沒人陪伴的兒童移民：由貧窮與安全檢視尼加拉瓜及宏都拉斯之案例 - 政大學術集成

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(1)International Master’s Program in International Studies National Chengchi University 國立政治大學國際研究英語碩士學位學程. Unaccompanied Child Migration: An analysis of Poverty and Violence in Nicaragua and Honduras.. 政治大. 沒人陪伴的兒童移民：由貧窮與安全檢視尼加拉瓜及宏都拉斯之案例. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. By. Nat. er. io. sit. y. Elaine Martinez. n. al Advisor: Dr. Yeh-Chung Lu iv Ch. n engchi U. July 2015.

(2) Dedication . To my mother: All that I have achieved in life I owe it to you.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. i.

(3) Acknowledgement. First and foremost, I offer my sincerest gratitude the Taiwanese Government for the scholarship, which enabled me to undertake this Masters program at National Chengchi University. I would also like to thank Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) for providing me with the foundation of my career and for their assistance and instruction in perusing my graduate journey. This scholarship would have not been possible to obtain without the. 政治大 I wish to express my sincere立 thanks to my advisor Dr. Yeh-chung Lu, for his valuable support and guidance that I received from them.. ‧ 國. 學. guidance and support throughout my thesis, without his knowledge and patience this thesis would not have been completed. I honestly could not wish for a better or friendlier advisor.. ‧. Additionally, I take this opportunity to express gratitude to all of the Department faculty. sit. y. Nat. members for their help and support, and all, who directly or indirectly assisted this thesis.. al. er. io. Finally, and most importantly, my mother. For her faith in me when I moved to a different. iv n C h e nmeg toc hbe ias Uambitious as I wanted. I am also pursuing my goals. Thank you for allowing. n. city to attend Law School at age 16, and later moved to a different country to continue. truly grateful for the encouragement and assistance extended to me during the entire process of the elaboration of my thesis.. ii.

(4) Abstract This Master thesis studies the case of Children from Nicaragua and Honduras migrating unaccompanied to the U.S. Rather than simply describing the primary characteristics of the current migration trends between these countries and the US, it also assesses the historical and social context within which they have been initiated. This implied the incorporation of a historicized and multi scaled analytical perspective that has been adopted throughout the research. The study therefore focuses more on the expelling factors in both Nicaragua and Honduras and somehow – but in a lesser extent- explores the attracting factors of the U.S. It has also been important to analyze in some detail the policies the countries have adopted throughout the years that may in fact have contributing to. 治政大 factors such as poverty and now erupted in the region. After pointing out how some major 立 violence has somewhat contributed to the current child migration crisis, the research migration in the past and may be affecting the current child migration dynamics that has. ‧ 國. 學. emphasizes that family reunification remains the major driving factor of out migration towards the U.S. that needs to be addressed. Additionally, the research stresses that child. ‧. migration from the northern triangle of Central America to the U.S. is occurring in a high volume, nevertheless, this dynamic should not be considered as a single issue affecting these. Nat. sit. y. three countries. Instead, the issue should be seen as part of a wider process of social change. io. n. al. er. that involves and affect the region as a whole.. Keywords:. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Migration, child migration, poverty, violence, Nicaragua, Honduras, US.. iii.

(5) Table of Contents Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ i Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................... ii Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... iv List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vi List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vii Acronyms ..................................................................................................................................... viii Chapter 1 – Introduction ..................................................................................................................1 1.1. Statement of the Problem ..........................................................................................................2 1.2. Research Questions and Objectives .........................................................................................5 1.3. Justification of the Study ..........................................................................................................6 1.4. Methodology .............................................................................................................................8 1.4.1. Research Design...............................................................................................................9 1.4.2. Data Collection ..............................................................................................................10 1.5. Delimitation and Limitation ..............................................................................................11 1.6. Organization of the Study .................................................................................................13 Chapter 2 – Child Migration, Poverty and Violence .....................................................................15 2.1. Key Concepts ..........................................................................................................................15 2.1.1. International Migration ...............................................................................................15 2.1.2. Unaccompanied Migrant Child .....................................................................................16 2.1.3. Violence .........................................................................................................................16 2.1.4. Poverty ...........................................................................................................................17 2.2. Theoretical Perspectives of Migration ....................................................................................19 2.3. Incorporating Children in Migration Studies ..........................................................................21 2.3.1. The Migrant Child as a Victim of Trafficking ................................................................22 2.3.2. The Migrant Child as a Social Actor ..............................................................................24 2.4. Poverty and Violence as Determinants of Child Migration ....................................................27 2.5. Violence and Poverty: The Undeniable Linkage ....................................................................29 Chapter 3 – Case Study of Nicaragua ............................................................................................32 3.1. History of Nicaragua’s First Waves of Migration ..................................................................32 3.2. Violence as a Contributing Factor to Migration .....................................................................37 3.2.1. The Reduced Presence of Gangs in Nicaragua ...............................................................39 3.2.2. Governmental Response to Gang-Related Violence.......................................................44 3.3. Assessment of Poverty and Migration ....................................................................................47 3.3.1. The Economic Dimensions of Poverty Affecting Nicaragua .........................................48 3.3.2. Human and Social Dimensions of Poverty in Nicaragua................................................50 3.4. Child Migration In Nicaragua .................................................................................................53 3.4.1. Profile of Nicaragua Unaccompanied Minors ................................................................54 Chapter 4 – Case Study of Honduras .............................................................................................57 4.1. History of Hondura’s First Waves of Migration .....................................................................61 4.2. Violence and Migration in Honduras ......................................................................................59 4.2.1. The Role of Children in Gang Related Violence ............................................................63 4.2.2. Governmental Response to Violence: Iron Fist ..............................................................66 4.3. Analysis of Poverty in Honduras ............................................................................................67. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. iv.

(6) 4.3.1. Economic Dimensions of Poverty in Honduras ..............................................................68 4.3.2. Human and Social Dimensions of Poverty in Honduras ................................................70 4.4. Profile of Honduran Unaccompanied Minors .........................................................................72 Chapter 5 – Summary and Discussion ...........................................................................................76 5.1. Impact of Poverty and Violence on Child Migration..............................................................78 5.1.1. Impact of Poverty...........................................................................................................79 5.1.2. Impact of Violence .........................................................................................................81 5.2. Experiences of Honduras and Nicaragua ................................................................................82 5.2.1. Family Reunification .....................................................................................................83 5.2.2. Labor Migration .............................................................................................................85 5.2.3. Violence: The Risks at Home Makes the Journey Worthwhile .....................................87 Chapter 6 – Conclusion and Recommendations ............................................................................90 6.1. Policy Recommendations........................................................................................................93 6.2. The 2014 US Immigration Reform and the Need for Further Research .................................96 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................98. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. v.

