香港人在台灣：身分認同與生活經驗 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master‘s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University. 碩士論文 Master‘s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 香港人在台灣：身分認同與生活經驗. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. Hong Kongers in Taiwan: Identity and Living Experience. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Student: Tsui Man Yee Chloe 崔文懿 Advisor: Mei-Chuan Wei, Ph.D 魏玫娟. 中華民國 110 年 1 月 Jan 2021. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(2) 香港人在台灣：身分認同與生活經驗 Hong Kongers in Taiwan: Identity and Living Experience. 研究生：Tsui Man Yee, Chloe 崔文懿指導教授：Mei-Chuan Wei, Ph.D 魏玫娟. 國立政治大學. 治. 政亞太研究英語碩士學位學程大. 立. 碩士論文. sit. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Nat. A Thesis. er. io. Submitted to International Master‘s Program in. n. a l Asia-Pacific Studiesi v n Ch U e n g c h i University National Chengchi. In partial fulfilment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in Asia-Pacific Studies. 中華民國 110 年 1 月 Jan 2021. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(3) Abstract This thesis seeks to analyse the identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan. Drawing primarily upon theories of nationalism and national identity, and through in-depth interviews with students, dependants and investors from Hong Kong, and secondary literature analysis, this thesis examines the identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan from the aspects of national identity, cultural identity and social identity. The main finding of this research is that all Hong Kongers interviewed have multiple or dual identities, with Hong Kong identity being the strongest identity even for those who have obtained Taiwan citizenship and identity cards. As for the factors that have affected the national identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan, the policy of the Hong Kong government, such as the Free and Independent Travelers policy towards mainland. 政治大. Chinese visitors to Hong Kong, and the consciousness of the differences in the ethnic. 立. sense between Hong Kong and mainland Chinese people stand out. As far as cultural. ‧ 國. 學. identity is concerned, ‗collective memory‘ of living in Hong Kong constitutes the core of their cultural identity, with Hong Kong-style restaurants for instance being the. ‧. most common ‗carrier‘ of this cultural identity in Taiwan. Social identity understood by way of the ‗sense of community‘, with the use of the Social Networking Sites. sit. y. Nat. (hereafter SNSs) and the existence of ‗Yellow Economic Circle‘ in Taiwan being the two most prominent examples. This thesis concludes that first, Hong Kongers in Taiwan. io. n. al. er. strongly identify themselves as ‗Hong Kongers‘; secondly, the conscious differences. i Un. v. between Hong Kongers and the Chinese have shaped their identity; and finally, the. Ch. engchi. sense of community is positively correlated with their identity. KEYWORDS: Identity, Nationalism, Collective Identity, Hong Kongers, Sense of Community. i. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(4) 摘要本論文運用深度訪談，對在台灣居住之香港人進行研究，其中主要研究對象為學生、依親及投資移民三個身分。透過集體認同中之：國家認同、文化認同及社會認同三個面向，了解他們的身分認同。此論文發現：不同群體的香港人，移居到台灣的動機與挑戰均不同，對於身分認同的觀點也有差距。部份人可能有著雙重甚至多重身分，或是已經拿到台灣身分證，但他們多數仍然將自己定義為香港人。受訪者之國家認同主要會被兩個因素影響；香港政府之政策、中國、香港身分之對比；文化認同則透過在台灣呈現之集體回憶，來保存香港本土文化；他們的社會認同與社群意識有高度連結，其中兩個例子是社群媒體的使用與在台灣之黃色經濟圈。此論文發現：1) 在台之香港人有著強烈的身分認. 政治大. 同，並將自己定義為「香港人」、2) 中國與香港身分認同之間的差異有助塑造. 立. 香港身分認同、3) 社群意識與身分認同有正相關，並影響在台香港人在社群媒. ‧ 國. 學. 體上之行為。. ‧. 關鍵字：國族主義、身分認同、集體認同、香港人、社群意識. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. ii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(5) TABLE OF CONTENTS. Abstract ..................................................................................................................... i Table of Contents .................................................................................................... iii List of Tables and Figures ......................................................................................... v Chapter 1. Introduction ............................................................................................. 1 1.1 Research Background .............................................................................. 1 1.2 Motivation and Purpose ........................................................................... 5 1.3 Research Questions ................................................................................. 7. 政治大. 1.4 Research Method ..................................................................................... 7. 立. 1.5 Chapters Structure ................................................................................. 13. ‧ 國. 學. Chapter 2. Literature Review .................................................................................. 15 2.1 Nationalism .......................................................................................... 15. ‧. 2.1.1 Chinese Nationalism ................................................................ 16. sit. y. Nat. 2.1.2 Taiwanese Nationalism ............................................................ 17. er. io. 2.1.3 Hong Kong Nationalism .......................................................... 19. al. v i n C h ...................................................................... 2.2.1 Cultural Identity 23 engchi U n. 2.2 Identity................................................................................................... 22. 2.2.2 Social Identity and Sense of Community .................................. 25 2.2.3 National Identity ...................................................................... 28 2.2.4 Diasporic Identity ................................................................... 32 Chapter 3. Hong Kongers in Taiwan ....................................................................... 35 3.1 Studying in Taiwan and career .............................................................. 36 3.2 Family reunion ...................................................................................... 40 3.3 Enjoy the retired life v.s, pursuing a better life for the next generation ................................................................................................................... 42 iii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(6) Chapter 4. Identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan ....................................................... 44 4.1 Perspective of differenct age groups and Sense of community ............... 44 4.2 National Identity .................................................................................... 48 4.1.1 The anchor babies and social resources .................................... 49 4.1.2 Mainland Immigrants and housing issues ................................. 52 4.3 Cultural Identity and Collective Memories ............................................ 54 4.4 Social Identity and Sense of Community ............................................... 59 4.4.1 The use of SNSs ...................................................................... 60 4.4.2 Yellow Economic Circle in Taiwan.......................................... 69. 政治大 References .............................................................................................................. 79 立 Chapter 5. Conclusion ............................................................................................ 75. Appendix ................................................................................................................ 91. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. iv. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(7) List of Tables and Figures List of Tables Table 1: Number of Hong Kongers who received ARC/APRC in Taiwan,. 4. 2016-2019 Table 2: Information of in-depth interview. 10. Table 3: Four Generations of Hong Kong people (Hung, 2016). 20. Table 4: Number of Hong Kong Students admitted to universities of Taiwan. 37. Table 5: Births born in Hong Kong to mainland women, 2001-2017. 51. 政治大. List of Figures. 立. Figure 1: Research Framework. 14. ‧ 國. 學. Figure 3: How Hong Kongers identify themselves, 1997-2019. 29. Figure 4: Interior Design of ―Tai Hing‖ ―Cha Chaan Teng‖. 56. y. 27. ‧. Figure 2: Three alternatives of social identity by Brewer, 1999. Figure 6: Main website or brand (Taiwan Internet Report, 2019). 61. Figure 7: A post on Facebook group introducing the Telegram account and hot topics in the group. 62. Ch. 62. Figure 5: Leslie Cheung Exhibition in Taichung, Taiwan. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. 57. Figure 8: List of Facebook Group observed. engchi. i Un. v. Figure 9: Facebook Page of the Hong Kong Outlanders. 64. Figure 10: Event page of the 9/29 Demonstration. 64. Figure 11-12: Details of the 9/29 demonstration and the advocates on event page 65 Figure 13: June 9 Call from Hong Kongers (A post from Dcard). 67. Figure 14-16: Comments fromJune 9 Call from Hong Kongers. 68. (A post from Dcard) Figure 17: Memo from Interviewee D. 70. Figure 18: Hong Kong related Stickers and Slogan in Ahua‘s Store. 72. Figure 19: Lennon Wall in Café Philo. 73. Figure 20: ―Stand With HK‖ Slogan on Café Philo‘s display window. 