Kjeldsen and Ingemann’s assessment of the position of this case on To sum up the discussion, then we have sought to incorporate two ideal-typical dimensions in their would indicate a low likelihood of cooption or conventionalization. our chart typology of embeddedness: (1) the social setting which a given food network constitute in terms of the degree of social integration and (2) the spatial configuration or setting which a given food network constitute in terms of dependence on absolute space. Figure 2 – Social and spatial dimensions of alternative food networks (Kjeldsen Figure 5: Social and spatial dimensions of alternative food networks and Ingemann 2010) (modified from (Salais & Storper, 1992; Murdoch & Miele, 1999; Sayer, 2000)). 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. It is important to emphasize, thatasthe notcall operate an analytical bias towards This research can be seen an model answerdoes to the from with Holloway et Al. (2010) portraying a low degree of social integration (standardization) as being negative. One very for more research into participants in AFNs, whether producers inclusive or important point in this“how regard is that standardization can beasconsidered and as such can be applied across social space, whereas dedication can be considered exclusive consumers, themselves try to make sense of their own practices (as alternative or in and as such only applicable to distinct areas within social space. In that manner, the double concepts some other way” (p. 162). While of thisasresearch is neither on the “network” of standardization/dedication canthe be focus considered being analytically ambivalent. or “food supply chain” per say (following the food from production, transportation,. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. marketing, sale, and consumption is well beyond the scope of this paper) or a scientific exploration of the sustainability or ecological impact of the production; it is how participants in the Farmers’ Academy make sense of their work as distinct from Alternative foodsystem networks: movements market mainstreaming andtheir beyond..? the mainstream thatfrom willsocial be explored. Totowhat extent do they see work as. “alternative”? How do they perceive mainstream society (i.e. what aspects do they reject)? How is their work meaningful to them? How does this style of farming interact with their social and cultural system? Why is this type of farming considered a more socially and culturally sustainable option?. 22. 11.

(26) In a study of the motivations and strategies of organic farmers in Austria, Darnhofer (2005) argues that organic farming was not just beneficial through its role in alternative food chains, positive impact on landscapes and environmentally and animal friendly production methods but also as a way of disengaging from commoditization through a reorganization of on-farm resources. Thus it is a way of overcoming the shortcomings of the mainstream modernization model of rural development. While her focus was on pragmatic farm strategies and resource allocation, this research explores how this “disengagement” from commoditization could also be analyzed in the realm of the social or cultural: A disengagement from the pressures of mainstream economic and social life in Taiwan from which indigenous people and their values, as in other areas of the world, have been. 政 治 大. marginalized. In what ways is this disengagement empowering and satisfying to local people?. 立. The vast majority of research on AFNs has taken place in North America and. ‧ 國. 學. Europe, an issue that is acknowledged in the literature (Ilbery and Maye, 2005; Whatsmore et al., 2003) though some have begun to expand the concept to look at. ‧. alternatives to CFNs in the developing world (Abrahams, 2006). This research uniquely looks at an AFN established by a rural, ethnically marginalized group in a. y. Nat. sit. non-Western, industrialized country. Abrahams (2006), drawing on the work of. al. er. io. Goodman (2003), outlines important geographical differences in both the practices of. n. and theorizing about alternatives. While North-American approaches have tended to. Ch. i n U. v. focus on disaffection, social activism and idealism as motivating factors in the. engchi. production and consumption sides of AFNs, European approaches have focused more on AFNs as rural development strategies, allowing long-time, local producers to add value to their products through quality recognition, locality branding and niche markets. Abrahams (2006) argues that such Western (she uses to the dichotomy of “Northern” for the global North versus South) theorizing is overly focused on issues of production and consumption (especially celebrating consumption choices of the well-off) at the expense of meaningful discussion on issues relevant to the global South, such as poverty, food security and cultural diversity. She argues, however, that research into AFNs in other contexts enriches and compliments rather than challenges the existing literature. Abraham’s work, nevertheless, is still focused on the consumption side of AFNs, albeit accounting for cultural values (such as traditional foods and religious prohibitions) and the access of urban poor. This research looks at 23.