(7) List of Figures . Figure 3.1 Estimates Gang Presence Per Capita by U.S. State .....................................................42 Figure 5.1 Nicaraguan and Honduran Minors Apprehended in the U.S. (2009-2014) .................79 Figure 5.2 Nicaragua and Honduras Homicide Count (2009-2012) .............................................81 Figure 5.3 Nicaraguan and Honduran Born Population Living and Obtaining Legal Status in the United States (Pre-1980 to 2010, Selected Years) ...................................................................84. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. vi.

(8) List of Tables . Table 1.1 Unaccompanied Children Apprehended from CA and Mexico......................................3 Table 3.1 Nicaraguan Born Population Living in United States ..................................................35 Table 3.2 Nicaraguan Born Population Living in Costa Rica ......................................................36 Table 3.3 Homicides in Nicaragua (2000-20012).........................................................................38 Table 3.4 Economic Dimensions of Poverty in Nicaragua ...........................................................50 Table 3.5 Human and Social Dimensions of Poverty in Nicaragua ............................................53. 政治大. Table 3.6 Child Labor by Branch of Economic Activity 2005 .....................................................55. 立. Table 4.1 Honduran Born Population Residing in Foreign Countries (1970-1990) .....................60. ‧ 國. 學. Table 4.2 Homicides in Honduras (2005-20012) .........................................................................63. ‧. Table 4.3 Economic Dimensions of Poverty in Honduras ............................................................70 Table 4.4 Human and Social Dimensions of Poverty in Honduras ..............................................72. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. sit. Table 4.5 Repatriated Children in Honduras by Year and Month of Return ................................73. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. vii.

(9) Acronyms . C.A.. Central America. CBP. Customs and Borders Protection. DARE. Drug Abuse Resistance Education. FY. Fiscal Year. GDP. Gross domestic product. HDR. Human Development Report. INCB. 立. ILO. UNODC UNICEF. y. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. er. al. sit. United Nations. n. UNDP. Mara Salvatrucha-13. io. UNHCR. Los Angeles. Nat. UN. ‧ 國. MS-13. International Organization for Migration. ‧. LA. International Labor Organization. 學. IOM. 治政 International 大Narcotics Control Board. Ch. i n U. v. United Nations Development Program. engchi. United Nations Office o Drugs and Crime United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. US. Unites States. WHO. World Health Organization. viii.

(10) Chapter 1 Introduction. In this globalized world, it is evident that international migration is a growing phenomenon, which is becoming more important and complex (Alonso, 2011). In 2013, 232 million people (3 percent of the world's population) were international migrants, of which North America ranked third among the host countries that held the largest numbers and gained the absolute largest amount of growth in the number of migrants (United Nations, 2013). The quantification of the actual number of international migrants is a complicated. the international community (Kandel, 2014).. 學. ‧ 國. 治政 task, especially because it is difficult to obtain information大 of the number of migrants in an 立 irregular situation (Ibid). In this sense, irregular migration has become a major concern for. ‧. This research arises out of the fact that, irregular migration has once again caught the. sit. y. Nat. attention of the international community. This time, the spotlight belongs to unaccompanied. io. al. er. migrant children from Central America who is entering the United States southern borders in an irregular fashion and by numbers that has surpassed the traditional migration flows. n. v i n C h States experienced (Kandel, 2014). In July 2014, the United e n g c h i U a heavily increased influx of. unaccompanied migrant children, where the vast majority of apprehended minors were from the northern triangle of Central America1 (Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala) (U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 2014). The number of unaccompanied migrant children entering the United States is causing governments to call upon each other to address and solve this issue.. 1 Term commonly used when refer to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador together. . 1.

(11) This research examines the problem of children who migrate without the companionship of an adult focusing specifically on children who are migrating to the United States. These children will be referred to as ‘unaccompanied migrant children'.. 1.1. Statement of the Problem Unaccompanied child migration is nothing new; every year thousands of children undertake dangerous transnational journeys in search of different social and economic opportunities (Punch, 2007). In the case of child migration to the United States, this is also. 治政 not a new matter; what is new here is the sudden rise in numbers 大 of unaccompanied children 立 that entered the country by June 2014. The phenomena as it pertains, involve a larger share. ‧ 國. 學. of children from Central America instead of Mexico that is more habitual (Kandel, 2014).. ‧. This sudden rise in the large number of unaccompanied minors crossing the United States’ borders has caused president Obama to declare the issue as a humanitarian crisis.. sit. y. Nat. al. er. io. In the past years, apprehensions of unaccompanied children have increased. v i n C not only increased, in child migration to the United Stateshhas e n g c h i U but also the pattern shifted.. n. significantly. A report published by the congressional research service shows how the trend. Mexico used to be the highest sending country and, therefore, represented the highest number of children apprehended at the United States' borders. Now the pattern has switched, and Central America has become the region with the highest number of children apprehended at the borders and this number is highly concentrated in mainly 3 countries, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras (Kandel, 2014).. 2.

(12) Table 1.1 Unaccompanied Children Apprehended from C.A. and Mexico Country. FY2009. FY2010. FY2011 FY2012. FY2013. FY2014. Mexico. 16,114. 13,724. 11,768. 13,974. 17,240. 15, 634. Honduras. 968. 1,017. 974. 2,997. 6,747. 18, 244. Guatemala. 1,115. 1,517. 1,565. 3,835. 8,068. 17, 056. El Salvador. 1,221. 1,910. 1,394. 3, 314. 5,990. 16,404. Nicaragua. 18. 35. 14. 43. 57. 178. Source: U.S. Customs and Border Protection. Available at. 政治大. http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children. 立. ‧ 國. 學. In fiscal year 2009, 19, 418 children were apprehended at the United States border out of which, 16,114 of apprehended children belong to Mexico, while 1,221 were from El. ‧. Salvador, 1,115 from Guatemala and 968 from Honduras (U.S. CBP, 2014) By the end of. y. Nat. sit. the fiscal year 2014, 67,339 unaccompanied minors were apprehended at the United States. n. al. er. io. border where only 15, 634 belonged to Mexico, 16,404 were from El Salvador, 17, 056. i n U. v. Guatemala and 18, 244 from Honduras; in this same year, the number of apprehended. Ch. engchi. children reported from Nicaragua was 178 (Ibid).. This increasing number of unaccompanied children migrating to the United States makes it apparent that countries of origin seem to lack the adequate capacity to protect their children. This rise questions about the root causes or push factors of the increase in unaccompanied migrant children, and why Honduras represents the highest sending country in Central America, while other countries such as Nicaragua are not experiencing the same issue.. 3.

