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萬變不離其宗: 建立台灣華語中英語借字之機率感知語法 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所博士論文. National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Doctoral Dissertation. 指導教授:蕭宇超 Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao. 立. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. 萬變不離其宗:. 建立台灣華語中英語借字之機率感知語法. ‧. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Where Variation Vanishes: Constructing the Stochastic Perception Grammar for English Loanwords in Taiwan Mandarin. Ch. engchi. i n U. 研究生:呂明昌 撰 Student: Mingchang Lü. 中華民國一〇 六年二月. v.

(2) Where Variation Vanishes: Constructing the Stochastic Perception Grammar for English Loanwords in Taiwan Mandarin. Mingchang Lü. 學. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大 by. ‧ sit. y. Nat. n. er. io. A Dissertation Submitted to the a l Institute of Linguistics i v In Partial n C h Fulfillment ofUthe i e nfor Requirements of g cthehDegree Doctor of Philosophy. February 2017.

(3) 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v.

(4) 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. Copyright © 2017 Mingchang Lü All Rights Reserved iii. v.

(5) Acknowledgements. The completion of this undertaking could not have been possible without the participation and assistance of so many individuals around me, to only some of whom it is possible to give particular mention here. First and foremost, I would like to express my eternal gratitude to Yuchau E. Hsiao, my dissertation supervisor, for his tolerance and encouragement for an ignorant student way back ten years ago by giving an unexpected recognition to my very first. 政 治 大. OT paper on taboo words. Without his willingness to read numberless partial drafts. 立. and late-night email messages, not to mention his inspiring guidance, kind supervision,. ‧ 國. 學. and unsurpassed knowledge of phonology, this dissertation would be a never-ending process. I also owe my indebtedness to the other members of my committee,. ‧. Hui-chuan J. Huang, Hui-shan Lin, Chin-wei Wu, and Shu-chen Ou, for their. y. Nat. sit. generous and insightful advice to make this dissertation a reality.. n. al. er. io. I am fortunate enough to pursue my doctoral research at Graduate Institute of. i n U. v. Linguistics, National Chengchi University. My sincere thanks go to the faculty. Ch. engchi. members there, including the previous directors and the current director Claire Hsun-huei Chang, teachers, and the teaching assistant, for their enlightening lectures and timely help in this venture. I perceive the skills and knowledge which I have gained there throughout this duration as very valuable component in my future career development. I take this opportunity to record my deep gratefulness to NCCU Office of Research and Development and China Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Culture for their financial support for my attendance at 2014 CUNY Phonology Forum and The KALS & KACL Joint International Conference 2016, respectively. I iv.

(6) truly benefited immensely from the participants’ helpful discussion and feedback at all the conferences, TPC-4 in particular, where I presented the papers that later contributed to the constitution of the dissertation as a whole. Thanks are also due to my teachers and colleagues at other institutions: to Miao-Hsia Chang, one of the editors in chief of Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 39.2 and also one of my teachers at Linguistics Division, Department of English, National Taiwan Normal University, for thinking highly of my first journal paper and, above all, putting her persistent faith in me during my M.A. years; to Feng-fan Hsieh. 政 治 大 from the classroom discussion at the Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua 立. for his valuable input to the preparation of the mathematical device in my dissertation. substantial help in the statistics part throughout the work.. 學. ‧ 國. University; to Ting Huang, a friend among friends, for her spiritual companion and. ‧. A heartfelt thank you to Kuo-chi Hsu, my colleague at Taipei Long Men Junior. sit. y. Nat. High School, for spending time with me on mathematical operations, from conception. io. er. to production. To Wang-chen Ling, my dear junior colleague at the institute, who has in one way or another lent her helping hand to make everything happen. To Kailin. al. n. v i n C institute, Sung, my fellow colleague at the with me through the bittersweet h e n gforcgoing hi U. moments of our last phase. To John Pretorius for his professional advice on language use. My appreciation also goes to my other friends and colleagues for helping me survive all the stress and not letting me give up in writing this dissertation and my life in general. My warmest gratitude goes to my family: parents, sister, wife, and two lovely sons, Spike and John. This work would not have been undertaken were it not for their unfailing love and support all the way. Their value to me only grows with age. Last, but not least, to the Great Almighty, the author of knowledge and wisdom, for his countless love and pushing me farther than I thought I could go. v.

(7) Table of Contents. Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………….. iv Chinese abstract…………………………………………………………………... xiii English abstract………………………………………………………………….... xiv. Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1. Loanword adaptation…………………………………………………… 1. 1.2. Categorization of TM adaptations of English loanwords………………. 3. 1.3. The focal points and a bipartite processing model……………………... 9. 學. ‧ 國. 1.4. 政 治 大 Goals and organization 立 of the dissertation………………………………17. Chapter 2 Loanword Phonology and Theoretical Background. ‧. Introduction……………………………………………………………... 22. 2.2. The diverse views on word-loaning processes…………………………. 26. sit. y. Nat. 2.1. 2.2.2. The perception-based account………………………………… 31. 2.2.3. The perception-production account…………………………… 38. n. al. er. The production-based account………………………………… 27. io. 2.2.1. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.3. Cue constraints………………………………………………………….. 49. 2.4. Optimality Theory………………………………………………………. 52. 2.5. 2.4.1. Universality and Markedness…………………………………..52. 2.4.2. Violability....................................................................................54. 2.4.3. Markedness and faithfulness: tug of wars……………………...54. 2.4.4. The input-output mechanism of OT……………………………56. 2.4.5. Demonstration of constraint activities………………………… 57. OT-based theories for language variation………………………………. 59. vi.

(8) 2.6. 2.7. 2.5.1. Cophonology…………………………………………………... 60. 2.5.2. Rank-ordering of EVAL……………………………………….. 65. 2.5.3. Stochastic OT………………………………………………….. 70. Two general issues in literature………………………………………….76 2.6.1. Learnability……………………………………………………. 76. 2.6.2. Native phonology vs. loanword phonology…………………… 80. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 84. 政 治 大 Introduction……………………………………………………………... 86 立. Chapter 3 The Sound Systems. Consonants……………………………………………………………… 86. Place of articulation…………………………………………… 92. y. sit. 3.3. Aspiration………………………………………………………91. Nat. 3.2.3. Voicing………………………………………………………… 89. ‧. 3.2.2. 學. 3.2.1. Vowels…………………………………………………………………... 94. 3.3.3. High vowels…………………………………………………… 99. al. v i n Ch Mid vowels……………………………………………………. 100 engchi U n. 3.3.2. io. 3.3.1. er. 3.2. ‧ 國. 3.1. Low vowels……………………………………………………. 100. 3.4. Syllable structures………………………………………………………. 102. 3.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 103. Chapter 4 The Corpus and Patterns 4.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………... 105. 4.2. The corpus……………………………………………………………….107. 4.3. Simplex onsets………………………………………………………….. 112 4.3.1. Stops……………………………………………………………112 vii.