(27) the perspectives, meanings and motivations at the production side of a non-Western AFN, thus contributing to a widening perspective on global AES. In the context of AES and AFN, a common thread of discussion has been on the intentions of the participants in terms of impacting the wider world. This query will also be offered in this research. Since AFN and AES’s alternativeness is based on a degree of disengagement from global capitalism, it is also important to analyse to what extent the project intends to engage in the dismantlement or active opposition to it. For example, in a study of biodynamic farmers in Ireland, McMahon (2005) asserts that the participants wanted to change the world system that they rejected, but through almost complete disengagement, purity, observation and self-sacrifice. Alternatively, a trend in North American AFNs is a more engaged, activist, public-education style. 治 政 大 food networks, influencing the local, national, and global systems of economics, 立 conservation, etc.. method. This research hopes to understand how the participants see their work as. ‧ 國. 學. 2.2.3 Post-Development. ‧. Since the case is located in a non-western context there is the further opportunity to. sit. y. Nat. make this research and case relevant not only to the thinking on AES and AFN’s, but also in the wider, globally-relevant thinking on development theory (with implications. io. er. for modernization theory). Thus continuing with the afore-discussed endeavor to, as. al. n. v i n C h which render alternatives Deconstruct mainstream categories, U as either peripheral or e nthat h i individuals, g cenable marginal and construct new categories social groups and. described by Fuller et al. (2010),. collectives to think about and perform their economies in alternative ways, especially in ways that usurp or challenge the capitalist mainstream (p. 7).. The use of the term development to encompass a variety of activities in the social, political and economic spheres with the intention of making improvements in peoples’ lives arose out of a particular historical context and worldview but with significant claims of universal knowledge and application. This body of knowledge production, call-to-action and justification for intervention has come to be called development discourse (further critically described as neo-colonialism or neoimperialism) by critical academics and activists. The purpose of this discussion is not to enter the debate about the effects of this discourse and ideology on global poverty and equality as a whole, which has been discussed in scathing detail by Bello (2002), 24.

(28) Escobar (1995), Sachs (1992) etc., or to take a side in the more contemporary and rather abstract debate around alternative development vs. alternatives to development (also Escobar 1995), but rather to highlight and support the literature arguing that the concepts of development, developed and underdeveloped are culturally constructed, inherently political and lacking in universal applicability. Further, this research supports post-development thinking that ties development with the spread of mainstream capitalism and capitalist assumptions that diminish the heterogeneous nature of human knowledge, relations, endeavors and aspirations. Thus, this research presents a case to support Escobar’s (2000) call to move past the search for paradigms in development thinking and contribute to a pluralistic understanding of development goals, meanings and experiences.. 治 政 world reeling from war and centuries of domination, it 大 would have seemed easy to 立 draw simple conclusions about what it may have meant to be developed and. While there is no doubt that in the post-WWII, decolonization period, with a. ‧ 國. 學. underdeveloped (Robbins 2002). However, the modernist lens through which Western thinkers analyzed the issue could only conceive of development as a ladder of. ‧. progress with Western society at its top, a view that pervades to this day though sometimes under newer pretexts (see J. Sachs, 2005). Such ethnocentric framing of. y. Nat. sit. the issue at hand not only resulted in very narrow, ethnocentric definitions of success. al. er. io. and failure, ignoring the diverse aspirations, goals, and strengths of other cultures, but. n. also ignored the impoverishing effects of centuries of colonial extraction,. Ch. i n U. v. marginalization and acculturation that had contributed to the very situation that was hoped to be remedied.. engchi. The effects of such a universalizing worldview have led to the spread of capitalism into almost every corner of the globe with a great many people benefiting financially and in terms of medicine, science and technology, but with many other populations and worldviews increasingly marginalized. Aside from the system’s insatiable appetite for cheap labour and resources, modernist values of what it means to be poor and wanting or successful and rich compel ever more people to enter the global capitalist system. It is important to examine development as a discourse in which certain language, description and reductionism is used to represent issues in ways that justify the sort of intervention in which it is engaged. In a cogent discussion on the failures of global economic development, Robbins (2002) argues that the main reasons for the 25.