(13) While comparing the numbers of children that were recently apprehended in the United States, it becomes evident that the problem itself is mainly concentrated in 3 countries of Central America with Honduras being the highest sending country of them all. On the other hand, other countries such as Nicaragua hold a very low amount of children apprehended at the border. This makes an interesting case, to study the different social and economic aspect aspects that may be causing this child migration surge. After analyzing this given pattern of migration and the different theories of migration such as the neoclassical theory, new economics of migration theory, dual labor. 政治大 as the root cause of this child migration issue is not enough although it has been repeatedly 立 market theory and network theory. It seems clear that the solo analysis of economic factors. ‧ 國. 學. shown that economic factors are one of the main reasons why people migrate. In other words, it may be true that some of these children are leaving their homes in search for better. ‧. economical opportunities, the economic status of these countries in terms of GDP per capita. sit. y. Nat. and high levels of poverty does not accurately reflect the number of children apprehended,. io. n. al. er. especially when Nicaragua is the poorest country in the region.. i n U. v. Since the economic rationale itself is not enough to explain this migration crisis,. Ch. engchi. other social factors must be taken into account. Based on the selection of cases, a very outstanding variable that marks the difference between them both, are they high and low levels of violence that exist between them, in that sense, it becomes necessary to include a country level analysis of violence in addition to the before mention economical factor. After identifying two of the major factors that may be contributing to this unaccompanied child migration crisis, it is important to acknowledge that there is an undeniable poverty-migration and violence-migration linkage. To begin with, the literature explored in chapter 2 shows how poverty can serve as a determinant of migration in the. 4.

(14) sense that it leads people who are in vulnerable situations, to opt for bettering their lives through migration. Keeping in mind that poverty is strongly related to unemployment and underemployment, it is found that people often choose to migrate in search of better employment opportunities. Additionally, in cases where people choose to migrate for family reunification, this can somehow also be linked to poverty. In this sense, the networks theory that explains how people migrate base on pre-established links, never eliminates the reasoning that the first set to migrate did so based on economic reasons. In addition to this, since migration is significantly connected to wellbeing, it can be. 政治大 violence is strongly related to the well being of a person. Although this is a relatively under立. said that there is also a relationship between violence and migration, this simply because. ‧ 國. 學. researched area, there is enough evidence showing that there is an existing link between violence and migration, such as the case of children leaving their countries because they feel. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. perpetrated by gangs.. ‧. directly or indirectly threatened by certain forms of collective violence such as those. Ch. 1.2. Research Question and 0bjectives. engchi. i n U. v. The study aims to explore the underlying factors that are causing children from Central America to engage in the dangerous experience of migrating towards the United States through irregular channels and without the companionship of an adult. At the end, it is envisaged that the study will have policy implications and it will contribute to the planning of intervention programs for children, especially risk children that are prone to engage in migration and, in particular, those in Honduras. In this sense regarding unaccompanied child migration to the United States, the main research questions this study seeks to answer are: 5.

(15) 1. Why are Nicaragua and Honduras experiencing different migratory trend when it comes to unaccompanied migrant children influx in the United States? 2. How has poverty and violence (as push factors) influenced the child migration flow from Honduras and Nicaragua to the United States.? These research questions can be answered through the following specific objectives: a.. To analyze the historical migration pattern from Nicaragua and. Honduras to The United States.. 政治大 unaccompanied to the United States. 立. 學. c.. To assess the factors that motivate these children to migrate. ‧ 國. b.. To explore the extent to which policies of the three countries in play. has contributed to this issue.. ‧. y. Nat. Accomplishing the above-mentioned objectives will support the main argument of. er. io. sit. this study which is stated as “the lack of economic opportunity plus a high level of violence increases the number of unaccompanied child migration to the United States”.. al. n. v i n At the same time, it will also help C explain why Nicaragua h e n g c h i Uand Honduras are experiencing. different migratory trend when it comes to the number of unaccompanied children influx in the United States.. 1.3. Justification of the Study The purpose of this study is to investigate the underlying causes of unaccompanied child migration to the United States and to understand why Nicaragua and Honduras are having a different experience in this issue. Therefore, this research is meant to contribute to 6.

(16) the overall understanding of how poverty and violence has influenced the child migration flow (as a push factor) to the United States. This will, therefore, help us understand why countries of origin such as Nicaragua and Honduras have had a different experience in child migration pattern of unaccompanied minors apprehended at the United States southern border. A careful research through various sources on this phenomenon reveals there is a great amount of literature on migration, but most are focusing on the adults’ point of view (Haan and Yaqub, 2008). In the cases of literature exploring analyzing independent child. 政治大 reasons has been explained as the major driving factor (Bastia, 2005; Haan and Yaqub, 立. migration, they tend to focus on the child as victim of trafficking, or where economic. ‧ 國. 學. 2008). There has also been significant amount of research sought to establish the policies or mechanisms that the United States should adopt in order to provide better care of these. ‧. migrant children once they are apprehended at the border, especially in terms of ensuring. sit. y. Nat. their best interest and that there is no human rights violation in the process (Kandel, 2014).. io. al. er. Additionally, a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees report about unaccompanied child migration provides a situational analysis of this recent crisis, for. n. v i n C h as the major contributing instance, highlighted violence and poverty factors to out-migration engchi U. from Central America (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2014). Nevertheless, little work has been carried out to study what other major factors might be the root cause of this migration crisis makes which Honduras the number 1 sending country compared to its neighbor Nicaragua that has one of the lowest numbers of unaccompanied children apprehended at the United States border in the past years. In this study, the focus is to understand why children from Nicaragua and Honduras are not migrating in the same scale. Investigating the current socio-economic factors of these two countries along with the historical antecedents of migration to the United States 7.

(17) and an analysis of the possible United States policy implications will be the focus of this study. Children are key components of any given society, and guaranteeing their safety during migratory process or once they are apprehended at United States borders is very important. However, it is also important is to guarantee their safety at home so they don´t feel the urge to take on these dangerous journeys that jeopardize their well-being and their lives. An important rationale for this study is acknowledging children as agencies, where they can be considered as social actors and active participants in the decision-making. 政治大 is that children need to be considered as agencies and be listened to by researchers in order 立. process of migration, rather than passive actors. A very convincing argument in this respect. ‧ 國. 學. to understand the issues that affect their lives (Qvortrup 1994). Studies related to children should be centered specifically on the child.. ‧. The insights to be gained from this study will be helpful to the government, policy. sit. y. Nat. makers and researchers interested in child migration and, in general, to authorities. io. n. al. er. responsible for child development and the welfare of children.. 1.4 Methodology. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. A qualitative research method will be used to carry out this study. This research method has been considered most appropriate because it is feasible in terms of providing a complete, in-depth explanation of the research topic; which by nature is more exploratory.. 8.