(9) Fricatives………………………………………………………. 116. 4.3.3. Affricates……………………………………………………….123. 4.3.4. Nasals………………………………………………………….. 125. 4.3.5. Liquids………………………………………………………… 126. Complex onsets…………………………………………………………. 127 4.4.1. The “[s]-stop” sequences……………………………………… 128. 4.4.2. The “[t s]” sequence…………………………………………... 130. 4.4.3. The “[s]-nasal” sequences……………………………………... 130. 4.4.4. The “obstruent-[l]” sequences………………………………… 131. 4.4.5 4.4.6. Simplex codas…………………………………………………………... 135. y. sit. 4.5.4. Nasals.…………………………………………………………. 143. er. Affricates……………………………………………………….142. io. 4.5.3. al. v i n Ch Liquids………………………………………………………… 144 engchi U n. 4.5.5. 4.7. Fricatives..……………………………………………………... 139. Nat. 4.5.2. Stops……………………………………………………………136. ‧. 4.5.1. 4.6. The “fricative-[ ]” sequences………………………………….. 134. 學. 4.5. 政 治 大 The “stop-[ ]” sequences……………………………………… 132 立. ‧ 國. 4.4. 4.3.2. Complex codas………………………………………………………….. 147 4.6.1. The “sibilant-stop” and “stop-sibilant” sequences…………….. 148. 4.6.2. The “fricative-stop” sequence…………………………………. 150. 4.6.3. The “stop-stop” sequence……………………………………... 151. 4.6.4. The “nasal-stop” sequences…………………………………… 152. 4.6.5. The “nasal-fricative” sequence………………………………... 154. 4.6.6. The “nasal-affricate” sequence………………………………... 154. 4.6.7. The “liquid-consonant” sequences……………………………..154. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 156 viii.

(10) Chapter 5 Perceptual Effects on English Consonant Interpretation 5.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………... 158. 5.2. Positional influence……………………………………………………...160 5.2.1. Syllable-initial privilege of simplex onsets…………………… 160. 5.2.2. Intermediate status of second/third onsets…………………….. 162. 5.2.3. Perceptual weakness of codas…………………………………. 167. 5.2.4. Interim summary………………………………………………. 172. 5.3. Asymmetric mappings of stop voicing and aspiration…………………..172. 5.4. Vowel insertion as perceptual hallucination……………………………. 177. 5.6. Nondistinctive voicing of stop codas…………………………………… 184. 學. ‧ 國. 5.5. 政 治 大 Effect of universal place-markedness hierarchy………………………... 182 立 Coalescence of coronals…………………………………………………187. 5.8. Effect of sonority scale on perception………………………………….. 190. 5.9. High salience of friction noise………………………………………….. 192. 5.10. The masking effect of sibilants…………………………………………. 194. ‧. 5.7. sit. er. io. Onset…………………………………………………………. 195. al. v i n Ch Coda………………………………………………………….. 196 engchi U n. 5.10.2. y. Nat. 5.10.1. 5.11. Rhyme Harmony………………………………………………………... 197. 5.12. Similarity between the nuclear vowel and liquid coda…………………. 201. 5.13. Suprasegmental factors in loanword adaptation………………………... 203. 5.14. 5.13.1. The effect of TM prosody on loanword adaptation………….. 204. 5.13.2. The role of English stressing in loanword adaptation………... 207. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 208. Chapter 6 6.1. Constructing the SPG for TM Loanword Adaptation. Introduction……………………………………………………………... 211 ix.

(11) 6.2.1. Binary variation……………………………………………...... 214. 6.2.2. Multiple variation……………………………………………... 217. 6.2.3. Interim summary……………………………………………… 221. Positional influence…………………………………………………….. 221 6.3.1. An OT Analysis with cue constraints…………………………. 222. 6.3.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 229 6.3.2.1. Simplex onsets……………………………………... 230. 6.3.2.2. 政 治 大 Codas………………………………………………. 235 立. 6.3.2.3. Asymmetric mappings of stop voicing and aspiration…………………..238. 6.4.3. y. Interim summary……………………………………………… 249. io. Effect of universal place-markedness hierarchy………………………... 250. al. v i n C with An OT analysis constraints………………………….. 251 h ecue ngchi U n. 6.5.1 6.5.2. 6.5.3 6.6. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 245. Nat. 6.4.2. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………….. 239. ‧. 6.4.1. 6.5. 學. 6.4. Interim summary………………………………………………. 237. ‧ 國. 6.3.3. Second/third onsets………………………………… 233. sit. 6.3. Calculation of ranking values…………………………………………... 214. er. 6.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 256 6.5.2.1. Labial stop codas…………………………………... 257. 6.5.2.2. Dorsal stop codas…………….…………………….. 258. 6.5.2.3. Coronal stop codas…………………………………. 260. Interim summary………………………………………………. 261. Effect of coronal coalescence…………………………………………... 263 6.6.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………….. 264. 6.6.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 270. 6.6.3. Interim summary………………………………………………. 273 x.

(12) Effect of sonority scale…………………………………………………. 274 6.7.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………….. 275. 6.7.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 279. 6.7.3. Stop codas………………………………………….. 279. 6.7.2.2. [ ]-codas……………………………………………. 280. Interim summary………………………………………………. 282. High salience of friction noise………………………………………….. 283 6.8.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………….. 284. 6.8.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation………………………. 287 6.8.2.1 6.8.2.2. y. Nat. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………….. 293 Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation……………………… 297. 6.9.3. Interim summary………………………………………………. 298. 6.10.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………… 301. 6.10.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation……………………... 306. io. 6.9.2. al. n. v i n Ch Effect of Rhyme Harmony……………………………………………… 300 engchi U. 6.10.3 6.11. ‧ 國. Masking effect of sibilants……………………………………………… 291 6.9.1. 6.10. Interim summary………………………………………………. 290. ‧. 6.9. Affricates…………………………………………... 289. 學. 6.8.3. 政 治 大 Fricatives…………………………………………… 288 立. sit. 6.8. 6.7.2.1. er. 6.7. 6.10.2.1. Analysis of English [m]-codas in TM……………307. 6.10.2.2. Analysis of [æ ] and [ n] rhymes………………. 308. Interim summary…………………………………………….. 309. Effect of similarity between the nuclear vowel and the liquid coda……. 311 6.11.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………… 312. 6.11.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation…………………….. 316 6.11.2.1. V[–back]-liquid………………………………….. 316 xi.