(29) failure of economic development endeavors led by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) (as well as the Russian revolution) is economic reductionism. “Social reality was reduced to almost solely economic elements, ignoring institutions and behaviors essential to the maintenance of societies and environments” (Robbins, 2002, p. 184). As James C. Scott (1998) argues, the language of capitalism reduces complex relationships and phenomena to commodifiable and measurable entities factored into equations based on their usefulness to human economic behaviour. Another significant criticism and deconstruction put forward by Scott (1998) is that development ideology is often based on “high modern ideology” which can be described as the hubris of scientific and technological progress mastering the environment to satisfy human needs. As Robbins (2002) describes, “an uncritical. 治 政 大 faith in the wisdom of core economic, scientific, and technological principles” (p. 立 185). Of course, neither the afore-referenced thinkers nor the author of this paper. acceptance of the idea of scientific and technological progress, and an unrestrained. ‧ 國. 學. discount the many improvements in people’s lives and potential applications of scientific knowledge. Rather, the point is to maintain critical awareness, rejecting. complexity.. ‧. oversimplification, including alternative views and embracing rather than rejecting. y. Nat. sit. While in the latter decades of the twentieth century, critical development. al. er. io. studies took off and began to analyze their field from the critical point of view. n. outlined above and the large-scale development agencies began to use the language of. Ch. i n U. v. “community building” and “sustainable development,” Escobar (1995, p. 107) called. engchi. for anthropologists to produce a body of work analyzing development in different contexts with an emphasis on the socio-cultural construction of “development.” The goal of this research is to make a contribution to this collection of alternative views of development by emphasizing and exploring the local, culturally constructed goals and values of the research participants.. 2.3 Theoretical Perspective This research situates the transition to organic farming and the work of the Jianshi FA in the literature on AFN and AES. The concept of development as interpreted by and meaningful to the people of the Jianshi FA will be analyzed. Endeavoring to reject essentialism or reductionism of human economic behaviour and to contribute to a more nuanced, pluralistic approach to development studies with an appreciation for 26.

(30) the complexity and diversity of human culture, this research will ask how people make sense of their economic goals. These questions are partly inspired by Scott Simon’s (2006) writing on Seedik and Taroko peoples (on Taiwan’s East coast, who were only recently officially acknowledged as distinct from Atayal people) in which he points out that development, “transforms local cultures by bringing them into conformity with ‘modern’ values based on individuality, rationality and economy” (p. 4). He goes on to ask what “development” means to the Seedik and Taroko peoples and what alternatives to development their historical and cultural perspectives may offer, concluding that Seedik people understand and reject certain aspects of mainstream economics. This research attempts a similar endeavor; to contribute to a growing body of work that provides evidence that the concepts of poverty, progress. 治 政 大 poor or well-off? And what is the purpose of development? 立 The concept of alterity is significant; this research hopes to understand how and wellbeing are culturally bound and ask the questions, what does it mean to be. ‧ 國. 學. the participants in the FA view their own work as distinct from mainstream culture. It is held that they are not, as some may assume, anachronistic fossils of a bygone era or. ‧. in some way mystified by globalized culture; rather, they have seen and experienced it, weighed their options in light of their environmental, political and cultural context,. y. Nat. sit. and are making informed and mindful decisions about rejecting certain aspects of it. al. er. io. and negotiating others. They are conscientiously navigating the advantages and. n. disadvantages of global capitalism, a process that can be seen in other areas of the world as well.. Ch. engchi. 27. i n U. v.