(18) 1.4.1. Research Design.. As previously stated, the purpose of this thesis is to create better understanding of the underlying causes of child migration from Central America to the United States and to determine the reason why the numbers of apprehended children from Honduras is so high compared to the number of apprehended children from Nicaragua. This entails a detailed study of wider and local context factors influencing such migratory trends. A case study approach is, therefore, used to answer the research questions that frame this work. This specific designed was chosen because the case study model is concerned with describing a. 政治大. phenomenon (Yin, 2003). Hence, it is a highly appropriate method for investigating the. 立. dynamics involving unaccompanied child migration.. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. The selection of the cases was based on two factors. Firstly, and most important is the number of apprehended minors that has been reported by the United States Customs and. y. Nat. io. sit. Border Protection of the department of Homeland Security where Honduras showed the. n. al. er. highest number of casualties, while its neighbor Nicaragua showed a significant lower. Ch. i n U. v. amount and one of lowest in the region. The second reason that influenced the case selection. engchi. was based on the fact that the two countries are coming from a background with similar historical socio-economical factors. In addition to the selection of the cases that were analyzed, the destination country chosen for the study of unaccompanied child migration is the U.S. As chapter 3 explains, a major destination country for Nicaraguan unaccompanied minors is Costa Rica. Every year, children from Nicaragua migrate to Costa Rica in a circular fashion to work in coffee plantations to save money so they can return home and start the following school year (IOM, personal communication, April 29, 1015). In this sense, the reason why this study. 9.

(19) focuses on children who are apprehended in the U.S. rather than children migrating to Costa Rica is primordially because unaccompanied child migration from Central America to the U.S. is occurring in numbers a lot higher than those to Costa Rica and increasing at concerning rates in the past years. Additionally, these children are migration to the U.S on a more permanent fashion unlike the circular migration that occurs in Costa Rica. Nevertheless, this study also acknowledges the fact that there is still a need to address all cases of unaccompanied child migration that are occurring in the region regardless of the magnitude of each case.. 1.4.2. Data Collection. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. The primary and secondary data, which will support the research question, has been. ‧. derived from three main sources. Firstly, from traditional sources of measurement of migration such as censuses and demographic surveys of the countries of origin, transit and. y. Nat. io. sit. destination. In addition, other non-demographic information sources including statistics.. n. al. er. Secondly, by examining published works such as books, journals, and official statements.. Ch. i n U. v. Lastly, by analyzing interviews conducted to government and non-governmental officials.. engchi. As far as tertiary sources go, these include newspaper articles, publications by nongovernmental organizations and online libraries. Example of the range of source that were used, include but are not limited to: •. Historiographical analysis of past and present migration trend from. the two countries of interest to the United States and porously delimitated to publications and reports after 1990. •. Existing literature focusing on Honduras and Nicaragua’s migratory. process to the United States.. 10.

(20) •. Domestic and International laws that have affected the degree of. flexibility and ability in which Nicaraguans and Hondurans were able to migrate to the United States and obtain legal status or be deported. •. Interviews conducted by the researcher with institutions that worked. directly with children who has migrated to the United States either in the process of receiving, repatriation or reintegrating the children. The rationale behind this was to capture, as accurately as possible information about the children whom they were able to work with and had the opportunity to interview. The aim of the results of the interviews is to form a primary source of information and obtain. 治政 figures against which we could measure other大 data source and, to arrive at a 立 more balanced picture.. Nat. sit. y. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 1.5. Delimitation and Limitation. io. al. er. The scope of the study has to be delimited because the resources of doing the research were limited. The time is the most important resource and determinant for the. n. v i n C period from theUlate 1970s to determine the paths extent of the research. After reviewinghae ngchi. of migration, focusing later more specifically on the period between 1990 and 2014 to analyze the case of unaccompanied child migration, this research hold that economic reasons alone are not the main driver of the child migration crisis in the region. The conclusion will contribute to the current debate of whether violence is a major contributing factor to this crisis. However, there are some limitations to this research. This study was conducted during a time when the researcher was not in the Central American nor North American region. This represented a constraint on gaining access to children from Nicaragua and 11.

(21) Honduras who has migrated unaccompanied to the United States in order to conduct proper interviews and gain insight on their personal assessment of the driving causes that led them to undertake their journeys. Further, a more ethnographic research is needed to capture a more holistic exploration of these children's migratory decisions. To complement this deficiency, interviews were conducted to key informants from Nicaragua and Honduras. The key informants selected have worked directly with unaccompanied children from each country and have gained first-hand insights to their case. Another limitation encountered was the time constraint of the research and available. 政治大 to analyze the case of unaccompanied child migration since this coincides with two of the 立 data. As mentioned previously, it was ideal to focus on a time frame between 1990 and 2014. ‧ 國. 學. major waves of migration in the region. However, there were not sufficient data of unaccompanied children from Nicaragua and Honduras migrating to the United States. sit. y. Nat. as following:. ‧. dating back to the early 1990s. In general, the limitation of the data collection can be listed. n. al. er. io. 1. Access to secondary data: The existence of a limitation in terms of accessibility to public information.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2. Interviews: The interviewees were two strategic institutions and organizations that worked directly with the migrant children from both countries that were analyzed. It would have been optimal to have access to the children themselves and conduct the interviews directly with the minors.. 12.

(22) 1.6. Organization of the Study Chapter 1 covers the main arguments of this study. Chapter 2 will form the literature review. It will first and go over the definition of the main terms been used. Secondly, it examines the main theoretical perspectives of migration that inform the study. Additionally it will review the role of the migrant child as a both a social actor and as a victim of human trafficking with the intention to draw attention to the child as a passive and active actor in the migration process. Additionally, this chapter will also link unaccompanied child migration to poverty and violence as part of the. 政治大. contributing factors that cause a child to decide to leave his or her home.. 立. Chapter 3 will explore the specific case of Nicaragua taking into account current. ‧ 國. 學. socio-economic factors of the country that can be directly linked to out migration and other. ‧. historical factors related to migration trend to the United States.. sit. y. Nat. Chapter 4 provides a historical account of the development of the migratory trend. al. er. io. from Honduras to the United States and elucidates some of the factors that are contributing. v i n C h will be taken intoUaccount to better understand the government and the role of the children engchi. n. to the current surge of child migration in the country. Additionally, the involvement of the. recent migratory flow that is presented in the country. Chapter 5 will detail and discuss the findings of succinct country specific notes and statistics about current socioeconomic factors of these two countries in recent years along with the historical statistics on migration flows to the United States, naturalizations and deportations. The main task of this chapter is to relate the findings of the case studies to the theoretical perspective and research question of this study.. 13.

(23) Chapter 6 concludes this study by summarizing the role and impact that violence and poverty have on unaccompanied child migration. This chapter will conclude by revisiting the role of governmental policies in the child migration crisis. By comparing these two countries, it was possible to conclude that the difference in policies adopted by these countries eventually lead to different outcomes in terms of migration and how a long-term policy failure is now showing consequences in different social aspects.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 14.