73. v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(8) Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1 Research Background Both Hong Kong and Taiwan share some ―Chinese culture‖ and have been affected by the pan-Chinese nationalism1 to differing degrees. Over the past decade or so, political protests triggered by policies involving China‘s relationships with Hong Kong and Taiwan respectively have drawn attention to the identity issues in both societies. In the Taiwan case, it is the Sunflower Movement occurring in 2013 against the background of the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). In Hong Kong, it is the 2014 Umbrella (also called Occupy) Movement. 政治大. protesting against the decision issued by the Standing Committee of the National People‘s Congress regarding the proposed reforms to Hong Kong‘s electoral system.. 立. Ma Man-fai, a politician and social activist from Hong Kong, proposed that Hong. ‧ 國. 學. Kong should be listed as one of the ―Non-self-governing Territories‖. Hong Kong is now an autonomous administrative region of China, but it was heavily controlled by. ‧. China as the result of Beijing‘s practicing ―One country, Two System‖. In recent years, the political conflicts in Hong Kong have been argued to reflect the. Nat. sit. y. dissatisfaction of Hong Kongers with the Hong Kong government and the Chinese. er. io. central government. Moreover, the widely shared dissatisfaction has affected negatively the level of trust of general Hong Kongers in Hong Kong governments and. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. Beijing. As Steinhardt, Li & Jiang (2018) has pointed out, the trust in the central. engchi. government affect the national identity of Hong Kongers. The concept of ―One Country, Two Systems‖ was established by Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s. It was adapted to Hong Kong since 1997, after the transfer of Hong Kong sovereignty. The ―50 years unchanged‖ principle will expire in 2047. The immense success of Hong Kong‘s economy has shown that the system itself is perfect for a win-win situation for both Hong Kong and China. According to the 2019 Global Competitiveness Report, Hong Kong ranked 3rd out of 141 economies globally, it is the highest of all Asian economies. However, Hong Kong‘s democracy was deeply 1. Pan-Chinese Nationalism: The pan-Chinese nationalism is one perspective of ―new nationalism‖ in China in the 1990s to promote a set of shared values and cultural identity to hold the overseas Chinese, Taiwanese and Hong Kongers. 1. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(9) concerned by the world in 2019. In the 2019 Democracy Index, established by the Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU), a photo from the Hong Kong‘s demonstration was selected as the report‘s cover page, the report also addressed the reason behind the protest. The report divided the countries into four grades, Hong Kong belongs to ―flawed democracy‖, similar to most Asian countries. In the report, Hong Kong ranked 75th, down from most Southeast Asian countries. Since 1997, the Chinese Central Government began to promote the national identity in Hong Kong, which contrasts to the local identity formed under colonial period. Also, the influx of mainland immigrants has already begun to provoke new social tensions in Hong Kong society. Each day, 150 Chinese residents obtain a one-. 政治大. way entry permit to legally reside in Hong Kong. The 2003 National Security Bill (Legislative Provisions) was the straw that broke the camel‘s back and caused. 立. discontent among the Hong Kongers over the Chinese central government. The bill. ‧ 國. 學. implementing Article 23 of the Hong Kong Basic Law, which stated that: “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act. ‧. of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organisations or bodies from conducting political. y. Nat. sit. activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the Region from. io. n. al. er. establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies.”. Ch. i Un. v. Many Hong Kongers think the Article 23 might affect the freedom of speech. engchi. in Hong Kong and it violates the ―One country, Two systems‖. On 1 July 2003, 500,000 Hong Kong citizens joined a massive protest calling for the withdrawal of the bill. In the latest book published by a famous Hong Kong writer – Chip Tsao, he recalled the peaceful demonstration and said that these protesters were so wellbehaved. After the Umbrella Revolution in 2014, the support for the anti-China localism has grown rapidly among the younger generations (Wong, Zheng and Wan, 2020). Young Hong Kongers have become the leaders in social movements. The role of the political generation in identity processes also helps explain how individuals who share a socially devalued identity, but have little else in common, develop new standards of 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(10) self-approval (Brown and Rohlinger, 2016). In 2019, 2,000,000 Hong Kong citizens joined another massive demonstration to pull back the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill. The movement highlights the opposition of the Hong Kong government and the protesters. The protesters called on the Hong Kong government to respond to the ―five demands‖, which include a complete withdrawal of the Extradition Bill, withdraw the proclamation of the ―riots‖ at the protests on June 9 and 12; withdraw all criminal charges against all protesters; investigate the abuse of power by the Hong Kong police and the implementation of Dual Universal Suffrage. In the survey conducted by Hong Kong University‘s Public Opinion Program, the ethnic identity of ―Hong Kongers‖ in 2019 has reached its highest level since 1997. 政治大. and the number also reached a higher level in the year the political incident occurred. According to Klandermans (2013), collective identity, politicized collective identity,. 立. dual identity, and multiple identities are concepts that help to understand and describe. ‧ 國. 學. the social psychological dynamics of protest. This explains why the social movements in Hong Kong and the Hong Kong identity have had an impact on each other.. ‧. In 2019, EIU compared the cost of living in 133 cities with New York, and. y. Nat. Hong Kong is one of the most costly cities – alongside Paris and Singapore. Another. sit. research was conducted by MERCER, the world‘s largest human resources consulting. er. io. firm, also comparing the cost of living of 209 cities with New York City, Hong Kong. al. n. v i n C Department of Hong Kong, thehmedian employment earnings of employed e n gmonthly chi U. has the highest rent in the world. According to data from the Census and Statistics. persons aged 20 to 59 were 16,600 Hong Kong dollars in 2017. Social problems in Hong Kong have become severe, in particular the issue of housing, quality of life and mental health. In the 2020 World Happiness Report, which evaluated people‘s happiness level in 2017-2019, Hong Kong ranked 78 out of 153 countries in the world. Taiwan ranks 25th in the same report, which is the highest in Asia. In the 2018 report, it also analyzed the foreign-born migrant‘s happiness ranking in different countries. In this report, Taiwan ranks 38th, 3rd among Asian countries. Since the mid-19th century, Hong Kong has been the main nodal port linking trans-Pacific Chinese migration. Beginning with the 1984 Sino-British Joint 3. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(11) Declaration, Hong Kongers have been concerned about their future. The huge contrasts in the socio-political systems and economic development between Hong Kong and China have worried many Hong Kongers. From 1984 to 1995, an estimated 500,000 Hong Kong residents had immigrated to countries such as Canada, the United States, Australia and the UK (Chan & Fung, 2018) to avoid political risk. Today, the trend of international migrants has grown from 153 million in the 1990s to 244 million in 2015 (World Happiness Report, 2018). In addition, an estimated 700 million people want to move but have not yet moved. As for the recent trend, many Hong Kongers choose to migrate to Taiwan – a place that has a similar ideology and culture with Hong Kong; a better geographic location (not connected to China); lower living expenses when compared to Hong Kong. And more importantly, Taiwan has a. 政治大 migrants aged 30 to 40. Those young people were very much affected by the political 立 incident in Hong Kong, the decision to emigrate was taken on complex reasons and lower migration threshold than other countries, which have attracted a lot of young. ‧ 國. 學. motives. What makes the Hong Kongers come to Taiwan? Has the living experience in Taiwan strengthen their sense of identity? How‘s their life in Taiwan? To answer. ‧. the above questions, this paper explores the stories of Hong Kongers who now live in. sit. y. Nat. Taiwan.. er. for ARC Approval for APRC aApproval v i l C 4057 1086 n U hengchi 4015 1074. n. Year. io. Table 1. Number of Hong Kongers who received ARC/APRC in Taiwan, 2016-2019. 2016 2017 2018. 4148. 1090. 2019. 5858. 1474. Note. Data Retrieved from: The Ministry of the Interior, National Immigration Agency, Republic of China (2020). 統計資料 : 外僑居留人數統計表 . https://www.immigration.gov.tw/5385/7344/7350/%E5%A4%96%E5%83%91%E5% B1%85%E7%95%99/ The above data was retrieved from the National Immigration Agency of Taiwan. However, it did not provide individual data on migrants from Hong Kong until 2016, the data was calculated with migrants from Macau. The Taiwanese 4. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(12) government has provided many friendly policies to the Hong Kongers, and the number of migrants from Hong Kong and Macau has grown since 2013. Since 2013, the number of approvals for the Alien Resident Certificate (ARC) and Alien Permanent Resident Certificate (APRC) have increased slightly, and even decreased from 2016 to 2017. From 2018 to 2019, the number of approvals for ARC and APRC increased by 41% and 35% respectively. In 2019, there were 5858 Hong Kongers obtained the ARC and 1474 Hong Kongers obtained the APRC. Growth is strong in comparison to previous years. For sure, following the political incidents in Hong Kong, there will be more Hong Kongers deciding to migrate. Why they come to Taiwan and what they are looking for are important, this paper will try to find them out.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. 1.2 Motivation and Purpose. As a master‘s student in the IMAS program who has lived in Taiwan for over. ‧. 8 years, the changing political situation and current migration trend in Hong Kong has inspired me to study the identity issue of Hong Kong and migrants from Hong Kong. io. sit. y. Nat. to Taiwan.. n. al. er. Since the 1990s, many Hong Kongers have already chosen to migrate abroad. i Un. v. to avoid political risks, they have settled all over the world. And from 2014, another. Ch. engchi. wave of migration has begun. To pursue a better life and avoid political risks, migration has become one of the popular issues in Hong Kong. As one of the Hong Konger who lives in Taiwan, in my everyday life, I did meet more Hong Kongers when compared to 8 years. Taiwan - a place near Hong Kong, attracted a lot of Hong Kongers considering moving here. Many Hong Kongers strive for a ―better life‖ in Taiwan, but is Taiwan an ideal place for them? Some Hong Kong migrants share their living experience on social media, which broke the myth of living in Taiwan. In my own opinion, one thing that most of the Hong Kongers ignored is the monthly earning in Taiwan. Generally, the monthly earning in Hong Kong is 4 times of Taiwan, the living expenses in Taiwan is around 2~4times cheaper than Hong Kong. For most of the Hong Kongers who haven‘t moved to Taiwan, they were expecting to have lower 5. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(13) living expenses in Taiwan when compared to Hong Kong. But when they earn money here, the situation will be totally different. In proportion, the expenses in Taiwan just fit the monthly earning. These Hong Kongers also expect to enjoy urban life in Taiwan. While most of them have chosen to migrate to Taichung or Kaohsiung, which are more rural in comparison to Taipei, their life is far below their expectations. Even some students can‘t cope with life in Taiwan and decided to drop out from school. This thesis uses the case of Hong Kongers in Taiwan. Hong Kong and Taiwanese media frequently interviewed migrants from Hong Kong to Taiwan and tried to find out why they came here. When I collect data from interviewees, I have. 政治大. notice that some of them have been interviewed by certain media, but these media focus only on a specific issue. For example how these migrants apply for the. 立. migration or why they came here, which only provides the perspective of a certain. ‧ 國. 學. individual. If we need to understand more or an overall trend, a study of Hong Kongers in Taiwan with different occupations, different ways to come to Taiwan and. ‧. with more samples is important and meaningful for Hong Kong and Taiwan society, to understand this potential ethnic group in Taiwan and deepen our understanding of. Nat. sit. y. their point of view.. n. al. er. io. Research on Hong Kong identity is very limited. Most of the research focuses. iv n U Hong in. on the notion of diaspora, some focuses on the way Chinese diaspora takes place in. Ch. engchi. Hong Kong, the diaspora of the ethnic group. Kong, or the identity of. overseas Hong Konger after these people returned to Hong Kong. Where Indian and Pakistani identity has appeared in most of the research, some research focuses on Hong Kongers living in Canada or the United States, but only very few of them discuss Hong Kongers in Taiwan. In addition, research on Hong Kong generally focuses on a certain political issue or social problem, with few collections of migrants‘ daily life experiences. In these researches, identity issues have always been mentioned and the method of interview has been adopted in most research. There are a few study about Hong Kongers in Taiwan, two of them are: in the book ―New Chinese Migrations: Mobility, Home and Inspirations‖, Chan & Fung 6. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(14) wrote a chapter on migration to Taiwan, interviewing 13 Hong Kongers who have migrated or are planning to migrate to Taiwan. They explained the reason why these Hong Kongers chose to migrate to Taiwan from three perspectives: quality lifestyle and justifiable urban space, political space and alternative Chinese space. They pointed out Hong Kong, China and Taiwan are impossible to untie one‘s linkage no matter where one dwells. Another one is from a paper written by Chiang & Lin in 2018. They interviewed 40 Hong Kongers between the age of 39 and 77 to study the socio-economic integration of these migrants. They found that most of them had developed a successful career in Taiwan, not considering returning to Hong Kong and well integrated with Taiwanese society.. 立. 1.3 Research Questions. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. This research addresses two questions: first, how Hong Kongers in Taiwan define themselves and their perspective on their identity. Second, how is their life in. ‧. Taiwan, and how Hong Kong identity presents in their life. Some sub-questions were raised in support of the main questions: the main factor encourages Hong Kongers to. y. Nat. sit. migrate to Taiwan; the methods used to migrate here; the differences in their lives in. al. n. they have integrated into the Taiwanese society.. Ch. engchi. er. io. Hong Kong and Taiwan; what are the challenges of their lives in Taiwan and how. i Un. v. The first question is addressed through the narration of the interviewees and the differences between Hong Kong and Chinese identity; and the second question is addressed through an evaluation based on their living experience in Taiwan.. 1.4 Research Method This study involves qualitative research. Horowitz (2012) suggested that understanding self-identity in relation to culture requires qualitative studies. What are qualitative and quantitative data? To explain them simply, qualitative data measures ―type‖ and data can be represented by a name, symbol, or numeric code; quantitative 7. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(15) data measures value or counts and expresses them as numbers 2 . This paper uses qualitative data. Initially, data are collected through in-depth interviews and secondhand data from the Internet. By defining relevant concepts, then through the narration of the interviewee‘s living experience - to discover and represent their identity. To allow these people and the others understand one another through interviews. Finally, this study will use all these data to analyze their voices and reach a conclusion. The source to be analyzed is secondary data retrieved from the Public Opinion Program of the University of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Government and the migration-related data from the National Immigration Agency of Taiwan. These data included surveys and official reports. This research also covered library research, which includes books, journals, and academic papers.. 政治大. In-depth interviews were conducted to support the research analysis.. 立. According to Robinson (2014), there is a four-point approach to sampling: (1) To. ‧ 國. 學. define a sample universe; (2) Deciding on sample size; (3) Selecting a sample strategy and (4) Sourcing sample. In this paper, all samples share common characteristics: they. ‧. all come from Hong Kong and they live in Taiwan. For a better understanding, a judgmental sampling method will be used; all interviewees should be in one of the. Nat. sit. y. following categories: currently studies at universities in Taiwan/ graduated in Taiwan. married in Taiwanese/ dependents.. al. er. io. and currently works in Taiwan/ came to Taiwan through investment migration/. n. v i n C h in qualitativeUresearch is to acquire information The general aim of sampling engchi. that is useful for understanding the complexity, depth, variation, or context surrounding a phenomenon, rather than to represent populations as in quantitative research (Gentles et.al., 2015). The target sample size of this paper is 8 persons from different categories and age groups. I post on three different Facebook groups and ask if the Hong Kongers living in Taiwan are willing to be my research sample. After collecting basic information from some of them, I found that most of them are students or people who work in Taiwan after graduation, and most of them are under. 2. Retrieved from: https://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/D3310114.nsf/Home/Statistical+Language++quantitative+and+qualitative+data 8. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(16) the age of 30; only a few of them are investment migrants or Hong Kongers who are married to Taiwanese. These students are willing to share their own experiences, which makes this study more focused on the perspective of young Hong Kongers‘. All of the interviewees provided me with basic personal information for my writing, some of which requested to be anonymous for personal reasons. In order to have a clear presentation and to identify each of them in the paper, a code was given to each interviewee as shown in Table 2.. The interviews take place from late June to December 2019 and in May 2020; the method of phone interview and face-to-face interview have been applied so that I can collect samples from different cities in. 政治大. Taiwan. All interviews were held independently in Cantonese - the mother language of all interviewees.. 立. The basic research question needs to be sufficiently focused so that a relatively. ‧ 國. 學. homogenous group will have shared experience about the topic (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). Interviewees will answer the basic research question: ―How do you. ‧. define your identity?‖ as the first question, with approximately 10 more specific. y. Nat. questions to deepen their aspects of identity and daily life experience in Taiwan in one. sit. hour. Depending on the occupation and age of the interviewee, the interview. er. io. questions and the wording used were slightly different. The transcripts will be. al. n. v i n C Taiwanese identity problems with empirical studieshof e n g c h i U is the use of over-simplified translated into English for further analysis. Yau (2016) pointed out that one of the. measurements based on the responses to a question involving choices. Hence, to avoid. this issue, the analysis of this study will rely on three initial lines of identity: national, cultural and social identity and its components. A total of 8 interviewees participated in this research: one of them is a student who defers her graduation for one year at Soochow University; one of them is a MA candidate in Performing Art at Taiwan Normal University; one of them just migrated to Taiwan using student visa and dependency policy; two of them found a job after graduating in Taiwan; two of them married to Taiwanese and one of them migrated to Taiwan through investment migration. 9. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(17) Table 2. Information of In-depth Interviews Code Age Gende Medium. A. 53. Title/ Job. Introduction. Date of. r. Interview. F. Phone Elementary A lived in Taiwan for 33 years. June 2019 School. She studied at National Normal. Teacher. University when she was young and then married to Taiwanese after graduating.. M. B has been planning to leave 政治大since 2010, after Hong Kong. Phone Logistics. 立. the Umbrella Revolution in. ‧ 國. 學. 2014, he decided to migrate and provide better education to his. ‧. daughter. He set up his own logistics company in Taiwan in. y. Nat. io. 2017 and now lives in. al. Kaohsiung.. n. C. 34. M. June 2019. Ch. Phone Self-. sit. 42. er. B. i Un. v. e n g cC married h i Taiwanese in 2012. Employed. June 2019. and arrived in Taiwan. He started a tortoise jelly store in Taipei.. D. 26. M. Face to Customer Face. D came to Taiwan in 2013 for. Service. his bachelor degree. After. Specialist. graduating, he obtained the. Nov 2019. work visa through the new scoring criteria for foreign and 10. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(18) overseas Chinese students to work in Taiwan.. E. 22. F. Face to Student. E came to Taiwan in 2015 for her Nov 2019 bachelor degree. After. Face. graduating, she began her M.A. in Performing Arts at the National Taiwan Normal University in 2019.. F. 23. F. Face to Student/ Face. 立. F came to Taiwan in Sept 2019 Dec 2019. 治 as her parents decided to 政大 Dependent migrate after the protest in. Hong Kong. Her mother is. ‧ 國. 學. Taiwanese, but since she‘s over 20, she cannot use the. ‧. dependency policy to move to. then applied and began her. n. al. master‘s degree in business at a. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Taiwan with her family. She. G. 23. F. Ch. engchi. Face to Student Face. i Un. v. university in Taiwan.. G arrived in Taiwan in 2015.. Dec 2019. She first enrolled in the Division of Preparatory Programs for Overseas Chinese Students for one year, and received an offer from a private university in Taipei. After graduating, she used the internship program to stay in 11. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(19) Taiwan. She is currently seeking a job.. H. 24. M. Phone Consultant. H came to Taiwan a few years. May 2020. ago for his bachelor degree. After graduating, he obtained the work visa through the new scoring criteria for foreign and overseas Chinese students to work in Taiwan.. 政治大. Note. Data provided by interviewees, edited by author.. 立. The research limitations of this study are: first, all of the interviews will take. ‧ 國. 學. place in Taipei or by phone, the interviewer cannot observe the facial expression of some interviewees, which could affect the accuracy of the results; second, all. ‧. interviews will take place in Cantonese, all transcripts need to be translated. As I am not a professional translator, I am not sure of the accuracy of the translated transcript;. sit. y. Nat. third, the majority of interviewees under the age of 30 and this study only focus on. io. er. one ethnic group of migrants in Taiwan (Hong Kongers), which may have an impact on the outcome of this paper; fourth, this thesis discussed the Hong Kong identity.. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. However, there are many theories and facets in identity studies, this study only covers. engchi. some of them and has provided some perspective on Hong Kong identity.. 1.5 Chapters Structure Chapter 1 presents the background of the study, the motivation for conducting this research, the research questions, the research method used and the chapter outline with the research framework. The next chapter – Chapter 2 presented a review of current research on two main concepts relevant to this study: nationalism and identity. The section of nationalism 12. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(20) covers the nationalism in China, Taiwan and Hong Kong. Then, in the section on identity, the components of nationalism will be used to analyze the identity of Hong Kongers. These include the collective identity and its three aspect: cultural identity, social identity and national identity. Some relevant concepts are also included in this chapter: sense of community and diaspora identity. Chapter 3 introduced different groups of Hong Kongers living in Taiwan: students, investment migrants and dependents. This chapter also explained the reasons behind their move to Taiwan. Chapter 4 explores the identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan. This chapter first highlighted the perspectives of different age groups. Then, the three aspects of. 政治大 Taiwan. The sub-sections also include the policy of the Hong Kong Government and 立. identity introduced in Chapter 2 were used to analyze the identity of Hong Kongers in. the relevant concepts raised in Chapter 2.. ‧ 國. 學. Finally, Chapter 5 is the conclusion of all the findings, and it also includes. ‧. suggestions to future studies as well as the limitations of the research.. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 13. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(21) Identity of Hong Kongers in Taiwan. Nationalism. Chinese Nationalism. Identity. Taiwanese Nationalism. Hong Kong Nationalism. Collective Identity -. 政治大. Three theories of collective identity : primordialism, structuralism, and constructivism. Sense of community. 立. -. ‧ 國. 學 3 Aspects of Collective Identity Cultural Identity Social Identity National Identity. n. al. er. io. sit. y. ‧. Nat. -. i Un. v. The case of Hong Kongers in Taiwan: 1. 2. 3. 4.. Ch. engchi. Perspectives on Identity Factors affect identity (political, economic) Differences among age groups How identity presented in their life in Taiwan. Figure 1. Research Framework. 14. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(22) Chapter2. Literature Review This chapter addresses two key concepts: nationalism and identity. To begin with, nation means when a group of people believes they share common characteristics (blood, language, culture, lifestyle, history, experience, etc.) and their welfare should be protected by a state, a state will be built and these people will govern it. Such a state can be described as a ―nation-state‖, the ideology that underlies it can be described as ―nationalism‖. Anderson (1993) defined the nation as an imagined community, and nationalism is the sense of belonging to it. From He & Guo (2000), nationalism may include dimensions such as the sense of belonging, collective identity and loyalty to a nation. In the section on nationalism, only loyalty to a nation. 政治大. will be covered and in the section on identity, sense of belonging and collective identity will be discussed.