(31) 3. Context and Case This Chapter endeavors to introduce the demographics of Taiwan and the history and current situation of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. People speaking languages now categorized as part of the Austronesian family of languages have lived on Taiwan for up to 8,000 years (Blust, 1999) before it became the site of wave after wave of colonial domination. Taiwan has gone from a Dutch outpost then renegade Ming loyalists headquarters in the 17th century, half-hearted Qing territory in the 18th and 19th centuries, crown-jewel of the Japanese Colonial experiment through to the 20th century, site of the intended to be short-term retreat of the ROC government in the Chinese Civil War and then an industrialized, democratic country. As a result of this history of external domination, Taiwan’s Indigenous population’s culture has largely. 政 治 大 2001). From the perspective 立of Taiwan’s indigenous population, they are still in the disintegrated and sunk to the lowest echelons of living standards on the island (Chi,. midst of a colonial enterprise that threatens their culture through encroachment on. ‧ 國. 學. their lands for the sake of economic development and/or land conservation and the diluting of their culture through education and economic policies that push their. Nat. sit. 3.1 Geography, History and Demographics of Taiwan. y. ‧. young to leave villages.. er. io. Taiwan (台灣) is a small, mountainous, subtropical island in the West Pacific Rim,. al. n. v i n C coastline on its EastUside and sloping plains to the spine, rugged mountains and steep h engchi characterized by its sweet-potato shape with a North-south running mountainous. West. The West side has been developed industrially and mostly emptied of. Indigenous culture through migration and assimilation while the East and Central mountains remain mostly indigenous, natural and sparsely populated. Taiwan is bordered to the North by Japan, South by the Philippines and West by Mainland China. Politically, Taiwan, officially the Republic of China (ROC 中華 民國), is internationally contentious as a result of its separation from China at the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949 at which point the Chinese Communist Party took hold of the mainland causing the retreat to the island of the Nationalist Government (KMT 國民黨). While the People’s Republic of China (中華人民共和國) still. 28.

(32) considers Taiwan a part its territory, since democratization, politics in Taiwan have become very polarized over this issue with the “pan-blue coalition” of parties led by the KMT favouring the eventual unification of the two Chinas, and the “pan-green coalition” of parties led by the DPP (Democratic Progressive Party 民主進步黨 minzhujinbudang) which favours eventual official declaration of Taiwan’s independence from China. Taiwan is home to more than 23 million people characterized by four ethnic groups, the largest of which at 70% is the Hoklo, who immigrated to Taiwan over 400 years from Fujian Province in China initiated by Dutch incentives. These Hoklospeaking people are usually categorized along with Hakka people (12% of population, arriving over same time frame from Guangdong Province in China) as “Native. 政 治 大 need to differentiate them from 立 the dramatic movement of people to Taiwan from all. Taiwanese” or simply “Taiwanese”. The impetus for such categorization coming from. ‧ 國. 學. over China at the end of the, afore-mentioned civil war. These more recent Han arrivals and their descendants are referred to as “Mainlanders” (外省人 waishengren. ‧. literally: Extra provincial person). See Figure three for a visual representation of the demographics in Taiwan, percentages are given as a proportion of the total population. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. of Taiwan.. Ch. engchi. 29. i n U. v.

(33) Figure 3 - Demographics of Taiwan. Peoples of Taiwan. Han Chinese 98%. "Taiwanese" 85%. Indigenous Austronesians 2%. "Mainlanders" 13%. 政 治 大. Hoklo 70%. Hakka 15%. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The fourth and smallest ethnic group in Taiwan covers the most land area of the island in low-density mountainous areas, and are referred to as Taiwan’s indigenous. ‧. or aboriginal population (yuanzhuminzu 原住民族 – literally means original inhabitants). These people make up only around 2% of the population at 520,000, are. y. Nat. sit. divided into 16 officially recognized tribes and have strong cultural and linguistic. er. al. n. and Indian oceans.. io. (and increasingly political) ties to other Austronesian groups throughout the Pacific. C. h e n gPeoples 3.2 History of Taiwan’s Indigenous chi. i n U. v. Although there were many examples of resistance to colonization, the indigenous peoples of Taiwan suffered vast but varying degrees of loss in terms of land, language, culture and livelihood. Of the 26 known indigenous languages of Taiwan, at least ten are extinct, 5 are considered moribund and several are endangered. Despite these changes, many groups maintain a distinct identity and culture and continue to live separately from mainstream society. 3.2.1 Ancient History (more than 8000 years ago – 1623) While there is evidence that there may have been modern human, hunter-gatherer populations on Taiwan from up to 30,000 years ago, the ancestors of Taiwan’s Indigenous People are thought to have first spread to Taiwan approximately 8,000 30.