(24) Chapter 2 Child Migration, Poverty and Violence . 2.1. Key Concepts 2.1.1 International Migration Migration can be defined as a cause and consequence of development that involves the movement of people which is unlikely to occur without the establishment of a labor force and often times includes with the return to their original residence (Forsyth, 2004).. 政治大. It has been shown over and again that the majority of people who migrate do so. 立. within shorter distances, and even more so within the borders of their own country. This is. ‧ 國. 學. why migration is commonly divided into two types, internal and international migration. Despite the difficulties to capture the real number of migrants due to the volume of irregular. ‧. migration, this differentiation was made in order to capture the volume of people who. Nat. sit. y. moves within their own borders and those who do so beyond their national borders. In this. n. al. er. io. sense, internal migration is commonly known as the movement of people within a State. On. i n U. v. the other hand, international migration is the movement of people between countries.. Ch. engchi. (Forsyth, 2004). Because of the nature of the thesis, the type of migration that is more of concern in international migration since it involves the movement of children from their home country to another country. To that respect, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) defines international migration as: “Movement of persons who leave their country of origin, or the country of habitual residence, to establish themselves either permanently or temporarily in another country. An international frontier is therefore crossed” (International Organization for Migration, 2004 p. 33).. 15.

(25) 2.1.2. Unaccompanied Migrant Child. Child or Minor can be defined as an individual who is below the age of eighteen years unless, provided that coming of age or adulthood can be attained at an earlier age depending on the law of a particular country (UN, 1989). Therefore, unaccompanied migrant child can be defined as a person below the age of majority who is in a country different than the one of their nationality and are not accompanied by an adult, parent or legal guardian, responsible for them (IOM, 2004).. 立. 政治大. For the purpose of this research, we can define an unaccompanied migrant child as a. ‧ 國. 學. person under age 18, who are moving across borders without the companionship of a parent. ‧. or legal guardian. Additionally, the term unaccompanied migrant children were chosen to be used in this research even though other terms has been used to refer to the same. y. Nat. io. sit. phenomenon by different experts. The most used terms are unaccompanied minors,. n. al. er. unaccompanied alien children, separated children, and children involved in moving.. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. 2.1.3 Violence Violence has been explicitly identified as a significant issue in the case of unaccompanied child migration therefore, it becomes necessary to clarify this widely used term and provide definitions and concepts of violence within the interest of this research. First off, violence is commonly referred to as a behavior that involves physical force on someone or something with the intention to hurt or damage them (de Haan, 2008). It has to be noted that this is different than harm produced to other by accident; in this case, violence is noted to be an intentional use of force with the sole purpose to cause damage. 16.

(26) According to de Haan (2008), violence is a multifaceted phenomenon that can be presented in many different contexts. Using a broad definition of violence is not sufficient for this research, especially since the kind of violence we are more concerned about is collective violence. Tilley (2003) defines collective violence as an “episodic social interaction” that involves more than one participant who by force and physical strength to perpetrate harm to people or objects. To this, the world health organization includes inter-state political conflict (war), human rights abuse, terrorism, organized violent crime related to gangs to be all. 政治大 variation of collective violence, they also provide a very clear and complete definition of the 立 forms part of collective violence (World Health Organization, 2002). In addition to this. ‧ 國. 學. term. They define collective violence as:. “The instrumental use of violence by people who identify themselves as members of. ‧. a group – whether this group is transitory or has a more permanent identity – against another. y. sit. io. al. er. (WHO, 2012 p.215).. Nat. group or set of individuals, in order to achieve political, economic or social objectives”. v i n C h and relative Upoverty. This recommendation is recommends the reduction of both absolute engchi. n. As their number one suggestion on how to prevent collective violence, the WHO. debatable and will be discussed further on in this chapter.. 2.1.4 Poverty Another very contested concept has been the one of poverty. Academics and other experts continue to debate a formal definition of poverty since it has been one in constant expansion and change, to the extent that what was once considered poverty has grown into something broader and more complex.. 17.

(27) To begin with a classic understanding of poverty, we will discuss it in pure economic terms. In this sense, a person is considered poor, when their income does not meet an established threshold and their economic position falls below the accepted income level (Ehrenpreis, 2006).. Moving away from the economic aspect of poverty, experts have indicated that it is not enough to refer to poverty only in economic terms therefore, it has often seen that poverty is now defined in either relative or absolute terms (Ehrenpreis, 2006). Absolute poverty can be easier linked to the economic side of poverty because it measures poverty by. 政治大. the amount of money required to meet basic needs such as food, clothing, and shelter. 立. (Forsyth, 2004). However, this term has fallen shortly when it comes to recognizing other. ‧ 國. 學. issues of human conditions, which led to the creation of the concept of relative poverty.. ‧. With this last term, a person is considered poor if they belongs to a ‘bottom income group’ (lowest 10 percent) this definition, however, has also been contested by others who claim. y. Nat. io. sit. that it fails to distinguish in this way the concepts of poverty and inequality (UNDP, 1997;. n. al. er. Ehrenpreis, 2006). The 1997 HDR recognizes three relevant aspects of relative poverty.. Ch. i n U. v. First, there is an income perspective that is set at a specific poverty line. Second, includes. engchi. the need to access to basic social services necessary to prevent individuals from falling into poverty; and lastly the lack of some basic capability to function as a measurement of poverty (UNDP, 1997).. To conclude with the definition of poverty, it is important to mention that poverty in developed countries is not the same as poverty in developing countries. In this sense, the term absolute poverty which was previously discussed, is most commonly linked to developing countries; whereas relative poverty which includes aspects of inequality and. 18.

(28) social exclusion and different sets of needs is more linked to developed countries (Forsyth, 2004). Because the focus on this thesis is related to developing countries, there will be a high emphasis on the economic aspect of poverty or absolute poverty. Nevertheless, it is also imperative to study some aspects of relative poverty to gain a better perspective on different social issues that may be causing this child migration crisis.. 2.2. Theoretical Perspectives of Migration In order to understand the determinants and patterns of unaccompanied child. 政治大 decide to migrate. First off, there is no overall unified theory of migration; instead, there are 立 migration, we have to first explore the theoretical perspectives of the reasons why people. ‧ 國. 學. various explanations of why migration occurs basing on economic, social, political and cultural factors (Portes, 1997). According to migration theories, the most common reason. ‧. why people decide to migrate are purely economic reasons, among the theories that explain. sit. y. Nat. the initiation of international migration basing on a purely economic model we can find the. io. al. er. neoclassical theory, new economics of migration and dual labor market theory (Massey et. n. al, 1993; Castles and Miller, 2009).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. The economic theory, which is also known as a neoclassical theory, is considered the oldest theory of international migration (Massey et al, 1993). This theory emphasizes the individual's decision to migrate based on a rational comparison of the relative costs and benefits of remaining at home or moving. In other words, it is caused by the supply and demand of labor and the differential wages characterized by geographical differences where people from lower wage income countries decide to move to countries with a higher wage income (Todaro, 1969; Borjas, 1989). These benefits are generally but not strictly related to higher income; other benefits such as access to better education, health, and political freedom can also be considered as motives to migrate under this theory (Castles and Miller, 19.