(13) 6.11.2.2 6.11.3 6.12. 6.13. 6.12.1. An OT analysis with cue constraints………………………… 321. 6.12.2. Cue constraints in stochastic evaluation……………………... 324. 6.12.3. Interim summary…………………………………………….. 326. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 327. 政 治 大 Introduction…………………………………………………………….. 331 立 General Conclusions. Categorization and a bipartite processing model of loanwords………… 332. 學. ‧ 國. 7.2. Interim summary…………………………………………….. 318. Effect of the native prosody…………………………………………….. 319. Chapter 7 7.1. V[+back]-liquid…………………………………. 317. Previous studies on loanword adaptation and language variation……… 334. 7.4. The patterns and perceptual accounts…………………………………... 337. 7.5. Construction of SPG……………………………………………………. 339. 7.6. Potential challenges to SPG and the perceptual account……………….. 343. ‧. 7.3. er. io. sit. y. Nat. 7.6.1. Can the selection points of overlapping constraints have the. 7.6.2. How can SPG predict?................................................................ 344. 7.6.3. Can a general constraint contradict a specific constraint?.......... 346. 7.6.4. What if the ranking between Constraints B and C makes a. al. n. v i n Ch same value?................................................................................. 343 engchi U. difference?.................................................................................. 348 7.6.5. Is it all about orthography?......................................................... 352. 7.7. Residual problem……………………………………………………….. 353. 7.8. Concluding remarks……………………………………………………. 355. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………... 357 xii.

(14) 摘要. 觀察台灣華語中英語借字的輔音調整,得以窺見一系列由感知顯著性之差異 所誘發的借字調整傾向。此感知顯著性或許屬於該輔音本身之內在聲學特質,抑 或源自於由該輔音所在之環境所提供之外部感知訊號。儘管存在著調整傾向,借 入語言調整者針對調整策略之決定,例如元音加插或輔音刪除,卻幾乎沒有絕對 之調整形態。這些調整能夠修正不合法的借出語言結構,使之遵守借入語言相對 較為嚴格之音韻規範。本論文正視此借字調整所浮現之詞彙變異性,以結構性制. 政 治 大. 約及訊號制約所構成的單一機率感知語法(stochastic perception grammar, SPG). 立. 將其形式化,而非視之為核心形式分析中之異常。此機制以機率優選理論. ‧ 國. 學. (stochastic OT, Boersma 1997, 1998; Boersma and Hayes 2001)之制約覆蓋範圍及 重疊等重要觀念為基礎,重新定義制約之互動:藉由各種變異值在二元變異及多. ‧. 元變異中發生機率之分配,設計出可計算制約排序值的數學運算方式。此單一化. y. Nat. n. al. Ch. engchi. er. io. 驅使之調整形態,做出明確之量化預測。. sit. 之 SPG 不僅臻於理論簡易性之目標,並具備優越性,可將借字音韻中由感知所. i n U. v. 關鍵詞:借字調整、感知、詞彙變異、機率感知語法、訊號制約. xiii.

(15) Abstract. Consonant adaptation in Taiwan Mandarin (TM) loanwords from English reveals a series of tendencies that are majorly induced by degrees of perceptual salience pertaining either to the innate acoustic properties of the target consonant per se, or to external perceptual cues provided by the context where the consonant resides. Despite these inclinations, there is hardly any absoluteness in the L1 adapter’s determination of strategy, such as vowel insertion or consonant deletion, that works to repair the. 政 治 大 phonotactics. Rather than treating 立 it as exceptional to the core of formal analyses, this. forbidden L2 structure to fit it into the relatively severe restrictions of the native. ‧ 國. 學. dissertation takes the lexical variation emerging from loanword adaptation seriously and couches it within a single stochastic perception grammar (SPG), of which the. ‧. main ingredients are structural and cue constraints. This mechanism redefines. sit. y. Nat. constraint interaction through the key notions of constraint coverage and overlapping,. n. al. er. io. designed in stochastic OT (Boersma 1997, 1998; Boersma and Hayes 2001), by. i n U. v. providing mathematical operations that aim at figuring out the ranking values of. Ch. engchi. constraints based on the percentage distribution of the variants’ occurrences in both binary and multiple variations. The unified SPG not simply achieves theoretical simplicity but excels in making specific quantitative prediction of the perceptually inspired adaptation patterns in loanword phonology.. Keywords: loanword adaptation, perception, lexical variation, SPG, cue constraint. xiv.

(16) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1 Loanword adaptation Speakers borrow words from other languages to fill in the lexical gaps in their own vocabulary. The newly coined words in the native inventory are given the name loanwords. As language contact confronts speakers with types of structures that are phonetically illicit to the native phonology, particularly when the two languages in. 政 治 大. contact are systematically divergent, chances are that the target word has to undergo. 立. adaptation processes such that the filtered form conforms to the native phonology.. ‧ 國. 學. Issues of loanword adaptation, i.e. how the nativization of loanwords occurs, have long gained intensive attention among linguists for the past few decades. In prior. ‧. literature on phonology, starting from Hyman (1970), it is generally held that in. y. Nat. sit. generative grammar the input that undergoes adaptation processes is constituted by. n. al. er. io. the surface form of the source language (L2), and that the output is the product. i n U. v. computed by the phonological grammar of the recipient language (L1). Ever since the. Ch. engchi. invention of Optimality Theory (henceforth OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004), loanword adaptation has regained interests in linguistic investigation due to its key notions of violable constraints that ideally model the oftentimes conflicting forces of maximizing the phonetic resemblance but meanwhile conforming to the native sound system (Yip 1993, 2002, 2006; Paradis 1995, 1996; Kenstowicz 2003ab; Shinohara 2004ab; Labrune 2002; Kang 2003; Shih 2004; Miao 2005; Lü 2006, 2013; Lin 2007a, 2008ab; Dong 2012; among many others). A consensus that is reached in the literature is that investigation on loanwords provides a direct window through which linguists may get a glimpse of how acoustic cues are categorized with respect to the distinctive 1.

