Chapter VI: Conclusion
6.2 Suggestions
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policy. Before China and Taiwan would ever reach official agreements regarding to political and national security issues, the increase of China’s military that directly threatens Taiwan’s security has to be countered. Under the Rebalance to Asia policy, the U.S. particularly has to assist Taiwan in defending itself by for example, continuing to carry on with arms sales to Taiwan. By strengthening the self-defense capabilities of Taiwan, it will increase Taiwan’s confidence for cross-Strait exchanges, and ensure cross-Strait peace and stability; furthermore, it will help Taiwan to have a more equal footing to negotiate with China on. Hence, Taiwan should look at Sino-U.S. relations and the positive development of Cross-Strait Relation as a balance of power which in turn, reduces security threats from China.
6.2 Suggestions
In between the two super powers, Taiwan has more space and flexibility in times when Sino-U.S. relations are under constrainment rather than in times of engagement.
In addition, Taiwan can still play a key role as a peace maker in the region. For example, on August 5, 2012, President Ma Ying-jeou proposed the East China Sea Peace Initiative based on the idea that although sovereignty over national territory couldn’t be compromised, natural resources could be shared. That initiative calls on all parties to replace confrontation with dialogue, and resolve disputes in the East China Sea through peaceful means. Following the success of the East China Sea Peace Initiative, President Ma Ying-jeou announced the South China Sea Peace Initiative on May 26 2015, advocating that all parties safeguard sovereignty, shelve disputes, pursue peace and reciprocity, and promote joint exploration and development. Hence under the U.S.’ Rebalancing of Asia policy, Taiwan has the ability to help with maintaining regional security which is another factor that could help Taiwan itself from
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marginalization in the region.
Besides playing a responsible role to maintain peace in the South China Sea and East China Sea, Taiwan has creates 500,000 jobs in the United States annually through trade and investment; according to a 2013 Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research study, Taiwan's participation in the TPP will increase the U.S.’ GDP by 0.1%; increase social welfare by US$15.4 billion; and increase exports by US$54.1 billion. Taiwan’s inclusion in the TPP will not only Strengthen U.S. ties with another like-minded economy in Asia, but also decrease the reliance Taiwan has on China economically.
In order to join the TPP and the RCEP, Taiwan needs to work on several aspects. Firstly, the government needs to work on letting the international community have a clear understanding of its policies, thus creating a favorable atmosphere for Taiwan to join regional economic and trade organizations. Secondly, Taiwan needs to be in negotiations and focus on drafting its own bilateral agreements and sign Economic Cooperation Agreements (ECA’s) with TPP and RCEP members countries, so that all members currently in the TPP are inclined to agree with Taiwan’s bid to join. Third, Taiwan needs to examine whether its own domestic regulations have met the international standards set forth in the TPP. Fourth, since the TPP requires zero tariffs on agricultural products, the government should assist the agricultural sector in restructuring to adjust and prepare for any adverse effects zero tariffs may have. Fifth, let the representatives from abroad have a full understanding of the policy, stance and schedule of joining regional economic cooperation organizations so they can promote it overseas. Finally, the ruling party and opposition party need to speed up reaching a consensus and pass the ECFA items that have stagnated in the Legislative Yuan, including the Cross-Strait Agreement on Trade in Services and the Cross-Strait Agreement on Trade in Goods.
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As for Sino-U.S. relations, in order to lower the tension of the South China and East China Sea disputes, the implementation of maritime confidence-building measures (CBMs) is important and crucial. The most significant CBM would be a binding code of conduct between ASEAN, the U.S. and China. Additionally, China, the U.S.
and ASEAN could establish a hotline to deal with emergencies in disputed waters and make military confidence-building measures, regarding the notification of major military activities and rules of behavior for air and maritime encounters. In general, the two sides should maintain open channels of communication to enhance the mutual trust.
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