(29) 2009). One of the main arguments of exponents of this theory is that, since the difference in wages is the main cause of international migration, the way to control this migration flow is to end wage differences which will consequently end the flow of labor. In other words, international migration movement will not occur if there is no expected income increase (Massey et al, 1993). Another migration theory that is based on a purely economic model is the dual labor market theory. It explains that migration is caused by structural demand within advanced economies for both highly or lower skilled manual workers to carry out production tasks and. 政治大 role of employers and government in attracting the labors to move to their country (Ibid). 立. to staff service enterprises (Castles and Miller, 2009). This theory emphasizes greatly on the. ‧ 國. 學. On the other hand, the new economics of labor migration approach emphasize the role of social groups, for instance families, households or communities, in explaining. ‧. migrations with purpose to diversify income sources and to provide resources for investment. Nat. sit. y. in existing country (Castles and Miller, 2009). In this sense, according to the systems and. n. al. er. io. network theory, migration arises from the existence of prior links between sending and. i n U. v. receiving countries, these linkages are necessary because they play a crucial role in. Ch. engchi. facilitating migration flows in terms of access to better information, lower risks and higher expected incentives (Massey et al, 1993; Portes, 2004; Sales, 2007). This theory never eliminates the reasoning that the first set to migrate did so based on economic reasons. These theories of migration reveal that there are several aspects of analyzing and understanding the root of migration, however; migration is often linked to economic reasons. In this globalized and changing world, it is shown that new reasons are beginning to promote migration. In this sense De Haas (2010) argues that argues that it seems easy and reasonable to assume that most people migrate hoping to find better conditions or. 20.

(30) opportunities elsewhere, such as job, higher wages, safety or freedom of expression but this assumption does not really facilitate the understanding behind the complexity and drivers of real life migration.. 2.3. Incorporating Children in Migration Studies. Traditionally, the study of migration has been focused on male experience; however, migration patterns and the actors engaged are constantly changing. According to the UN, in 2013 the number of female migrants was almost the same percentage of that of male. 政治大. migrants since they accounted for 48 percent of the total share of international migrants of. 立. that year (United Nations, 2013). In this sense, there has been a surge of literature that has. ‧ 國. 學. been focusing on the role of female in the migration process; focusing on them either as. Sales, 2007).. ‧. decision makers in the household or the roles they play directly in migration (Pedraza 1991,. io. sit. y. Nat n. al. er. A woman has gained their share of recognition in the study of migration, however;. Ch. i n U. v. we have to admit that children, who are also often characterized as vulnerable groups, are. engchi. involved in migration now more than ever. When studying the case of migrant children, many scholars have explored this problem focusing on the risk that children face while taking on such dangerous journeys since they are subject to abuse, gang recruitment, death caused by the dangerous journey including those committed by gangs, coyotes, and police (Kanics, et. al 2010).. 21.

(31) 2.3.1. The Migrant Child as Victim of Trafficking. Children who migrate alone to seek employment or to escape violence face a range of risks besides the journey itself, which is by nature dangerous even for adults. During this dangerous journey, these children are exposed to violence, abuse, theft, and trafficking. According to Haan and Yaqub (2008) children migrating independently are often assumed to be trafficked or abducted.. Although child trafficking is being analyzed in the context of child migration, it must. 政治大. be noted that trafficking is not the same as people smuggling or migration whether regular. 立. or irregular (International Labor Organization, 2009). In the most part, the literature on child. ‧ 國. 學. trafficking focuses mainly on issues of the vulnerability of children to trafficking and. ‧. mainly try to answers of where, when and why these children become vulnerable (O’Connell and Farrow, 2007). The results that follow these types of study demonstrate that. y. Nat. io. sit. the same factors that make children actively choose to migrate unaccompanied are the ones. n. al. er. to trigger their vulnerability to trafficking, in this sense, studies have shown that most. Ch. i n U. v. children make use of their agency and decide to migrate whereas only a small number were. engchi. forcibly moved from their countries (Ibid).. In the case of children who cannot migrate through regular channels because an adult does not accompany them or because they lack the necessary economic and legal resources to do so, irregular channels becomes the only option (ILO, UNICEF, UN.GIFT, 2009). Irregular Channels of migration is a major recruitment attraction for traffickers and since children lack the proper documentation, they steer clear of local authorities to avoid detention; as a result, these children have no support system during their journey and are. 22.

(32) therefore at high risk of exploitation and becoming victims of trafficking (O’Connell and Farrow, 2007).. According to ILO statistics, adults are more affected by trafficking than children, however, trafficking of children is on the increase compared to 2005. An estimated 1.2 million children are affected globally every year (ILO, 2012). Forced labor exploitation and Forced sexual exploitation were the two major reasons of trafficking in general where girls represented a greater share of victims compared to boys (Ibid). In the case of child trafficking which also involves the ‘recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or. 政治大. receipt of a child’ for the purpose of exploitation; it defers from the case of adults in that a. 立. child is consider trafficked even if this does not involve means such as abduction, fraud,. ‧ 國. 學. violence, deception or any other form of coercion (United Nations, 2000). This makes it. ‧. difficult to separate the idea of smuggling with that of trafficking when it comes to the case of unaccompanied children, even though the existing literature has been trying to draw the. y. Nat. n. er. io. al. sit. line between these phenomena.. Ch. i n U. v. It is known that child trafficking has been studied from a variety of perspectives, and. engchi. after clarifying that it must not be confused with smuggling and irregular migration, we still cannot ignore that it his highly linked to migration. In this sense, Gozdziak and Collet (2005) recognizes that migration flows and child sex tourism in the 80s are some of the reasons why the topic regained interest in the international arena. In the specific case of Latin America and the Caribbean, according to the ILO, this region is not close to being the highest in terms of child trafficking for forced labor however, child trafficking still occurs in the region and child labor is not the only reason behind it. After characterizing North America, especially the United States of one of the major destination countries in the region,. 23.

(33) Mexico is commonly characterized as the source, transit, and also destination country for trafficked victims, including children mainly for sexual and labor exploitation with an estimate of 16,000 children exploited annually (Gozdziak and Collet, 2005).. 2.3.2. The Migrant Child as Social Actor. Now that we have reviewed the child’s role as passive victims in the migration process, it becomes necessary to tell the other side of the story and try to understand these children as the agencies that they are. In order to understand why children decide to leave in. 政治大. the first place, (when we say decide to leave, we are referring indeed to the child’s personal. 立. assessment of his or her situation and making their own choice to migrate) we have to. ‧ 國. 學. understand that they too are social actors and agencies that make their own decisions.. ‧. When thinking of a child’s choice in a migratory process, it is hard to conceive the. y. Nat. io. sit. idea of children making such decisions; this is because they are perceived as victims and are. n. al. er. often underestimated as agents or as social actors (Hashim, 2006; Chavez and Menjivar,. Ch. i n U. v. 2010). However, children have shown that they are active social agents, and they are active. engchi. participants in the migration decision process. Therefore, children can be seen as agencies who can often become separate individuals from their parents and therefore can make decision that consequently changes their community and own lives (Jimenez Alvarez, 2004; Chavez and Menjivar, 2010). This is a big challenge that has to do with the vulnerability and fragility in these children’s environment. When the phenomenon of migration is viewed solely from an adult’s point of view, it is easy to fail to see children as actors who have certain capabilities to make changes in their lives and it is easier to see them as victims. However, the reality in most countries in the Central American region is that children are. 24.