(17) features of L1 as well as study the synchronic phonology of L1 by observing their adaptation processes in action. In this respect, the emergent patterns from loanword adaptation enable us to probe into aspects of grammatical knowledge in ways that native language data fail to. For Taiwan Mandarin (dubbed TM henceforth) speakers, for example, dealing with loanwords from English shows aspects of TM phonological grammar that may have remained covert in the absence of such novel input, e.g. syllables with an obstruent coda. A large body of literature has focused its attention on loanword adaptation that reflects the influence of nearly all phonological facets of L1,. 政 治 大 of the native language. However, unlike the borrowing relationship between two 立 such as segmental, suprasegmental, phonotactic, and morphophonological restrictions. alphabetical languages, which reflects purely phonological aspects of the language. ‧ 國. 學. involved, TM adapters may often consider the character meaning that best matches. ‧. the semantic function of the source word.. sit. y. Nat. Literature on loanword adaptation has distinguished two types of loanwords. The. io. er. first and more common source of investigation is integrated loanwords (Peperkamp 2002). Integrated loanwords are loanwords that have entered the L1 lexicon, and are. al. n. v i n C hreference to the phonetic widely used by L1 speakers without form of the source word. engchi U Loanwords of this sort underwent phonological computation during the time the source word was first introduced by the original L1 adapter. There is hardly any aural and psychological events involved when subsequent L1 speakers use them. The second type of loanwords, used mostly in empirical researches, is on-line adaptations, i.e. foreign words that are borrowed “here-and-now” (Peperkamp 2005). In most cases, the L2 stimuli are either non-words or words that have not been introduced to L1. They are presented aurally or/and in written forms to the L1 informants who are either monolinguals or bilinguals, depending on the purpose of the experiments, and the informants are asked to convert the L2 sounds to the closest L1 ones. (e.g. Shinohara 2.

(18) 1997, 2000; Kenstowicz and Sohn 2001) This dissertation features a sizable loanword collection of the first type, considering that observation of general tendencies should be obtained from a comprehensive database, rather than the experimental result of a few individuals’ preferences1.. 1.2 Categorization of TM adaptations of English loanwords Chinese words of English (American English in particular) origin started to be rapidly created in early twentieth century owing to the intensive contacts between the. 政 治 大 from mainland China to Taiwan in 1949, loanwords began to develop separately on 立. Chinese society and the Western culture. After the Nationalist government’s retreat. the two sides across the Taiwan Strait. The data in previous representative studies on. ‧ 國. 學. Mandarin loanword adaptations from English are mainly collected from Mandarin. ‧. Chinese used in mainland China (MC for short, Miao 2005; Lin 2007a, 2008ab; Hsieh,. sit. y. Nat. Kenstowicz, and Liu 2009; Dong 2012). Loanwords of this version reveal a patterned. io. er. difference from TM with respect to the adaptation of illicit consonants, though the distinction in vowel adaptation is less obvious (see Lin 2007a, 2008ab for an. al. n. v i n C vowel across-the-board investigation on Presumably, English loanwords U h e nadaptation). i h gc. in TM provide a more suitable source to explore effects of perceptual salience on consonantal modification. The reason is that English consonants that are illicit in Mandarin, such as obstruent codas, are consistently preserved via an epenthetic vowel in MC, and we thus assume that English orthography is highly influential in the interpretation of consonants. However, it is found in this dissertation that English illicit consonants are variously repaired by TM adapters mainly on the basis of perceptual salience that these consonants pertain to, providing crucial clues about the 1. However, an on-line adaptation test serves as an appropriate approach to verifying the predictability of an established grammar. 3.

(19) L1 adapter’s inner mechanism in the word-borrowing process. Since each character in MC is a morpheme and carries a certain meaning (with extremely few exceptions), a foreign word can be borrowed through divergent ways by the MC speaker. A TM loanword adaptation from English, likewise, can be completely phonological, purely semantic, or a fusion of the two, as we elaborate below. The first category is phonological loanwords. Transformation of this category relies fully on phonetic similarity and TM phonology, and the English input usually. 政 治 大 form. There seems to be little, if any, semantic connection between the loan source 立. undergoes a variety of phonological processes before it is mapped to its TM output. and the mapped characters. Phonological loanwords constitute the vast majority of our. ‧ 國. 學. loanword corpus, and serve as the main source of investigation of this dissertation. A. n. Ch. engchi. y. sit. io. al. Literal meaning ‘rash snake’ ‘rub iron’ ‘Europe nanny power’ ‘brutal child’. er. Nat. (1) Examples of phonological loanwords TM output English input → [.lu. .]2 魯蛇 a. [.lu.z .] loser b. [.mo .t l.] motel → [.mwo.t je.] 摩鐵 c. [. m.l t.] omelet → [.ou.mu.li.] 歐姆力 d. [.k w .] queer → [.k u. .] 酷兒. ‧. few recently coined loanwords of this kind are given below.. i n U. v. In (1a), for example, the first syllable of the English input remains phonetically intact in the TM output. For the second syllable, however, the alveolar voiced fricative [z] in onset is accidentally mapped to the retroflex fricative [ ], though its voiceless counterpart [s] seems to be a better choice. The English schwa vowel is interpreted to the closest mid back [ ] in TM. Finally the coda is simply deleted since [ ], though a 2. English stresses and Mandarin tones are beyond the research scope of this dissertation, hence ignored in the phonetic transcriptions throughout the dissertation to save space and meanwhile avoid distraction. 4.

(20) licit consonant, does not appear in syllable-final position in TM, except for the exclusive [. .] syllable (see Chapter 3 for details). The second common category is semantic loanwords. Semantic loanwords are formed through metaphrasing, i.e. a word-by-word translation. There is hardly any phonetic similarity between the loan source and the mapped characters. Any possible resemblance should be purely coincident. Loanwords of this category are excluded from our loanword corpus since their formation relies purely on word meaning and is free from any phonological processes, as illustrated below.. 治 政 (2) Examples of semantic loanwords 大 立 TM output English input ‧ 國. → → →. [.lan.t u.] 藍圖 [.ljen. u.] 臉書 [.mi. e.] 蜜月. →. [.ma.li.] 馬力. Nat. sit. y. ‧. [.blu.p nt.] blue print [.fe s.b k.] Facebook [.h .n .mun.] honey moon [.h s.p a . .] horse power. 學. a. b. c. d.. Literal meaning ‘blue picture’ ‘face book’ ‘honey moon’ ‘horse power’. io. er. In the mapping of (2b), for example, English “face” is pronounced as “[.ljen.], 臉” in TM, and “book” as “[. u.], 書”, the combination of which thus constitutes the. al. n. v i n Csocial service . TM transliteration of the popular h e networking ngchi U 3. In addition to phonological and semantic loanwords, there are quite a few. loanwords that mingle one category with the other. One of them is hybrid loanwords, serving as the third category. A hybrid loanword is a mixture of the first and the second categories, which is formed via both phonological processes and semantic translation. This is exemplified in (3), where semantic correspondents are underlined.. 3. Interesting enough, another less common interpretation of this for amusing purposes is “[.fei.s!.pu.k .], 非死不可”, a TM phrasal verb meaning “(someone) must die” which bears phonetic similarity but semantically irrelevant to the source word. As we will see, this interpretation should pertain to “lexical loanwords” in our terminology. 5.