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Identity was formed in different circumstances and it can be defined as: an individual‘s sense of self defined by a set of physical, psychological, and. ‧. interpersonal characteristics that is not wholly shared with any other person and a range of affiliations (e.g., ethnicity) and social roles 3. Here, the idea of belonging is. Nat. sit. y. important as our sense of identity is founded on social interactions that show our. io. er. belonging to particular communities through shared beliefs, values, or practices (Social Issues Research Centre, 2007). There are many aspects of identity and this. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. chapter will cover some of these, to understand the Hong Kong identity from different perspectives.. engchi. 2.1 Nationalism Since the 1970s, nationalism has served almost exclusively as the ideological instrument for political mobilization (Tang and Barr, 2012). Traditional Chinese nationalism serves as the basis of nationalism in Taiwan and Hong Kong. The two places contain the cultural heritage of Chinese nationalism while developing its unique characteristics followed by the colonial experience and the democratization. 3. Retrieved from: American Psychological Association https://dictionary.apa.org/identity 15. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(23) process. Debates over nationalism between China, Taiwan and Hong Kong are generally based on two initial lines of nationalism: ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism. Ethnic nationalism represents the identity in which given but not selected by individuals (primordialism in collective identity) and civic nationalism represents the identity formed in the progress of socialization (constructivism in collective identity).. 2.1.1 Chinese Nationalism China‘s historical background has influenced its development of nationalism. Throughout history, there were many facets of nationalism exist in China, with most of the studies on Chinese nationalism focusing on one or two. The aim of Chinese. 政治大 it, the Chinese national 立 identity has been used as a tool to strengthen the Chinese. nationalism is to restore its ―greatness‖ and the national interest is the ultimate goal of. national state. China is a state inherited the legacy of an empire (Tang and Barr, 2012),. ‧ 國. 學. after the turning point – the Opium War, it began to transform into a nation-state. From Cabestan (2005), several forms of nationalism co-exist in China. Traditional. ‧. Chinese nationalism belongs to ethnic nationalism, but its exclusive and non-Han. sit. y. Nat. people have been excluded from it. The strong ―Chineseness‖ feeling is important in Chinese nationalism. Some scholars have emphasised the relationship between. io. n. al. er. globalization and the development of nationalism in China. For example, Shameer. i Un. v. (2016) described four stages of nationalism in China and indicated that the nature of. Ch. engchi. Chinese nationalism changes depending on its relationship with Western countries. On the other hand, the ―new nationalism‖ in China in the 1990s differed from the ―old nationalism‖ that developed between the Qing Dynasty and the May 4th movement. One version of Chinese nationalism in this period is the pan-Chinese nationalism. Promote a set of shared values and cultural identity to hold the overseas Chinese, Taiwanese and Hong Kongers. In the 1990s, when Hong Kongers felt uncertain about the transfer of sovereignty, pan-Chinese nationalism was frequently promoted in Hong Kong to reduce the anxiety among Hong Kongers. Another version of Chinese nationalism in this period is the ―banal nationalism‖, a concept raised by Michael Billig in 1995. This version of nationalism exists in people‘s everyday lives, 16. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(24) and it‘s the everyday routines and discourses. In Hong Kong, two examples are the national anthem and the flag-raising ceremony: the Chinese national anthem will be broadcast daily on television at 5 p.m.; the flag-raising ceremony is part of national education and daily practice at Golden Bauhinia Square in Wanchai. It is even a tourist attraction in Hong Kong. In my memory, I would say the flag-raising ceremony has been shaped as a sacred ceremony. In our primary school, only those who are very outstanding can be chosen as the flag-raiser. The ceremony is also an important section of certain government events such as October 1 st, to celebrate the formation of China, Hong Kong officials will all participate in the ceremony and the entire section will be broadcast on television.. 政治大. From Billig‘s word, the national ―we‖ is the key to the construction of national identity. For instance, the concept of ―fellow‖ (tong bao) has been frequently used in. 立. China‘s propaganda against Taiwan and Hong Kong. From Yang (2018), ―fellow‖ is a. ‧ 國. 學. symbol to recall collective recognition and it shaped the identity in China.. 2.1.2 Taiwanese Nationalism. ‧. The construction of Taiwanese nationalism was based on regime change on. y. Nat. sit. this island from the 19th century, is Taiwan a nation-state? This is still an unsolved. er. io. problem. Those who claimed Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan emphasized that. al. v i n proof that Taiwan belongs toCChina. the Cairo Declaration announced in U h e nHowever, i h gc 1943 declared that: “all territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as n. Taiwan was incorporated by the Qing Dynasty, and used the blood-connections to. Manchuria, Formosa and the Pescadores shall be stored to the Republic of China.”. In 1949, the ―Republic of China‖ regime moved to Taiwan as a result of the Chinese Civil War. Since then, the Communist party took over China and became the only party in power. Then, should Taiwan be owned by the Republic of China or the People‘s Republic of China? Of course, this is not the focus of this study. But, to understand the Taiwanese nationalism, history is also important. Throughout history, Taiwan has played a major role in the development of the Asia-Pacific region, and its development and ideology are very different from those of China. For instance, in 1971 - Taiwan lost its membership in the United Nation (UN) and has been replaced 17. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(25) by China. Previously, Taiwan was an active member of the world. During the cold war period, with help of the U.S hegemony, the Taiwanese state has formed (Wu, 2016). As Kaeding (2011) said, the rise of Taiwanese identity is seen as directly linked to its geographical and political separation from China and its subsequent democratic development. Taiwanese nationalism is no ―ordinary nationalism‖. The mainlanders who arrived with Chiang Kai-Shek in 1945-1949 only count 13% of the population today, while the native Taiwanese count 87% (Cabestan, 2005). Today, Taiwan contains mainly four ethnic groups of people: the aborigines, people from China, the Hoklo and the Hakka. According to Anderson (1991), printed national. 政治大. languages connect people speaking different dialects in Taiwan. The Taiwanese local culture formed since 1949 has differentiated Taiwan from the Chinese culture, and. 立. throughout history, the greater differentiation between China and Taiwan strengthen. ‧ 國. 學. the sense of belonging of Taiwanese.. The creation of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 1986 has changed. ‧. the one-party politics in Taiwan; it was led by native Taiwanese and promoted. sit. y. Nat. Taiwanese identity. The main difference between the two parties is their position on the issue of Taiwan‘s sovereignty and how they manage the relationship with China.. io. n. al. er. The DPP‘s Taiwan-centric policy is a contrast to the KMT‘s pro-China policy. The. i Un. v. alternation of parties can be seen in Taiwan‘s presidential election, it reflects the. Ch. engchi. change in policies and it has affected the identity of the Taiwanese people. For example, the DPP promoted the concept of ―Taiwanization‖, from the context of local history and culture to differentiate their identity from China, and President Tsai Ingwen took a firm stand on the issue of Taiwan‘s independence. In 2020, Tsai again won the presidency, which is kind of a reflection of the attitude of some Taiwanese. Scholars usually discuss nationalism in Taiwan and Hong Kong together, as both of them are affected by Chinese nationalism and there are certain similarities between Hong Kong and Taiwan. First, ―Chineseness‖ is a significant factor in shaping the identity of Taiwan and Hong Kong; second, people in different age groups have different views on politics and self-identification; third, both Hong Kong 18. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(26) and Taiwan have been colonized during their history; fourth, the economic interaction and relationships with China will influence identity formation. From Kwan (2016), in 2014, another similarity has appeared with the occurrence of Hong Kong‘s Umbrella Movement and Taiwan‘s Sunflower Movement. Student protestors reject the notion of ―political China‖, which reflects their growing concern about China‘s influence over both places.. 2.1.3 Hong Kong Nationalism Before I start this section, I would like to address one question: if Hong Kong is not a nation, can the identification of Hong Kongers be called nationalism? Hong Kong nationalism and identity became popular issues again in 2014, following the. 