(34) exposed to a fragile of vulnerable environment with absent parents, economic hardships and a daily life surrounded by violence. These scenarios make it easy for these children to become separate individuals form their parents or caretakers and therefor make decisions that directly affects and changes their lives, such as search for employment, incorporating themselves in youth gangs, or making decisions to migrate based on a variety of socioeconomic reasons.. In this sense, Orgocka (2012) argues that the challenge to understand children’s role as agents is because of Western ideals that often categorizes children as dependent and. 政治大. vulnerable. These ideals make us fail to visualize children as actors who can create solutions. 立. and opportunities to their own challenges in order to better their lives (Orgocka, 2012).. ‧ 國. 學. When interpreting child migration, adults are often stigmatized since they are the principal. ‧. caregivers of children and the phenomenon of children’s migration is often considered as parents’ failure to safeguard children (Kanics, et. al 2010). However, in a situation of a. y. Nat. io. sit. marginalized family, sometimes parents or caretakers cannot suppress the child’s desire to. n. al. er. flee (Ibid). As Young (2004) has pointed out, the view that children are social actors. Ch. i n U. v. suggests that they can no longer be considered simply as part of the family, and that their. engchi. migration may be separate from that of parents. Recognizing children as agents in making a decision to migrate does not mean that they are not victims. Authors such as Orgocka (2012) suggest that in situations of vulnerability, children can make use of their agency as a form of solution to this situation.. The reasons behind adult’s decision to migrate vary and children’s decisions to migrate are similar to those of adults (Kanics, et. al 2010). When analyzing the reasons behind children’s decision to migrate, some authors argue that these are purely economical. 25.

(35) or to search for employment; which should not be surprising, especially considering the fact that most of these children already constituted labor force in their home countries, therefore the search of employment is not new to them (Chavez and Menjivar, 2010, Meza, 2012). According to ILO (2013), 168 million children among age group 5 and 17 were part of the economic active population in 2012, so search for job opportunities is very likely one of the reasons why these children are migrating.. When digging into the causes of unaccompanied migration, it can be argued that the case of many children leaving without their parents or without an adult consent is because. 政治大. they come from households with precarious situations (Jiménez Álvarez, 2004). However,. 立. when countries with same income level begin to demonstrate different child migration. ‧ 國. 學. trends it is necessary to start considering other factors that are possibly contributing to it.. ‧. Furthermore, Rios (2014) argues that the reason behind these migration decisions is not always found in the typical explanation of economic factors. Instead, we have to explore. y. Nat. io. sit. other reasons, which have also proven to be very influential when driving people to migrate;. n. al. er. some of these issues are crimes, drug, and gang-related violence (Ibid). This argument. Ch. i n U. v. provided by Rios is very important when analyzing cases of unaccompanied child migration. engchi. in Nicaragua and Honduras and it is easy to agree that economic reasons alone cannot be the only explanation of these recent migration flows towards the U.S., especially when the country with less child migration is also the one with more multidimensional levels of poverty. In this sense, it becomes necessary to look into other not so typical explanations of migrations in order to understand the occurrence of this migration crisis. The ones suggested by the author are issues of drug and gang related violence. This assessment of the author summarizes the reality of the region and an accurate description of the current issues affecting the daily lives of Central Americans. Therefore, in addition to acknowledging. 26.

(36) children as agencies, it is important to explore economic and other social factors that are directly affecting their lives and consequently leading them towards making a decision to migrate.. 2.4. Poverty and Violence as Determinants of Child Migration. The most salient family of migration theories are based on purely economic reasons where poverty, development or lack of development, wage, unemployment rate, educational characteristics, and human capital are the main focus when referring to economic factors. 政治大. (Peterson, 1986; Bastia, 2005; Punch, 2007). In several Central American countries where. 立. irregular child migration has been increasing in the past years, poverty and each of these. ‧ 國. 學. mentioned economic factors has been indicated in various researches as being the major drivers of Central American child migrants (Caritas, 2003).. ‧. Nat. sit. y. Even though better economic opportunities are mentioned as the immediate cause of. n. al. er. io. unaccompanied child migration, there is a strong reason to believe that purely economic. i n U. v. reasons are not enough to explain the current surge of child migration to the United States. Ch. engchi. (Caritas, 2013). Some factors identified as push elements of migration have to do with social economic disparities, but other social and political factors including conflicts are also mentioned among the possible out-migration factors (Kanics, et. al 2010; Caritas 2013). Unfortunately, national policies tend to focus more on repressive responses to migration rather than responding to the previously mentioned factors (Meza, 2012).. Migration and violence produced by gangs are strongly linked, but some studies that shows a correlation between migration and gang related violence mostly refers to the emergence of street gangs in Central America as a phenomenon that occurred with 27.

(37) migration network flows (Gutierrez Rivera, 2013; Bruneau 2014). As it was mentioned earlier, gang inflated violence is one of the main risks that unaccompanied migrant children face while they are on the move (Kanics, et. al 2010). However, fear from gang inflated violence plays a key role as an influent factor, which is driving the children from Central America to the United States. (Caritas, 2003; Rios, 2014).. Research conducted by Dalrymple (2006) presented the case of many children arriving to the United States seeking asylum and expressing fear of gang members who have threatened them, here he links the variable violence and child migration to show that the. 政治大. former can influence the later. His research illustrated the difficulty these children face. 立. when presenting a case in migration court. In some cases, the United States has failed to. ‧ 國. 學. grant them asylum and these children are sometimes recruited in gangs or even murdered once they arrive back to their home countries (Dalrymple, 2006). This study also illustrates. ‧. that children who are not fleeing political, racial or religious persecution, but instead are. Nat. sit al. er. io. likely to be denied (Ibid).. y. fleeing street or gang violence present harder cases when seeking for asylum and are more. n. v i n C h in migration outflows The study of the effect of violence from Central America to engchi U the United States is a phenomenon that have been well addressed, however, it has been limited to the context of political violence, mainly military coups and civil war (Peterson, 1986). Addressing migration in these terms is very new and there is still a lot of research to be done. In a recent study of Mexico, Rios (2014) provided evidence supporting the argument that migration can be understood in terms of violence. These results provided empirical evidence that analyzing variables related to violence has improved the understanding of migration.. 28.