(21) (3) Examples of hybrid loanwords English input a. [.k e m.b d#.] Cambridge b. [.m lk.%e k.] milk shake c. [.nju.d# .z .] New Jersey d. [.st .b ks.] Starbucks. TM output → → → →. Literal meaning [.t$jen.t$ j u.] 劍橋 ‘sword bridge’ ‘milk past’ [.nai.$i.] 奶昔 [.$in.ts .$i.] 新澤西 ‘new pool west’ [.$i .pa.k .] 星巴克 ‘star expect conquer’. In (3c), only the first syllable (and word) “[.nju.], New” of the American state name is semantically translated to TM “[.$in.], 新”, whereas the second and the third “[.d# .z .], Jersey” are phonologically adapted to “[.ts .$i.], 澤西”4.. 政 治 大 meaning of TM characters happens to be conceptually correlated with the source word. 立 The fourth category is in essence phonologically interpreted, but the combined. Initiation of this category depends on the adapter’s originality in word creation. With. ‧ 國. 學. the semantic correlation, loanwords of this category are mostly extensively used and. Literal meaning ‘club brother’ ‘frightening guest’ ‘fascinated thought’ ‘three warmth’. n. er. io. al. sit. Nat. (4) Examples of reduplicate loanwords TM output English input a. [.k æ.d .] caddy → [.kan.ti.] 桿弟 b. [.hæ.k .] hacker → [.xai.k .] 駭客 c. [.m '.] myth → [.mi.s!.] 迷思 d. [.s .n .] sauna → [.san.w n.nwan.] 三溫暖. y. ‧. everlasting. This group of loanwords is reduplicate loanwords, as shown in (4).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. In (4d), the TM adaptation 三溫暖 (literally ‘three warmth’) from English sauna makes reference to the different dry and wet sessions of taking a sauna bath5. The fifth category is again based on phonological interpretation, but what makes these loanwords a separate category is the combination of the TM characters in the 4. 5. An alternative adaptation of it is the phonological “[.njou.ts .$i.] 紐澤西”, where English “New” is mapped to TM 紐 ([.njou.]), phonologically. An alternative is the phonological “[.s .na.] 桑拿”(literally ‘mulberry take’), with no semantic connection with the source word. 6.

(22) output is an existent meaningful word in the native lexicon, but the meaning is irrelevant to the source word. Loanwords of this category are often created with humorous intentions, and are designated lexical loanwords. Examples are shown below, and the word meanings as a whole are provided in parentheses in the column of literal meaning.. (5) Examples of lexical loanwords TM output English input a. [.bl (.] blog → [.pu.lwo.k .] 部落格. Literal meaning ‘section fall grid’ (tribe partition) ‘dry roast machine’ (baking machine) ‘numb bean’ (place name) ‘hold happiness’ (with one’s blessing). 政 治 大. b. [.hom.p e d#.] home page → [.xo .pei.t$i.] 烘焙機. 立. → [.ma.tou.] 麻豆6. 學. ‧ 國. c. [.m .d l.] model. → [.t wo.fu.] 托福. d. [.t o .f l.] TOEFL. ‧. y. Nat. sit. In (5d), English abbreviation TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language) is. n. al. er. io. transliterated as “[.t wo.fu.], 托福”, originally used as a verbal phrase of politeness in TM.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. A certain number of nominal loanwords are based on phonological mapping, but these words are attached with another word (usually a character) that indicates the property of the noun and cannot appear solitarily. These cases pertain to qualitative loanwords, constituting the sixth category. See (6) for examples of this category, in which the attached word indicating the property of the noun and the correspondent gloss meaning are underlined.. 6. This is the version used mainly by the younger generation in Taiwan. An older and more common free variation is the phonological “[.mwo.t . .] 模特兒”. 7.

(23) (6) Examples of qualitative loanwords English input TM output a. [.t%a .d .] chowder → [.t$ j u.ta.t a .] 巧達湯 b. [.s .v .] server → [.s!.fu.t$ i.] 伺服器 c. [.s .k .] sinker → [. n.k a.t$ jou.] 伸卡球 d. [. æ.l .] rally → [.la.li.sai.] 拉力賽. Literal meaning ‘skillful reach soup’ ‘serve obey machine’ ‘stretch card ball’ ‘pull power race’. `In (6c), the pitch type of baseball sinker is translated to “[. n.k a.], 伸卡” plus the character [.t$ jou.] (球, ‘ball’) to refer to the property of the term7. Still other nominal loanwords are the names of imported products or brands. This. 政 治 大 forms are mostly the ones that either carry positive meanings or have connection with 立 group of loanwords is still phonologically based, yet characters for these transliterated. the products which the foreign companies are selling. Examples of these commercial. y. sit. io. n. al. Literal meaning ‘abundant power rich’ ‘happiness high’. er. Nat. (7) Examples of commercial loanwords English input TM output → [.fo .li.fu.] 豐力富 a. [.f n.lif.] Fernleaf b. [.l .(o .] Lego → [.l .k u.] 樂高 c. [.p æm.p s.] Pampers → [.p .p u. !.] 幫寶適 d. [.sku.t .] Scooter → [.su.k .ta.] 速可達. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. loanwords are given below.. Ch. engchi. i v‘help baby comfortable’ n U ‘speed can reach’. In (7b), the brand name Lego, mainly producing construction toys for children, is translated as “[.l .k u.] 樂高” in TM, the word-by-word translation of which is ‘happiness high’ to make reference to the great pleasure that the toys may bring. Except for the semantic loanwords (the second category) and the characters that are attached to the qualitative loanwords (the sixth category) to state the property, all the collected loanwords are included in the corpus and counted in the relevant. 7. An alternate name is the semantic “[.t$ n.t$ jou.] 沈球”, of which the literal meaning is ‘sink ball’. 8.

(24) adaptation patterns. It may be questioned that the selection of certain TM characters in these categories involves semantic factors and thus do not serve as valid tokens. Nonetheless, they are still counted in generalizing the patterns in this research since they still bear a phonetic similarity to the English source words to a certain degree, indicating that the phonetically similar parts have undergone certain phonological processes. Furthermore, the academic value of loanwords with semantic correlation still remains particularly for analyses that lay the focus on the retention/deletion of consonants only, without making reference to the featural change of the target segments.. 立. 政 治 大. 1.3 The focal points and a bipartite processing model. ‧ 國. 學. Authors advocating the need for an independent loanword grammar from the. ‧. native phonology have done analyses of loanword adaptation patterns by postulating. sit. y. Nat. fairly intricate rankings, oftentimes accompanied by loanword-specific constraints,. io. er. within the production grammar which can neither be derived from the native language nor be motivated by the foreign language. One question that naturally arises, however,. al. n. v i n C h adaptation are something is that if these rankings for loanword that cannot be learned engchi U. due to the lack of L1 stimuli that are structurally similar to L2, it becomes a puzzle why the adaptation patterns from the collected data have been systematic and shown consistency across L1 speakers, particularly in determining the retention/deletion of a consonant. On the other hand, it will be discussed in more detail in the upcoming chapter that any biased stance towards a perception/production account may find it deficient in dealing with loanwords from L2 into L1. In response to the problems, it might well be argued that the retention/deletion patterns of L2 consonants in L1 that appear to involve unlearnable rankings are mostly, if not all, an effect of perception grammar. That is, the retention/deletion and segmental change of an L2 consonant in 9.

