畢爾包背景概述

一、畢爾包之歷史及文化

（一）畢爾包城市發展歷程

畢爾包由藍帶河(El Río Nervión)貫穿，在 1300 年便形成一個城鎮，位於比 斯開灣及藍帶河河口，海水深度適合發展航運，因此商業貿易往來絡繹不絕，而 形成海港，海港區域為今日老城區的雛形，畢爾包成為中世紀時期重要交通樞紐。

畢爾包鄰近米里維拉(Mirivilla)礦坑，礦產資源豐富，人們得利於鐵礦的開採，

使得人口雖之增長，城市也越漸富庶，在工業革命之後，1862 年西班牙的鐵路延 伸到畢爾包，讓畢爾包不僅是海上貿易，在陸運上也得以發展，鞏固畢爾包在金 融及貿易上的中心地位。1875 年畢爾包因其鄰近的礦產資源、貿易收入及港口 活動，工業的發展也因而蒸蒸日上，促使經濟不斷地成長，後來成立了畢爾包銀 行(Banco de Bilbao)及比斯開銀行(Banco de Bizkaia)⁴，銀行有如同象徵畢爾包在 工業時期的影響力，掌握了大部分的資源及資金。

在得天獨厚的優越地理位置及礦產資源的條件之下，畢爾包在20 世紀前期 都發展得相當穩定，成為西班牙北部重要鋼鐵及航運的都市（李季，2014）。1950、

4王儷瑾 認識西班牙～跟著官方導遊走 畢爾包～集當代建築、當代藝術與傳統美食於一身的

城市> https://lichingwang-barcelonaguide.blogspot.com/2011/06/blog-post.html 最後參閱時間 2018/05/26

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1960 年代持續有移民潮的進入，從西班牙較為貧窮的區域或者是從其他國家的 弱勢族群，如摩爾人。

1950 年到 1970 年代中期，鋼鐵業及造船業在左岸的發展成為了畢爾包市主 要的經濟來源，但相對地亦付出了沈痛的代價，發展產業所帶來的工業廢水，大 量消耗的能源，毫無規劃的工廠及住宅皆逐漸成為了這城市難以跨越的阻礙 (Sainz, 2012)。

（二）巴斯克文化

巴斯克人主要分布於庇里牛斯山法國及西班牙邊境一帶，其中以巴斯克自治 區的畢爾包人數較多。巴斯克語是從中世紀流傳下來的語言，但目前沒有任何語 系與巴斯克語有關聯，巴斯克語受到當局積極推動，目前仍在巴斯克地區廣泛地 使用。巴斯克的音樂、舞蹈及詩詞都是代代相傳，為巴斯克地區的瑰寶。

在巴斯克地區為透過舉辦節慶活動傳達巴斯克文化的重要性，巴斯克的出版 業及音樂產業都會透過書展或是音樂展呈現巴斯克的文化，政府也會一年一度舉 辦藝術節、巴斯克慶典(fest)、大週(Aste Nagusia)，在畢爾包的博物館之中也陳列 巴斯克藝術家之作品。

二、畢爾包之困境與挑戰

（一）後工業化之危機 1. 工廠倒閉、失業率攀升：

在1970 年代開始，在傳統工業上的競爭不敵東南亞國家低廉的勞力成本，

加上1973 年的石油危機，全球經濟蕭條及生產佈局重整，佛朗哥的獨裁統治之

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下卻保護西班牙經濟，延後其影響，但隨著政治權力之瓦解，畢爾包終究得面臨 這波工業危機，過去以鋼鐵業為基礎的畢爾包不再具有優勢。這些重工業的工廠 紛紛倒閉，失業率不斷地攀升。根據Plöger(2008)指出 1970 以前失業率的問題幾 乎是不存在的，而到1980 年代中期已經攀升至 25%的高峰，如圖 4.1 顯示： collapsed in the mid-1970s. Indicators such as the loss of manufacturing employment and population change suggest that problems reached their peak towards the mid-1980s. While unemployment was almost nonexistent until the early 1970s, it reached a record 25 per cent in the first half of the 1980s. The graph below shows that Bilbao’s unemployment rate, though higher, follows the development for Spain as a whole. Severe social problems, intense physical decay and a steep rise in unemployment between 1975 and 1985 were the most visible outcomes of urban decline (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7: Official unemployment rate, Bilbao (1970-1995)

0

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

Bilbao Spain

Source: Eustat, 2006, Gómez, 1998.

Since Bilbao’s industrial structure was dominated by heavy industries, such as steel, shipyards, and machine engineering, it was particularly hard hit by the crisis (Gómez, 1998, p 108; Meyer, 2001, p 297; Rodríguez, 2002, p 74; González, 2005, p 97). Between 1975 and 1995, 60,000 manufacturing jobs – almost half of the existing industrial jobs – were lost in the metropolitan area. The proportion of manufacturing jobs dropped from 46 to 27 per cent (Eustat, 2006). In comparison with many other Western European cities, especially in the UK, industrial employment started to decline later and it was not until the late 1970s and especially the 1980s that the crisis was fully felt in Bilbao (Fig. 8).

Large industrial companies that had dominated the local economy for a long time, such as the Altos Hornos steelworks in Barakaldo or the Euskalduna shipyard in Bilbao, were modernised and continued production with a fraction of the original workforce or collapsed completely. From the side of the workers, these structural changes were met by long years of industrial action by the unions and there were outbursts of violent labour conflict in the early 1980s (Fig. 9).