(38) 2.5. Violence and Poverty: The Undeniable Linkage.. A significant fraction of the World’s population is somehow affected by violence and poverty; the latter is strongly believed to be the cause of violence. When approaching the analysis of the link between violence and a particular aspect of the economy that is poverty the literature seems to be divided. Some argue that high levels of poverty and inequality leads to violence while others disagree by saying that violence is the actual cause of poverty (Atwood, 2003; Crutchfield and Wadswort, 2003). In both cases, violence and poverty seem to have some sort of relationship.. 立. 政治大. The belief among academics that widely accept this theory is that those who live in. ‧ 國. 學. impoverished situations are more likely to find themselves engaged in violent acts being the main reason the situation in which they find themselves (Crutchfield and Wadswort, 2003).. ‧. Nevertheless, debates of this theory are also divided. In this sense, academics hold different. Nat. sit. y. positions when it comes to the factors that cause poverty to affect violence. The conditions. n. al. er. io. that are more often discussed are cultural conditions, dependency and others linked to living conditions such as neighborhoods, poor housing (ibid).. Ch. engchi. i n U. v. Economic factors have long been used to try to understand and explain the occurrence of violence. In this sense, unemployment has been a key role in explaining the criminal activities and delinquency and violent crimes. Different studies show the existence of a strong correlation between the lack of economic well-being and violence arguing so the crime and violence are caused by poverty and inequality (Atwood, 2003). In a 1997 study of neighborhoods and violent crime, the authors examine several social factors including the race to understand their impact on violence. The result of the study was able to show a relation between their variables and, therefore, prove that certain factors such as exploitation and dependency along with deprivation of inappropriate resources stimulates violence. In 29.

(39) this sense, the higher the levels of resource deprivation, the greater the correlation to levels of violence the concentrated disadvantage (Sampson, Raudenbush, Earls 1997). However, since certain elements such as race were included in the study, this can certainly be a factor, which can cause alienation, and segregation, which, therefore, includes levels of violence. Nevertheless, this factor does not completely void the value of the study, it simply informs that along with poverty or economic dependency, other social factors also contribute to causing conflict and violence in a neighborhood or even more a city or country. Among others that support the theory of poverty as a cause of violence, a leading argument is that people in less developed countries with higher levels of poverty and income. 政治大. equality have consequently presented more criminal activities and therefor violence.. 立. However, for this to happen, there has to be an element of social discrimination. (Hooghe,. ‧ 國. 學. Vanhoutte, Hardyns, & Bircan, 2011). ‧. On the other hand, poverty as a consequence of violence has been another position. y. Nat. io. sit. adopted by specialist and academics. When it comes to addressing the causes of poverty,. n. al. er. some have pointed out violence as a contributing factor. A study conducted by Goodhand. Ch. i n U. v. (2001) argues that conflict can in fact cause poverty. In this sense, he points out the macro. engchi. effects of conflicts stating that it has a direct and indirect cost to society. The author adds that violent conflict increase higher dependency ratio and organized violence ends up shaping the economy. Another study by Muggah (2012) seeking to address the linkages between urbanization, poverty and violence, the term ‘vicious cycle' was used to describe the relationship between violence and poverty. However, they tend to incline towards the theory that violence is the cause of poverty when they state that violent crimes such as homicide. 30.

(40) and robberies have directly affected the community and causes indirect impacts such as displacement, restricts mobility and constrains access to education and jobs.. In both cases, there seems to be a missing link. If we take the first assumption, that poverty causes violence, then why is it that Nicaragua, the second poorest country in the region has one of the least violent? On the other hand, if we accept the second theory that violence is one of the causes of poverty, this also does not fit the scenario of Central America. If this would be the case, Honduras, would be significantly poorer than Nicaragua since the levels of violence of the former is significantly higher than those of Nicaragua.. 立. 政治大. The answer to this can probably be found in a simple intent that was made to define. ‧ 國. 學. criminal violence. In the encyclopedia of international development, violent crime was acknowledged to strongly connected to poverty, inequality and unemployment. To this, it. ‧. was added that certain forms of crime were associated to the ‘lack of government structure. Nat. sit. y. or the existence of an oppressive government structure' (Forsyth, 2004 p.124). This lack of. n. al. er. io. an oppressive government is the factor that explains why Nicaragua, the second poorest in. i n U. v. the region can still manage to be one of the safest, topic that will be further addressed in the following chapter.. Ch. engchi. 31.

(41) Chapter 3 Case Study of Nicaragua In Nicaragua, despite national and international development efforts, the country poverty levels remain a high ranking second poorest country in the Latin American Region just above Haiti (IOM, 2014). It is identified that high youth unemployment rates and lack of decent job opportunities are the main reasons for Nicaraguan migration in the last decades (Ibid).. The purpose of this chapter is to first revise the history of migration from Nicaragua. 政治大. dating back to more than 30 years, moving predominantly to the United States and Costa. 立. Rica in order to capture the patterns of migration created by the first waves of mass. ‧ 國. 學. migrants. This historic trend is necessary in order to decipher the predominant reasons why Nicaraguans decide to leave the country and later, a more specific analysis as to why. ‧. children are making their decision to migrate.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. The migration history will be followed by an analysis of violence and poverty in the. v. country alongside a governmental response to mitigate the levels of violence in Nicaragua,. Ch. engchi. i n U. keeping it as one of the safest countries in Latin America braking so the myth that high levels of poverty causes higher levels of violence and vice versa.. 3.1. History of Nicaragua’s First Waves of Migration. Taking into account a general migration profile, Nicaragua is mainly known for being a country of origin of the migrant population or a sending country. In this sense,. 32.

(42) Nicaraguan migrants represent 10 percent of the national population (Briones, 2013)2. As the sending country that it is, two migratory currents prevail, these are: South-North migration being the United States the most frequent destination country, and, South-South migration with Costa Rica as the major destination country. In a lesser extent, Nicaragua is identified as a transit country given its position in the middle of Central America, and lastly as a destination country for migrants (Ibid). In order to understand the current case of child migration more profoundly, it is essential to acknowledge the historical patterns or migration trends of the country; this is, because people (adults and children) make migration decisions based on pre-established. 政治大. patterns and narratives (Castles and Miller, 2009). Therefore, once a trend has been. 立. previously established, it is easier to understand why these children choose a specific. ‧ 國. 學. country as their destination.. ‧. In the case of Nicaragua, the migration patterns, as well as those of other Central. y. Nat. io. sit. American countries are diverse (IOM, 2001). These migration patterns are the product of a. n. al. er. combination of factors such as political, economical and environmental. All these factors. Ch. i n U. v. can be grouped under three predominant and notorious waves of Nicaraguan migration,. engchi. however, internal armed conflicts or political-related violence seems to have been one of the most relevant driving factors of Nicaraguans to the United States (Briones, 2013).. According to Orozco (2008), Nicaraguan migration to the United States can be dated back to the 1900s. However, the mass migration of Nicaraguans and their most felt presence took place during the past 36 years. This mass migration occurred in several different. 2. To consider other dimensions of migration hardly captured by censuses (irregularity; temporary migration and crossborder), it is estimated that the population abroad could represent 800,000 Nicaraguans.. . 33.