(25) the L1 adaptation output are determined as early as in the level of perception, rather than a result solely from production grammar. The proposal of a perception-production model dates back to Silverman (1992), and the plausibility of the proposed analyses are reinforced by subsequent papers with the advent of OT. A representative work along this line is Kenstowicz (2003b), where he sketches two distinct rankings for perception and production with the same constraint set, successfully explaining Gbéto’s (1999) study of loanwords from French, Portuguese, and English to Fon without the need to propose loanword-specific. 政 治 大 outranks Max-C in the perception mapping, and thereby the French input [.post.] 立. constraints (e.g. Davidson and Noyer 1997, Yip 2006). In his argument, Dep-V. (poste) is interpreted as /.pos./, which serves as the input of the production mapping.. ‧ 國. 學. The input /.pos./ is then subject to the production grammar with the reversed. ‧. dominance Max-C >> Dep-V, and the output [.po.su.] is derived under this ranking.. sit. y. Nat. Nonetheless, despite the seemingly persuasive resolution without redundantly. io. er. positing any loanword-specific constraint, one may still question this treatment by raising the questions below. First, the markedness constraint *stop/obstruent_# may. al. n. v i n C hwith an sC cluster,U[.post.], but it fails to eliminate successfully rule out the candidate engchi the other alternative, [.pot.], as the perceptual output, which is not considered to be a potential winner in his tableau of perception mapping. Second, if it is true that phonotactics functions in both perception and production, as first put forth by Silverman (1992) and lent support to by a handful of others in this vein, there seems to be no reason why the perceptual output is solely governed by *stop/obstruent_# in Fon, a language that allows only open syllables, not by *obstruent/_#, which forbids any obstruent consonant in coda? That is, if *obstruent/_# is considered in his grammar, the only winner from the perception level would be [.po.], rather than 10.

(26) [.pos.]. Last but not least, a simple inquiry from a functional point of view is what motivates the distinct rankings between Dep-V and Max-C in perception and production. Specifically, in the perceptual phase, what is the point in saying that one’s unwillingness to insert a vowel outweighs his willingness to preserve a consonant, if auditory perception involves sensory information of which the retention/deletion cannot be determined by logical reasoning? Unlike papers that fiddle with faithfulness constraints in both levels of perception and production, this dissertation employs Boersma and others’ cue constraints (CUE,. 政 治 大 Hamann 2009) to interact with structural constraints (S 立. Boersma 1997, 1998, 2000, 2006, 2007ab, 2008; Escudero 2005; Boersma and TRUCT),. i.e. constraints. regulating L1 phonotactics. Cue constraints are a constraint type that should be. ‧ 國. 學. defined independently from markedness and faithfulness constraints, and act as the. ‧. main ingredients in the perception grammar. The cue constraints formulate the. sit. y. Nat. listener’s knowledge of perceptual cues, i.e. the relation between the auditory forms. io. er. and their correspondent surface form in phonology, on the basis of either the auditory information provided by the external context, or the internal acoustic cues of the. al. n. v i n C least involved segment. As perception, involves the interface between h econtroversially, ngchi U. phonetics and phonology, i.e. a process with direct competition between perceptual cues (cue constraints) and language-specific phonology (L1 structural constraints), this dissertation intends to build an OT-architecture for perception that is devoid of faithfulness constraints. For example, conventional OT ranks Max-C over Dep-V to ensure retention of a consonant through an epenthetic vowel, whereas the same effect may be generalized by ranking *[C]/ / over *[ ]/+vocalic/8 in the present dissertation, saying that the degree one perceives the existence of a consonant induces his. 8. The cue constraint that functions the same in Boersma’s related works is *[ ]/–cons/. We revise it so as to exclude glides, a semivowel that also has the feature value [–cons]. 11.

(27) hallucination of a non-existent vowel. With cue constraints applied to a language-specific perception grammar, it gives more direct explanations for the perceptual processing of the raw auditory information and events. Another idea at the core of this dissertation is the modeling of a perceptual constraint grammar that well accounts for the phenomenon of lexical variation (Zuraw 2010), as observed in our loanword corpus. Given perception is the mapping from raw sensory data to more abstract mental representations (Boersma 2007), it should be variable by nature, since a variety of factors may influence the perceptual. 政 治 大 perception and production. Rather than free variation, a more widespread variation in 立 interpretation of a given input, such as background noise and individual differences in. loanword adaptation is lexical variation. Lexical variation in loanwords refers to the. ‧ 國. 學. situation where an element, e.g. a segment, in an L2 input may undergo a certain. ‧. phonological process (e.g. deletion) to conform to the L1 phonotactics, while the. sit. y. Nat. identical element in another L2 input in the same or similar phonetic context may. io. er. undergo a different phonological process (e.g. vowel insertion). For example, the [ ] in English Norman ([.no .m n.]) is deleted as 諾曼 ([.nwo.man.]9) in TM, while that. al. n. v i n in Hormone ([.ho .mon.]), withCa similar context, isU h e n g c h i retained via schwa insertion in. TM as 荷爾蒙 ([.x . .mo .]). In free variation, on the other hand, a single foreign word has two or more adapted forms in the recipient language. For example, the L2. name Truman ([.t u.m n.]) is adapted to 杜魯門 ([.tu.lu.m n.]) to refer to an American president, but meanwhile it is interpreted as 楚門 ([.t u.m n.]) in the TM transliteration of the Hollywood film Truman Show. In this dissertation, we are concerned particularly about the lexical variation patterns in the retention/deletion and segmental change in voicing and aspiration of English consonants in their TM 9. English stresses and Mandarin tones are beyond the research scope of this dissertation, hence ignored in the phonetic transcriptions throughout the dissertation to save space and meanwhile avoid distraction. 12.