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Fig. 8: Number of workers employed in manufacturing, Biscay province (1970-1995)

0

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

Source: Eustat, 2006; Gómez, 1998.

Fig. 9: Industrial action, striking workers

Source: Bilbao Ría 2000 (from presentation at CRG I, March 2006)

The industrial crisis had dramatic social impacts, most significantly the sharp increase of unemployment but the social consequences of the closure of industries varied. The situation in Barakaldo illustrates this. Its residents were very dependent on its largest employer, the Altos Hornos steelworks but the impact of the closure of the plant in 1990 was less dramatic than might have been expected because many of the workers accepted the generous early-retirement packages offered by the state-owned company (N. Tejerina, interview). For Barakaldo the closure also meant that many migrant workers returned to their home regions in Southern or Western Spain and the number of pensioners increased. It was the younger generation about to enter the labour market that suffered most from deindustrialisation. As a consequence, youth unemployment reached 50 per cent in the 1980s.

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2. 環境污染：

過去鋼鐵業蓬勃發展之下，貫穿畢爾包的藍帶河，河水及土壤受到大量的污 染（圖4.3），根據檢測除了家庭廢水之外，大部份來自於工業製造生產時所排放 之廢水(Azkona et al , 1984; Plöger, 2008)。廢水的問題一直都沒有被妥善的處理，

經過百年來工業的發展，藍帶河的生態系統近乎呈現死亡狀態，周邊土地面積約 340 畝也因受到有毒物質污染而荒廢，過去都曾是工業用地(Power, 2016)。在藍 帶河左岸的Barakaldo 地區三分之一的土地都是由這類棕地，空蕩的建築物及被 遺棄的基礎設施等(Plöger, 2008)。

圖4.3 1970 年代藍帶河之樣貌

（資料來源：Bizkaia talent 網站）

3. 人口的流失

畢爾包的人口從 1970 年到 1980 年後工業危機仍小幅度增長，但到了 1980 年後人口數量急速下降（圖 4.4），1980 年原本有 438000 人，直到 1995 年衰退 到360000 人，減少約七萬八千左右之人口，受到去工業化影響之外，亦與 1983 年區域的調整有關，畢爾包獨立成為自治市。

圖4.4 畢爾包 1970 年至 1995 年人口數量

（資料來源：Power, 2016）

多數原本在畢爾包重工業工作的人多為西班牙南部安達盧西亞(Andaulcia) 或西北部加里西亞(Galicia)，皆屬國內收入偏低、經濟較為不繁榮發達的地區，

因此多數居民外移至大城市謀求生活，他們大多居住在鄰近工廠較簡陋的住宅的 Barakaldo 等區；然而，因為後工業化帶來之影響，迫使這些外地勞工必須離開 畢爾包，返鄉或到其他都市另尋發展 ，故外來勞工居住之地區移出率較高 (Rodríguez et al, 2001)，工業區移出推力原因可歸結出下列幾項因素(Plöger, 2008)：

⚫ 境內鋼鐵、船塢等工廠的消失

⚫ 次等殘破不堪的住宅，沒有太多法律約束

⚫ 該地區負面的印象

（二）分離主義組織：

埃塔(the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, 簡稱 ETA)為巴斯克地區的分離主義恐怖組 織，成立於1959 年，一開始為佛朗哥獨裁時期的地下反抗組織，佛朗哥政權垮

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lost population and until the mid-1990s the province and region declined too. However, in spite of depopulation (with some later recovery), Bilbao remained an extremely dense city and still is today.

Figure 10: Population development, Bilbao (1970-1995)

Source: Eustat, 2006.

Pollution

At the very point where air, soil and water pollution should have begun to drop, through factory closures, the cumulative impact of 100 years of “wild industrial dumping” caught up with the city’s eco-system. By the 1980s, the river Nervion was “ecologically dead”. As factories and shipyards declined, bare sites, disused buildings and abandoned machinery became available for other uses. But the levels of toxic poisoning were so high that both water and land were contaminated to dangerous levels. In Barakaldo one third of the land, buildings and infrastructure was abandoned. A long, slow, costly clean-up began, starting with the water treatment plant which was not completed until the late 1980s.This was by far the most serious and hazardous environmental challenge, as household sewage mixed with chemical, mineral and other industrial pollutants in the large, deep river systems that drain from the deep mountain valleys into the river basin that runs through Bilbao.

320,000

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

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台後，原本為提倡傳統巴斯克文化及民族活動，後漸漸發展成從事獨立運動的準 軍事組織，參與許多暴力行動諸如爆炸、刺殺、綁架等，希望藉此可以脫離西班 牙獨立，成立民族國家。

埃塔組織曾與第三世界國家的獨立組織維持聯繫，也受到古巴、黎巴嫩及利 比亞等國之資助，被美國、英國、法國和歐盟等認定為恐怖主義組織。為了達成 目標不擇手段，在馬德里、巴賽隆納等地發起攻擊事件，奪走許多人性命，恐怖 攻擊事件在新聞媒體等傳播之下，不僅令人望之卻步，更是嚇跑許多企圖投資當 地的人（林孟儀，2006），讓當時外界對於過去畢爾包之印象仍殘留著埃塔的影 子，是個充滿恐怖主義氛圍的社會(Johnson, 2016:134)。