(34) years ago (Blust, 1999). Writing about Taiwan’s indigenous peoples’ ancient history and origins, Stainton (2007) is careful to point out that while there are “landmarks” or physical evidence that can illuminate ancient or “pre-textual” history, it is always constructed and seen through the motivations and lenses of the present, thus embodying a type of myth. His case in point: the contested origins of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples as related to past and present political motivations in Taiwan. Early Western explorers as well as Japanese scholars held forth the “Southern Origin” tradition which thought that Taiwan aboriginals had arrived from islands to the South such as what is now the Philippines or Indonesia due to cultural and physiological similarities with other indigenous Pacific Islanders, oral histories and Northward ocean currents (Stainton, 2007).. 治 政 大 Homeland Theory” variation of the “Northern Origin Theory” and the “Austronesian 立 which contend an early Neolithic migration from what is now Southern China and More recent linguistic and archaeological studies have proposed and supported a. ‧ 國. 學. Taiwan as the place of origin for the Austronesian language family (which stretches from Madagascar east to Easter Island and from Taiwan South to New Zealand). The. ‧. mainstay of the increasingly well-supported theory is based on linguistic evidence:. Nat. sit. thus indicating and outward dispersal from this point of origin.. y. that Taiwan’s indigenous languages contain 9 of the 10 Austronesian sub-families,. al. er. io. There is Archaeological evidence of an abrupt cultural shift of ancient people on. n. Taiwan to the Neolithic era around 6,000 years ago, marked by the advent of. Ch. i n U. v. agriculture, domesticated animals, pottery and polished stone adzes. Since recorded. engchi. history of Taiwan’s Indigenous peoples began with the arrival of Europeans, much of it has been dominated by outside forces. Little is known about the culture of Taiwan pre-European contact. From a Dutch census in the 17th century, it is estimated that there were approximately 100,000 indigenous people on Taiwan. Though swidden agriculture of rice and millet and domestication of animals was present, there are indications that hunting, fishing and gathering made up the mainstay of local diets. Their villages were semi-permanent and political organization above the village level took the form of temporary alliances. Some plains aboriginal tribes were said to be matrilocal and matrilineal. Many tribes engaged in inter-village warfare, facialtattooing and headhunting.. 31.

(35) 3.2.2 European period (1623–1662) It was Portuguese sailors who, passing Taiwan in 1544, first referred to it as Ilha Formosa, or "Beautiful Island". Later, survivors of a Portuguese shipwreck in 1582, spent ten weeks battling malaria and aborigines before returning to Macau on a raft. Dutch traders arrived on the island in 1623 to set up a base for Dutch commerce with Japan and the coastal areas of China, Shepherd (1993) argues that this was a deliberate policy of the Qing Dynasty to exclude European and Japanese traders from China by forcing them to use Taiwan’s ports. The Dutch East India Company (VOC Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) built Fort Zeelandia near what is now Tainan ( 台南市). The Spanish established a settlement on the northwest coast of Taiwan near. 政 治 大 by a joint Dutch–Aborigine invasion force. 立 In setting Taiwan up as a Dutch colony, they worked to pacify the aboriginals Keelung (基隆市) (1626 -1642) and Tamsui (淡水) (1628-1638) but were driven out. ‧ 國. 學. by enlisting some groups and severely punishing the villages that had opposed them, uniting the aborigines in allegiance with the VOC (Blust et al., 1999). Although its. ‧. control was mainly limited to the western plains of the island, the VOC administered the island until 1662, setting up systems of taxation, schools to teach Romanized. y. Nat. al. er. io. occupiers.. sit. script of aboriginal languages and missionizing which were adopted by succeeding. n. It was during the Dutch period that the first influx of migrants from coastal. Ch. i n U. v. Fujian province began. Most of the immigrants were young single men who were. engchi. discouraged from staying on the island permanently. While the original Dutch intention was to use Fort Zeelandia as a trading base between Japan and China, they soon realized the potential of trading in deer pelts from the mountains of Taiwan. Indigenous people sold deer pelts to the Dutch while Han migrants were employed to farm sugarcane and rice for export. Unfortunately, the deer indigenous people had previously relied upon for their livelihoods began to disappear forcing the aboriginal populations to focus more and more on agriculture. Concurrently, on the Chinese mainland change was afoot as the Manchus brought an end to the Ming Dynasty and the beginning of the Qing. In 1662, one of the last remaining Ming loyalists, Koxinga (國姓爺 Guóxìngye; literally: “Lord of the Imperial Surname”) a.k.a Zheng Chenggong (鄭成功) wrestled Taiwan from the 32.

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