(28) nativized form, since, as will be discussed in more detail later, the alternation in other features and tones in a large number of adaptation forms are not purely phonological but results greatly from semantic consideration of the TM characters. Either deemed to be a minor issue or simply left aside in prior literature on loanword adaptation, lexical variation in effect reflects the nature of uncertainty in perceptual interpretation due to background noise and/or individual differences in speech perception and production. In this current research, therefore, it is argued that the mentioned adaptation patterns of English consonants in TM adaptation are. 政 治 大 level. As the observed lexical variations in the adaptation patterns reveal a strong 立. something that is determined early in perception due to the lack of absoluteness in this. correlation with the perceptual salience of the target consonant, we are in need of an. ‧ 國. 學. appropriate framework to model the inevitable variation patterns that take place in the. ‧. perceptual stage. Among the constraint-based theories that are developed to formulate. sit. y. Nat. language variations, Boersma’s (1997, 1998) and Boersma and Hayes’ (2001). io. er. stochastic evaluation is privileged in two facets. First, it averts multiple grammars and holds a single ranking parsimoniously by seeing constraints as values on a linear scale. al. n. v i n C hextent variation mayUoccur rely on the closeness of of strictness. Whether and to what engchi two constraints, the dominance between which is crucial in determining the output. form. Under this hypothesis, positing multiple grammars to account for variations is rendered unnecessary. Second, in combination with cue constraints in perception, the “quantification” of constraints well indicates the “weight” of cue constraints that functionally reflect perceptual salience. Moreover, the measure of the overlapping area induced by the closeness of two constraints succeeds in embodying the probabilistic distribution of two variable forms, e.g. how likely an L2 consonant is retained or deleted in its L1 realization. The application of stochastic evaluation to the OT grammar in perception is termed stochastic perception grammar (SPG) 13.

(29) throughout this dissertation. What seems to be a minor concern in this dissertation is the content of the production grammar. In a sequential perception-production model, the output (surface form) of perception grammar becomes the underlying representation (UR) that is stored in the adapter’s short-term memory, which in turn serves as the input to the production grammar. The UR is the winner from the evaluation of the perception grammar. Based on the elaboration just given on the perception level, the “survival” or “sacrifice” of an L2 consonant has been settled in the UR. Compared with the. 政 治 大 be more complex. Presumably, at least three types of constraints/factors in addition to 立 perception grammar, the constituents of the L1 production grammar are considered to. the native structural constraints should be in play. Like other languages studied in. ‧ 國. 學. literature, first, faithfulness constraints require that the output form be identical to the. ‧. input (UR). Secondly, a series of articulatory constraints that make reference to the. sit. y. Nat. speaker’s preferences in both manner and place of articulation exerts a certain. io. er. influence on the evaluation process.. Finally, different from other alphabetic languages, what remains to be done in. n. al. Ch. production is the selection of TM characters in. engchi. v i n the U surface. form. Chinese is a. logographic system and nearly each character (a syllable) acts as a minimal unit in meaning (a morpheme). The selection of TM characters to realize a UR of English origin thus depends largely on the category in semantics where it belongs. Let us provide a couple of examples for this. The English given name Spike ([.spa k.]) is adapted as 史派克 ([. .p ai.k .]) in TM, where the first character 史 ([. !.]) is also a renowned family name in China. In the sequential convention of an English full name, the given name goes first, and then the family name, while the opposite is true in TM. Not surprisingly, in TM adaptations of English person’s names, the first character is usually a TM family name so as to correspond to the English source 14.

(30) semantically. By analogy, when the English source is not a person’s name, the [s] in a similar context is mostly mapped to TM 斯 ([.s!.]), which is phonetically closer to its English origin but semantically less relevant, if any, to people’s names10. For example, the English word Sparta ([.sp .t .]), a city-state in ancient Greece, is adapted to TM 斯巴達 ([.s .pa.ta]). In another example, the English word hacker ([.hæ.k. .]) is. adapted to 駭客 ([.xai.k .], ‘frightening guest’) in TM to reserve as much as possible the word meaning of the source. However, the name of a character in the Harry Potter series Hagrid ([.hæ.( d.]) is transliterated into 海 格 ([.xai.k .],. 政 治 大. literally ‘ocean style’), where the chosen characters are irrelevant to the source word in meaning.. 立. In light of the foregoing discussion, we sketch a bipartite model where an. ‧ 國. 學. English source word is processed into TM, as shown in (8). Conceptually, this model. ‧. bears a fundamental resemblance to the widely recognized two-phase mechanism that. sit. y. Nat. traces back to Silverman (1992). What majorly makes the bipartite model distinct. io. al. n. and production grammars.. er. from those in relevant studies, however, is the constraints that make up the perception. 10. Ch. engchi. TM 斯 ([.s!.]) is a Chinese surname, but extremely rare. 15. i n U. v.

(31) (8) A bipartite processing model for English loanwords in TM adaptation Perception /underlying representation/. Production /underlying representation/ STRUCT FAITH articulatory constraints semantic preferences. STRUCT CUE perception grammar (SPG). production grammar. [auditory form]. [articulatory form]. 立. L2 lexicon. 政 治 大. L1 lexicon. ‧ 國. 學. To elaborate on the operation of this model, let us give an illustration of how a. ‧. TM adapter interprets the English person’s name Spencer. The first adapter hears the. sit. y. Nat. English auditory form [.sp n.s .]. And this raw sensory data serves as the input to the. io. er. perception grammar. Through the stochastic evaluation of the cue constraints and TM-specific structural constraints in a particular ranking (SPG), the output is very. n. al. 11. likely to be /.s!.pin.s ./ ,. v i n C h is stored temporarily which as engchi U. the abstract mental. representation in the short-term memory, namely the underlying representation (UR). The UR subsequently acts as the input to the production grammar and undergoes the evaluation of faithfulness and articulatory constraints, under the government of TM structural constraints. They function to preserve as much as possible the input information in the output and meanwhile ensure the phonological legality of it. What 11. We are unable to determine on the precise phonetic transcription of the UR, since the alternations in feature rely greatly on the listening individuals. For example, the second syllable in the output can be /.pin./, /.pan./, /.pjen./, etc. However, it is held in this dissertation that the retention/deletion of a segment from the auditory input, such as retention of the first onset [s] and deletion of the postvocalic [ ], is comparatively more fixed in the UR and consistent across all L1 adapters, due to the universal perceptual cues to the noise, pitch, silence, transition and duration of the segments and the single phonological system the L1 adapters share. 16.