政治大 of Chinese nationalism, distinctions were created to differentiate them, in the political, 立. Umbrella Revolution. The notion of Hong Kong nationalism developed on the basis. cultural, social and economic context. Some studies have pointed out that the Hong. ‧ 國. 學. Kong nationalism has changed from time to time depending on who lives there. So (2015) discussed the formation of Hong Kong nationalism based on Chin Wan‘s book. ‧. published in 2011 – ―Xianggang Chengbang Lun‖ (香港城邦論). In the book, Chan. sit. y. Nat. explains the concept of city-state through the political development and history of. io. er. Hong Kong. Above all, he thinks that Hong Kong does not have to be independent, but being autonomous is a must. The aim is to defend the tradition of Hong Kong. n. al. i Un. v. rather than challenge China‘s sovereignty, while Hong Kong is a cultural community. Ch. engchi. that differs from China and the Hong Kong nation has been formed through the historical process (Wu, 2016). Just insisting that ―Hong Kong belongs to China‖ is not going to solve the problem. From Druckman (1994), loyalty includes both emotional and cognitive aspects that interrelate to form images of groups and nation is viewed as one type of group that fosters loyalty. Hong Kongers in different age groups have a different degree of loyalty to China. Those who arrived in Hong Kong earlier and those with more ties to China, they are more loyal to the nation. The book ―Four Generations of Hong Kongers‖ published in 2007 divided Hong Kongers into four generations, using their year of birth or the year they arrived in Hong Kong and their characteristics: 19. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(27) Table 3. Four Generations of Hong Kong people Generation. Title. Year of birth. Characteristics. or year arrived in Hong Kong 1st. Parents of ―After war. Before 1946. Connection with China. 1946-1965. Distance with China, Rise of. baby‖ 2nd. ―After war baby‖. Hong Kong‘s indigenousness 3rd. 30th generation. 1966-1975. Indigenousness of Hong Kong, Resist recognizing China. th. Children of ―After. 4. 1976-1997. Facing system change after the. 政治大 return of Hong Kong Note. Retrieved from ―四代香港人,‖ by F. K. Hung, 2016, Cultural Studies @ 立 war baby‖. ‧ 國. 學. Lingnan, 52.. Most members of the 1st generation moved from China to Hong Kong in the. ‧. post-war period. These Hong Kong Chinese who came to Hong Kong before 1949. y. Nat. were ―sojourners‖ (So, 2015), meaning that Hong Kong was not home to them and. sit. they continue to embrace Chinese nationalism. Druckman (1994) suggested that. er. io. group loyalty engaged individuals to distinguish groups where they belongs to and do. al. n. v i n C hthey still identifying maintain connections with China, e n g c h i U themselves as ―Chinese‖ rather. not belongs to. These Hong Kong Chinese are loyal to the Chinese nation-state and than ―Hong Kongers‖ and treated China as their mother country.. The 2nd generation was formed by 1st generation‘s children or Chinese who came to Hong Kong after the 1949 revolution and the World War, they became refugees in Hong Kong and they cannot return to China. They still have ties with China, but when compared to the 1st generation, they have kept some distance, and they have no choice but to make money for their lives rather than against the colonial government who tried to manipulate their Chinese identity. The Cultural Revolution in the mid-1960s called for the downfall of the colonial state, some Chinese fled to Hong Kong under political repression, they seek a new life and a new identity in 20. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(28) Hong Kong. They have no loyalty to China and even hated the communist party. These people became part of the 3rd and 4th generation in Hong Kong. Most of the 3rd and the 4th generation are those who were born and raised in Hong Kong, their identity was built under host country: the colonial culture, society and ideology and they became alienation. They have very few links to China and strong identification as Hong Kongers. Many of them entered university and became middle-class professionals in the 1970‘s. They formed the foundation of Hong Kong‘s indigenousness and some chose not to recognize China. To these people, the host country is their mother country. Nowadays, there are conflicts between different generations in Hong Kong, in. 政治大 and they have different 立 views of China. Between the 1980s and 1997, Hong Kong‘s particular the issue of identity. These people have different levels of loyalty to China. ‧ 國. 學. identity and nationalism changed rapidly as a result of decolonization and social transformation. According to Turner (1995), a local lifestyle displaced many traditional cultural connections as the basis for personal identity among hèung góng. ‧. yàhn (Hong Kongers). The Y and Z generations (those who were born after the 1980s). sit. y. Nat. have formed a new kind of nationalism – cyber nationalism based on the popularity of. io. er. the internet, people expressed their point of view through the social network.. al. v i n C hduring the colonialU period, the colonial government from China. From Wu (2016), engchi successfully made Hong Kong an international trading port and enters international n. In many cases, Hong Kong has been treated differently as separate region. organizations with independent status. One example is on diplomatic level, a Hong Konger can enter most of the countries without applying for a visa, while a Chinese must apply for a visa when visiting most of the countries of the world. Another example is from most of the airlines or shopping websites, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macau have always been defined separately. Even on China‘s online shopping website – Taobao, it also defines Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macau as ―Haiwai‖ overseas (海外) area. Starting in 2019, customers of these three places have not been allowed to shop on the Taobao China‘s website but they must access the new websites:. 21. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(29) Taobao Taiwan and Taobao Hong Kong. In this case, these people have been differentiated from ―Chinese‖. This section addressed the notion of nationalism, which includes nationalism in China, Taiwan and Hong Kong. First, in explaining certain facets of Chinese nationalism, we understand how it affected the formation of Taiwanese and Hong Kong nationalism. Then, throughout Taiwan‘s history, we conclude the similarities between Taiwanese nationalism and Hong Kong nationalism. Finally, by evaluating Hong Konger‘s loyalty to China, we can understand some of Hong Kong nationalism. The next section will look at the notion of identity through three aspects, which also cover certain elements of nationalism that affects one’s identity formation.. 立. 2.2 Identity. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. Norton (2000) defines identity as: "how a person understands his or her. ‧. relationship to the world, how that relationship is constructed across time and space, and how the person understands possibilities for the future.". Our self-identity is. Nat. sit. y. important to understand who we are, whereas beyond self-identity, there are still. al. er. io. many facets of identity and these concepts have been widely discussed in different. n. studies. Since the 1970s, the concept of identity politics has created social movements.. Ch. i Un. v. Minorities raise consciousness against the dominant opinion, especially on the issue. engchi. of gender and race. Sociologists were among the first to emphasize the importance of collective identity in protest participation (Stekelenburg, 2017). Taylor and Whittier (1992) defined collective identity as the shared definition of a group that derives from member‘s common interests, experiences, and solidarity. Generally, the collective identity can be explained through three theories: the primordialism, structuralism, and constructivism. In which primordialism and constructivism have been widely used to discuss the identity of Taiwan and Hong Kong: Primordialism means that our identity is based on features that cannot be changed or questioned, they appear to be given by nature (Tempelman, 1999). Donald Horowitz (1985) argues that what makes ethnic meaningful is the birth connection or 22. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(30) at least the fact that a group accepts someone as if that person had been born into it (Cornell, 1998). The Chinese government, the Kuomintang (KMT) in Taiwan and the pro-Chinese camp in Hong Kong have all used primordialism to explain why Taiwan and Hong Kong should belongs to China, based on a famous idiom: ―blood is thicker than water‖. But can the connection of blood above all other factors to conclude that Hong Kongers and Taiwanese are equal to Chinese? Constructivism agrees that collective identity was not inborn but an on-going process of social construction. Identity itself is a process which will never complete – it‘s always in progress, and it bridges the gap between the personal and the public world (Stuart, 1996). Hong Kong, a place geographically linked with China, has a. 政治大. complicated identity formed in its unique history. From Stuart (1996), identity is about questions of using the resources of history, language and culture in the process. 立. of becoming rather than being. The significant others of Hong Kongers are Chinese,. ‧ 國. 