第五章 結論與建議
第二節 研究建議
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首先，筆者再次強調了人力資源管理者工作的本質是協助資本家無償地佔有 剩餘價值，他們的行為從屬於資本家。因此，資本家對外宣稱的人力資源管理者 的中立性質，其實是為了把勞資矛盾，或者說階級矛盾，掩蓋成為管理問題，即 轉換為勞工和管理者之間的摩擦。其次，人力資源管理者的沉默和順從出於兩種 因素：一、人力資源管理者工作需要通過對自己的情緒控制來控制他人的情緒，
這種「去情緒化」被內化成了一種專業能力或規範，而這種專業能力又強化了他 們對自己管理者角色的認同，從而造就了人力資源管理者與其他勞工從社會關係 到意識形態的分化；二、 從全景敞視主義的角度看，人力資源管理者擁有運用 績效考核和背景調查等手段監視員工的權力，也同時被其他人力資源管理者以這 些手段監視著。企業之間的合謀使得員工的整個職業生涯都被置於嚴密的監控中，
形成了一種無限期的監視和規訓。不同組織或同組織中的人力資源管理者之間存 在著相互監視的關係，而這種監視瓦解了他們之間的的信任，也防止了他們的串 謀，他們越了解違反規則所可能受到的懲罰就越恐懼。
大中型互聯網企業人力資源管理者的勞動過程呈現出極為嚴重的異化。現代 管理制度不僅止於對勞動者肉體的管控，甚至還包括意識形態和情緒的管控。在 這些巧妙的管理控制中，每一個人力資源管理者都被嚴密地劃分和孤立成原子化 的個體。從而，他們的團結性被巧妙地打散了，因此，本文觀察到的抵抗，多數 是一種消極式的抵抗。而無奈的是，這些抵抗方式也成為了人力資源管理職業的 自我篩選機制，這個職業只需要那些順從的人留在崗位上。
第二節 研究建議
由上文可見，許多管理研究與現實實踐產生的落差，恰恰是忽略了微觀角度
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下人力資源管理者在企業中所處的不平等關係。而企業家對待勞資關係的真實態 度對員工福祉有著確定性的影響，企業社會責任更應該是一種由組織內部至外部 可持續發展的關注。
除此之外，我們也可以看到當勞資力量處於極度不平衡的狀態時，光靠個體 與龐大的資本抵抗顯然是非常困難的。那麼，筆者不禁想追問的是，人力源管理 者，甚至是中國大陸的白領工人是否有團結一致進行集體抵抗的可能性？事實上，
如果我們仔細分析中國大陸的宏觀背景就會發現這是非常困難的。
隨著全球化的深入，中國大陸宣佈進入「經濟新常態」以及產業結構轉型階 段。從勞動市場的角度看，產業結構轉型並未創造出更多的就業崗位，反而是對 原有崗位造成了威脅。勞動力需求不斷萎縮的同時，由於教學制度不合理等因素，
勞動力供給卻在日益增多，白領工人也因此面臨著嚴峻的市場競爭。以構成白領 群體主力軍的大學生為例，2008 年應屆畢業生就業率不到 70%，即約有 100 萬 大學生不能實現初次就業（陳佳貴，2009）。與此同時，勞動力再生產成本卻在 不斷增長，這使得勞動者對工資越來越依賴，他們需要通過出賣自身勞動力來維 持生計。因此，中國大陸的白領工人正處在極大的就業和生存危機當中。然而，
中國大陸的集體勞動政策卻是相對缺失的（常凱，2013）。首先，自上而下的工 會是一種政府機構或「類政府機關」，而非獨立的工會組織，其首要任務是平衡 國家利益而非工人的利益；其次，自從1982 年《憲法》取消了關於「罷工自由」
的規定後，中國大陸長期把罷工置於法律的灰色地帶；另外，以勞動爭議調解仲 裁制度為代表的一系列政策通過柔性策略支持個人依法維權，從而減少了集體勞 動爭議的可能性，使得工人的抵抗個人化（莊文嘉，2013）。因此，強調白領工
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人的團結性和促成集體抵抗就顯得難上加難了。
然而，勞動者唯一能與資本抗衡的恰恰就是集體力量。因此，筆者依然希望 呼籲政府應當正視目前中國大陸存在的勞工問題，加強集體勞動政策的立法和執 行，並且進一步支持工會由工人自主籌建，以切實保護勞工權益。
最後，筆者也希望有更多研究關注到管理者工作的勞動過程當中。本文以大 中型互聯網企業人力資源管理者為例，對管理工作勞動過程研究進行了一次嘗試 探索。因此，文章中所呈現出來的許多問題都仍未充分展開，同時值得深入探討。
首先，本文並未對人力資源管理者在「趕工遊戲」和「身份錯位」中所呈現的人 格特質、性別或戶籍所在地等差異進行詳述，然而這些因素在人力資源管理者主 體性形塑上有相當重要的地位；其次，本文僅對部分互聯網大中型企業人力資源 管理者的勞動過程進行了研究。而事實上，不同行業、所有制、規模的企業體制 也形塑著人力資源管理者的回應方式；最後，置於特定組織內的參與式研究或是 針對社會變遷的歷史性研究是非常有必要的，這些都是未來值得深入探討的部分。
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