(32) plays a major role here is the consideration of semantic factors—as mentioned above, English Spencer is a person’s name, and the adapter chooses the character 史 ([. !.]) as the initial character in place of 斯 or 思 (both are pronounced as [.s!.]), despite the less phonetic closeness of the former. The articulated form is thus 史賓塞 ([. !.pin.s .]). Over time, when it is extensively recognized by the TM-speaking community after it is frequently used in print media or addressed in public, it enters the TM vocabulary. TM speakers thereafter use the nativized form from their mental lexicon, and no adaptation for this word happens ever after.. 政 治 大 of English consonants, which is assumed to be the phase that crucially determines the 立. Of particular interest here is the construction of SPG that governs TM perception. retention/deletion and segmental change of an L2 segment. What this dissertation. ‧ 國. 學. features, in comparison with other computer-based works in stochastic-OT, however,. ‧. is that we figure out the mathematical axioms with which we are able to work out the. sit. y. Nat. precise ranking values of the constraints yielding binary variation (two variants), in. io. er. accordance with the generalized patterned distribution. Within this a theoretical breakthrough is that we take a further step and explicate the mathematical operations. al. n. v i n C h(more than three variants) that logically fit multiple variation into the fashion of OT. It engchi U turns out to be the case that stochastic OT is no more confined to binary variation, but applicable to phonological processes that involve multiple variable outputs.. 1.4 Goals and organization of the dissertation This dissertation aims to redefine the constraint-based TM loanword phonology from a brand new angle by investigating TM loanwords from English. The focus of this research is laid on the patterned adaptation of consonantal repairs, including syllabification, deletion, and segmental change. We attempt to provide a solid ground for the observed patterns from a wide range of evidence and support from acoustic 17.

(33) facts, established experimental results, and widely recognized universal principles. Differing from previous representative studies on Mandarin loanword adaptations from English (Miao 2005, Lin 2007a, 2008ab, Dong 2012), this dissertation features a sizable corpus of English loanwords in the Mandarin spoken in Taiwan, which is believed to have developed an independent loanword system after decades of separation. from. mainland. China.. Essentially,. this. dissertation. holds. a. perception-production view on loanword adaptation, as sketched in (8), where perception and production, each comprising different types of constraints, play equal. 政 治 大 markedness-faithfulness interaction 立. roles in word-loaning processes. The traditional. in classic OT as the. mechanism for evaluation is discarded in the perceptual level. Instead, we formulate a. ‧ 國. 學. series of cue constraints (Boersma 1997, 1998, 2000, 2006, 2007ab, 2008; Escudero. ‧. 2005; Boersma and Hamann 2009), which interact with structural constraints. sit. y. Nat. (STRUCT) in perception. Viewing cue constraints as the main ingredients in the. io. aural events that occur during each evaluation time.. al. er. perceptual grammar may better functionally makes reference to the down-to-earth. n. v i n In addition, the inevitable C lexical variations thatU h e n g c h i are widely attested in loanword. adaptation but either deemed as minor exceptions or simply ignored in literature, are taken seriously in this dissertation by adopting the theoretical machinery of stochastic OT (Boersma 1997, 1998; Boersma and Hayes 2001), as this OT version is believed to better capture the insights that perception is in its nature full of uncertainty and hence only tendencies rather than absoluteness can be generalized. Employment of the abovementioned cue constraints and stochastic evaluation thus constitute the fundamentals of SPG in this dissertation. Simply put, this research intends to construct a function-oriented loanword grammar that is superior on both explanatory and descriptive grounds—it features comprehensive explanations for the patterned 18.

(34) consonantal adaptation from the angle of percceptual salience, along with a succinct grammar that suitably formalizes the lexical variation in loanword adaptation. The dissertation is structured as follows. In Chapter 1, we first address the central issues that this dissertation is concerned with, followed by statements of the fundamental perspectives from which we deal with the generalized adaptation patterns, including a stochastic-OT approach to modeling variation, cue constraints as embedded in the framework of stochastic OT, and a perception-production stance on loanword adaptation.. 政 治 大 theoretical background, where we first review a series of representative works on 立 Chapter 2 is a thorough literature review on loanword phonology and the. loanword phonology that take different views toward the word-borrowing process.. ‧ 國. 學. Subsequently, we give a brief introduction to cue constraints, which functions to. ‧. provide auditory information in the perception grammar and should be defined as an. sit. y. Nat. independent constraint type. The basic ideas of OT are given afterwards, followed by. io. in loanword adaptation.. er. a review on stochastic OT, a revised version of OT that better captures the variability. al. n. v i n C ofh the phonotacticsUof the two languages in contact, Chapter 3 gives an overview engchi. providing the background knowledge needed in understanding how the loanword. adapter’s compromise is reached by neutralizing the conflicting sounds or structures. Introduction of the consonants includes the sound inventories and detailed comparisons in terms of voicing, aspiration, and place and manner of articulation. Subsequently vowels are overviewed with an introduction to the monophthongs and diphthongs, followed by a sequence of comparisons in the order of high, mid, low vowels. This chapter ends with a comparative description on the syllable structures of the two languages in question. Next in Chapter 4, we start with an introduction of the loanword corpus from 19.

(35) which a bundle of adaptation patterns are generalized. The main body of this chapter is the presentation of the across-the-board L1 adaptation patterns of L2 consonants. The phonologically patterned adjustments are arranged in the order of onset and coda, and the discussion within each category proceeds in the order of simplex margins and then complex margins. It will be shown that lexical variation is everywhere and nothing is for certain in the process of perception. On the basis of the patterns that are generalized in Chapter 4, in Chapter 5 we attribute the revealed adaptation tendencies to a variety of effects that originate in. 政 治 大 patterns. The auditory cues that lead to the “gradience” of perceptual salience derive 立. perceptual salience, so as to provide a more functional account for the emergent. from either a widely approved universal scale (e.g. the sonority scale and the. ‧ 國. 學. place-markedness hierarchy) or the acoustic qualities of the target segment (the high. ‧. friction noise of fricatives and the F2 of liquids) per se. There also exist perceptual. sit. y. Nat. cues that are external to the target segments, such as effects of syllable positions and. io. er. the similarity/dissimilarity of the neighboring sound. Essentially, this chapter along with the previous sets the stage for the analytical chapter that follows.. al. n. v i n C h of L2 consonant To model the patterned alternations adaptations, as presented in engchi U. Chapter 4, and meanwhile respond to the perceptual correlates that are discussed in Chapter 5, Chapter 6 gives a series of formal analyses in an attempt to integrate the perceptually-inspired processes into a single constraint-based phonology. To achieve this, first, by recruiting the fundamentals of stochastic evaluation, a piece of theoretical machinery that is superior on both descriptive and explanatory grounds is designed. The calculation excels in logically determining the ranking values of the involved constraints that are responsible for the widely attested lexical variation in loanword adaptation. Moreover, from a functional viewpoint, the perceptually based aural events are mapped onto a series of cue constraints, a constraint type that should 20.

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