學. and by pointing out the differences between ―us (Hong Kongers)‖ and ―them (Chinese)‖, Hong Kongers should be able to create their self-identity.. ‧. There are many aspects of identity, however this section will only use three of. sit. y. Nat. these on the case of Hong Kong: national identity, cultural identity and social identity. Then, some relevant concepts: sense of community and diaspora will also be covered.. io. n. al. er. The aspects of identity covered in this section are collective identities, they are all. i Un. v. relevant to each other and highly affected by the sense of belonging. Here, both. Ch. engchi. collective identity and sense of belonging are the components in nationalism. However, from Liu (2008), the sense of belonging should not only be defined by ―nation‖ or ―country‖ but an intangible concept to respect and position our own culture and identity.. 2.2.1 Cultural Identity From Stuart (1996), cultural identity is a matter of ―becoming‖ as well as ―being‖. The identity of Hong Kong was built up from its unique history. Especially from cultural perspectives, the cultural differences between Hong Kong and China also formed a strong distinction between Hong Kongers and Chinese. A person‘s 23. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(31) culture is an essential element of their identity and it influences their group identity (Mercuri, 2012). Identification of Hong Kongers changed under different circumstances, they are culturally Chinese, but they always struck between their multiple ‗local‘ and ‗Chinese‘ identity (Chow, Fu and Ng, 2019). The study of the linguistics, culture, and literatures of Hong Kong has always included the notion of identity, nationalism and localism. Articles and books reflect the changes of identity in Hong Kong. From the 1940s to the 1960s, literature in Hong Kong mostly focused on repudiating Hong Kong and the diasporic experience of Chinese migrants in Hong Kong. Then after the 1967 leftist riot in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong government tried to form a new identity for Hong Kongers, not Chinese but a more westernized identity (Chan, 2019). Since the 1970s, Hong Kongers have been a distinct local identity,. 政治大 television broadcast, movies, pop song and even literature in Hong Kong 立 demonstrated a strong sense of localism. Then in the 1980s, the transfer of. rooted in consumerism and canton-pop culture (Veg, 2017). During this period, the. ‧ 國. 學. sovereignty in 1997 worried Hong Kongers, their identity became vague.. ‧. In addition, many factors influence the construction of identity, linguistic is an essential factor. There are many studies on the relationship between identity, culture. y. Nat. sit. and linguistics, and some have pointed out that linguistics is part of cultural identity:. er. io. according to Higgins (2014), language is one of the most tangible symbols of cultural. al. and group identity and from Rovira (2008), language is a fundamental aspect of. n. v i n cultural identity. Wei & HuaC(2010) studied the relationship between language and hengchi U identity by interviewing diasporic Chinese in the United Kingdom, Australia and Singapore. They found that interviewees seemed to agree on the general significance of the Chinese language, but that different generations have different opinions. This reflects the tension within the Chinese diasporic group regarding the relationship between language and identity. Children who grew up abroad do not speak Chinese but they nevertheless define themselves as Chinese. They want to develop their distinctive identity as multilingual and multicultural individuals and as a new group of Chinese trans-nationals. This research also highlighted that the younger generation can adopt a more flexible approach to identity – more on broad sociocultural practices. Here, I would like to raise a question: how is the identity of Hong Kong children who 24. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(32) grew up in Taiwan? Of course, this is not part of my research, but I do think it will be one topic worth studying in the coming years.. 2.2.2 Social Identity and sense of community One aspect of collective identity is social identity, group identification connects social and collective identity (Klandermans, 2013). According to Tajfel (1979), social identity is the sense of belonging to the social world, groups which we belong to were the important source of pride and self-esteem. Cameron (2004) raised a three factor model of social identity, the three factor ties facet of social identity. Which includes: (1) centrality - refers to the frequency which the group comes to mind and the subjective importance of the group to self-definition; (2) ingroup effect. 政治大 refers to the psychological 立ties that bind the self to the group. According to Davidson – refers to specific emotion that arise from group membership; and (3) ingroup ties –. ‧ 國. the facets of ―membership‖ in sense of community.. 學. and Cotter (1989), the aspects of group consciousness, belongingness and identity are. ‧. The study of the sense of community located under the study of social. y. Nat. psychology, McMillan & Chavis (1986) define sense of community with four. sit. elements: membership, influence, reinforcement and shared emotional connection.. er. io. Sarason (1974) defined sense of community as: “the perception of similarity to others,. al. n. v i n interdependence by giving toCorh doing for othersUwhat one expects from them, the engchi and acknowledged interdependence with others, a willingness to maintain this. feeling that one is part of a larger dependable and stable structure”.. Some studies investigates the relationship between community and identity, and the results indicate that identity is positively correlated with the sense of community: Barbieri and Zani (2015) study the relationship between migrant‘s identity, sense of community and well-being, the result indicates that immigrants have a strong sense of belonging to their community of origin, but have also developed a specific sense of community in the receiving context; Kenyon and Carter (2010) study the ethnic identity, sense of community and psychological well-being of American Indian youth, the results indicate that adolescents with a stronger ethnic identity had a 25. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(33) stronger sense of community as well; Connor et al. (2004) studies the sense of community, identity statuses and loneliness on Italian and Belgian adolescences, the result indicate that identity-achieved individuals exhibit a higher level of civic involvement in the community. For Hong Kongers in Taiwan, what‘s the relationship between sense of community and their identity? Did their identity have a positive correlation with their sense of community? Furthermore, there are also a few studies on the sense of community in Hong Kong, for example, Mak, Cheung & Law (2009) conceptualized the sense of community in Hong Kong along two dimensions: the territorial and the relational element which refers to people‘s identification to a shared geographical location and. 政治大. the quality of social ties and relationships, without reference to specific locations; Au et al. (2020) found that the sense of community mediated between social participation. 立. and community support and health services. However, sense of community related. ‧. ‧ 國. and identity.. 學. studies of Hong Kong rarely discuss the relationship between the sense of community. Individual have multiple identities. In most studies, Chinese identity (nation). sit. y. Nat. usually counts as the superordinate identities and the Hong Kong identity (region) usually counts as subordinate identities. Klanderman‘s study in 2004 is an example.. io. n. al. er. According to his word, one example of multiple identities is dual identities, which. i Un. v. occur when superordinate identities and subgroup identities going together. Thus, in. Ch. engchi. the case of Hong Kong, the superordinate identity should be ethnic ―Chinese‖ and one of the subgroup identities should be ―Hong Konger‖. However, some studies discuss Hong Kong identity in another way. Here, the concept of multi-social identity can be touched upon. Brewer (1999) explains the identity transition using three alternatives to show how individual might experience the relationship between one social identity (A) and another one (B):. 26. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(34) 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. v. n. Figure 2. Three alternatives of social identity by Brewer, 1999. Ch. engchi. i Un. Brewer applied these figures to explain Hong Kong‘s identity during 1985-97: The circle A represents the social identity ―Hong Kongers‖ and B represents the social identity ―Chinese‖. In 1985-95, combined group identities satisfy needs for inclusion and distinctiveness. Most of the respondents identify themselves ―Hong Kongers‖ or ―Hong Kong Chinese‖, as shown in the figures above: fig. b) represents the compound identity which differentiated itself from mainland Chinese; fig. c) represents Hong Kongers is the superordinate social category while Chinese ethnic identity is the subordinate identity. In 1995-1997, more support the Hong Kong identity and differentiated themselves from Chinese identity, and more claim themselves primary Hong Kongers. In the section ―Beyond 1997‖, Brewer predicted that those who are more identified with the Hong Kong‘s distinctive regional identity 27. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(35) would be more likely to leave and migrate to other countries where substantial Chinese communities already exist. In which related to the migration trend in Hong Kong nowadays, people usually migrate to countries and cities where a large group of Hong Kongers live. These figures also represent the way in which most Hong Kongers identify themselves: purely Hong Kongers or Chinese Hong Kongers.. 2.2.3 National Identity National identity is the last aspect of identity to be discussed in this study. National identity is an important form of collective identity (Wong, Zheng and Wan, 2020). It refers to the identity of the citizens of a country with their own country‘s historical and cultural traditions, moral values, ideals, beliefs, national sovereignty,. 政治大 national identity in modern 立 society includes civic and territorial identity. As an. and so on (Liu & Turner, 2018). According to Bao & Guo (2000), the strong source of. international city with a complex demographic composition, territorial identity may. ‧ 國. 學. be one aspect of identity of Hong Kong. ―Hong Kongers‖ are not simply equal to the Chinese and the identification of Hong Kongers should not only be limited to their. ‧. nationality. Territorial identity is located under the study of geography and has. y. Nat. acquired a considerable position in the geographic analysis (Grasso, 1998). Capello. io. sit. (2018) defines territorial identity as: “the presence of socio‐economic context. n. al. er. conditions allowing convergence between collective and private interests, and feeding. i Un. v. a sense of belonging and loyalty to a community” and Guermond defines it as: “an. Ch. engchi. individual feeling restricted to a small area, is instrumentalised politically, via a change of scale, in order to construct regional or national identities”. Some studies on Hong Kong‘s national identity focuses on its comparison with the local identity or identifications. The development of Hong Kong identity has been affected by many factors. One is the makeup of people: most Hong Kongers are immigrants from China or their descendants. Until the Qing dynasty, Hong Kong was treated as a part of Guangdong Province. The population growth of Hong Kong began in the 1840s, during the First Opium War. From the 1930s to the 1960s, due to the Sino-Japanese War and the Great Chinese Famine, plenty of Chinese stowaways to Hong Kong by sea. In 1949, the Hong Kong government began issuing identity 28. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(36) document and banned all illegal immigrants from China. The Chinese who settle down in Hong Kong are now part of Hong Kongers and their descendants had become the local Hong Kongers. The figure below shows how Hong Kongers identify themselves between 1997 and 2019:. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學 sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Figure 3. How Hong Kongers identify themselves, 1997-2019.. i Un. v. Note. Data retrieved from the Kong Public Opinion Research Institude (2020). The annual average values have been calculated by the author.. Ch. engchi. From 1997 to 2018, ―mixed identity‖ is still the answer which most of the respondents chose, while the number of people who chose ―Hong Kongers in China‖ remains between 20 and 30%. Changes in political structure create changes in the context in which social identities are forged and take their meaning (Brewer, 1999). When we look at the detailed figures for 2008, in the first half of the year, those who think they are Chinese continued to increase. The reason might be the Beijing Olympics in August, which enhance the sense of belonging of Hong Kongers. However, this was followed by a sharp decline in the second half of the year. In 2008, some incidents occurred in China, which might decrease the trust in the central government. Among these incidents, the Chinese milk scandal broke out in September 29. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(37) 2008 affected Hong Kong the most. Many deformed babies were found in China and the Chinese government tried to cover the news for over six months and these powdered milk have already poisoned a lot of babies. Chinese people flocked to Hong Kong, make a run for the powdered milk produced in Japan. This leads to a shortage of milk powder in Hong Kong and raises dissatisfaction of Hong Kongers with the Chinese Central Government and the Chinese people. Since 2011, the number of respondents who answered ―Hong Konger‖ has already doubled the number of those who answered ―Chinese‖. In the year 2019, the data faced a rapid change: over 50% of respondents identify themselves as ―Hong Konger‖, which is the highest number since 1997 and it has become the most popular. 政治大. choice; 11% of respondents identify themselves as ―Chinese in Hong Kong‖ and ―Chinese‖ with both figures being the lowest number since 1997; ―mixed identity‖. 立. also saw a rapid decline from 41% in 2018 to 34% in 2019. Based on these data, it is. ‧ 國. 學. clear that the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement has strengthened the notion of ―Hong Konger‖ and accelerated the indigenization of Hong Kong. However,. ‧. the above discussion provides only data and information without further analysis; for example, personal experience and the reason behind it, the data couldn‘t let us. y. Nat. sit. understand the Hong Konger's identification. Digging answers with in-depth. n. al. er. io. interviews is important for us to understand Hong Konger‘s perspective.. i Un. v. In the previous section, I‘ve mentioned that linguistics affect one‘s identity. Ch. engchi. and discussed how language affects the formation of cultural identity. Miller and Miller‘s (1996) pointed out that for nationalism, education and language are important for the construction of national identity. Indeed, since 1997, China used language and education as tools to shape the national identity in Hong Kong, which reflects on the changes of the education system and course structure in Hong Kong. As one of the Hong Kongers who have born after the 1990s, I experienced most these changes. The promotion of Putonghua in school is one example that China utilizes language to shape the national identity in Hong Kong. One difference of Hong Kongers and Chinese is the language they speak and the character used in daily life. For Hong Kongers, most of them speaks Cantonese and use traditional characters, while Chinese speaks Putonghua and use simplified characters. Right after the transfer of 30. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.

(38) sovereignty, the Hong Kong government began to promote biliteracy and trilingualism ( 兩文三語 ) in Hong Kong. One important policy goal of higher education is to graduate students with a reasonably high level of ability to speak Cantonese, English and Putonghua, and to read and write Chinese and English (Li, 2009). In 1998, Putonghua became one of the courses of the primary school of Hong Kong, and the Beijing accent was used as the basis of it. Besides, right after 1997, the Hong Kong government began to promote the National Education in Hong Kong, which includes the national flag-raising ceremony, the China study trips and exchange programs in China. Students are familiar with the Chinese national anthem and have been taught about everything in China, including. 治政大 in these trips and exchange selective dimensions of China are exposed to the students 立 programmes (Kuah-Pearce and Fong, 2010). During my secondary school, I‘ve been. the history, the national flag and the meanings behind it since primary school. The. ‧ 國. 學. to one of these study trips too. Actually, we spent most of the time sightseeing, with a guide explaining the history of the spots. From my own perspectives, I do agree that. ‧. what we saw in the trip is the selective dimensions of China.. sit. y. Nat. In 2012, the Education Bureau of Hong Kong proposed the school curriculum of. io. er. moral and national education, some suggested that it‘s a ―brain-washing‖ course to students. A few protests were organized to against this curriculum in 2012, which. n. al. i Un. v. draws students and parent‘s attention to review the China-related contents in current. Ch. engchi. studies. In the same year, the 3-2-2-3 educational system (3 years junior high school, 2 years high school, 2 years of matriculation course and 3 years of university education) was replaced by the 3-3-4 scheme (3 years junior high school, 3 years high school and 4 years of university education) in Hong Kong. A new course - liberal studies became one of the core subjects, part the curriculum included the development of China, Hong Kong, and globalization. Critical thinking is one important that must be learned. In 2020, one of the Liberal studies exam questions of the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) asked about press freedom and social responsibility, which leads to a discussion of what should be taught in liberal studies and what students should learn from it. Indeed, after the storming of the Legislative Council Complex on July 1, 2019, former chief executive Tung Chee-hwa 31. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202100388.