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Mandarin VerbNet and Cross-frame Interactions: Social Interaction Verbs
Meichun Liu [email protected]
National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan
Abstract
Based on Frame Semantics (Fillmore & Atkins 1992) and the Framework of Mandarin VerbNet (Liu & Chiang 2008), this study attempts to explore the issues of Force Dynamics (FD) discussed in Talmy (2000) by investigating force interaction verbs in Mandarin on one hand, and the issues of the lexical distinctions encoded in Mandarin social interaction verbs on the other. Force interactions are conceptual fundations for Social Interation Verbs (SIVs), which include two semantic categories that show unilateral and bilateral social relations, as evidenced in their syntax-to-semantics correlations.
In terms of unilateral social interactions, the ways physical entities interact with each other in force relations provide the conceptual bases for various causative relations. A direct and unilateral force relation named Force Dynamics (FD) by Talmy (2000) is a semantic category exhibiting that an Agonist is singled out for focal attention and an Antagonist is considered to be the opposite party exerting an effect on the Agonist. By comparing Talmy’s FD schemas in English with our observations in Mandarin SIVs, several notable differences are distinguished. For example, while some of the English causation verbs distinguish onset causation (ex. stop… from) from extended causation (ex. keep…from), Mandarin SIVs are underspecified with regard to the onset/extended distinctions. More differences between English FD schemas and Mandarin unilateral social interactions will be discussed in the study.
According to Talmy, Force Dynamics as a semantic category exhibits a direct and unilateral force relation between two force-exerting entities. Social interaction verbs, however, encode bilateral force relations that Talmy didn’t cover in his research. Therefore, we explore the possible range of bilateral force trajectories and the reciprocal interactions lexicalized in Mandarin social interaction verbs may be distinguished by such bilateral force relations.
Adopting Frame Semantics (Fillmore & Atkins 1992), the hierarchical frame structures of Mandarin verbs (Liu & Chiang 2008) and Force Dynamics (Talmy 2000), this study aims to investigate: 1) the distinctions of English and Mandarin social Interaction Verbs, 2) the distinctions of Mandarin Social Interaction Verbs among subgroups, 3) the form-meaning correlations lexicalized in Mandarin Social Interaction Verbs and 4) the conceptual schemas in terms of force relations.
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Keywords: Social Interaction Verbs, Force Dynamics, Frame Semantics
1. Introduction
1.1 Goal of Research
The purpose of this study is to explore the possible unilateral force relations distinguished and lexicalized in Mandarin SIVs as well as the constructional variations associated with each distinct lexicalization pattern. In addition, it also classifies the bilateral force relations in Mandarin social interaction verbs into different but related frames on the basis of corpus observation as well as provides a systematic and well-motivated account for the reciprocal properties from the aspect of force relations. It follows the scheme established in Liu and Chiang (2008) with an extendable hierarchy of semantic scopes: Archiframe > Primary frame > Basic frame > Microframe. By offering a cognitive semantic account, this study presents a unified, frame-based and corpus-based classification of Mandarin SIVs and ultimately provides evidences to define force dynamics as a natural semantic category in a cross-linguistic level.
1.2 Theoretical Background
In recent years, lexical semantic studies have shown close relationships between lexical meanings and syntactic patterns. In particular, studies of verbal semantics have been widely discussed in linguistic research since verbs are considered to be the core of sentences and crucial in determining syntactic structures (Jackendoff 1983, Levin 1993). A number of studies have drawn significant attention to semantic categorization and grammatical realization (Levin 1993, Tsai et al. 1998, Liu 1999, Chang et al. 2000, Liu 2002, Liu and Chiang 2005). Among them, several pioneering studies should be emphasized: Fillmore (1971) proposes Frame Semantics, noting that “meanings are relativized to frames”, Levin (1993) classifies English verbs into different categories with a diathesis alternation approach, and Liu (2002) focuses on Mandarin verbal semantics and the syntax-semantics interface as reflected in corpus observation. Also, Goldberg (2005) proposes that “each word sense evokes an established semantic frame.” These previous studies have already built solid foundation for research of verbal semantics.
In Mandarin verbal semantics, Frame Semantic has often been adopted to account for different semantic and cognitive domains of various types of verbs as reflected in argument structure, basic syntactic patterns and collocational behaviors
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(see for example Liu 1999, Chiang 2006, Hu 2007, Hong 2009, among others). Adopting Frame Semantics, Liu and Chiang (2008) propose a ‘multi-layered hierarchical taxonomy’ which represent four distinct semantic and cognitive domains or ‘frames’ in verbal semantics as Archiframe > Primary frame > Basic frame > Microframe, classifying Mandarin verbs into different subframes. As an attempt to further explore verbal semantics and its interaction with syntactic behavior, the study investigates Mandarin social interaction verbs. By probing into the grammatical behavior of Mandarin social interaction verbs, the study aims to provide clear definitions and conceptual representations in terms of force relations (cf. Force Dynamics in Talmy 2000), so as to clarify the distinctions between different classes of social interaction verbs. The social interaction verbs belong to an archiframe called “Social Interaction Archiframe.” Below the archiframe are two primary frames named Unilateral Primary frame and Bilateral Primary frame. In order to account for the distinction between the studies of the two primary frames, works of Force Dynamics and Social Interaction Verbs will be elaborated in the following section.
1.2.1 Force Dynamics
Many works on Force Dynamics (FD) manifestation on verbs propose that the ways physical entities interact with each other in terms of force provide the conceptual bases for various causative relations (Talmy 1988, 2000; Chiang 2003). As distinct force relations in different semantic domains are exemplified in English (Talmy 1988, 2000; Wolff et al.2002), German (Wolff et al. 2005) and the like, the studies of force relations in Mandarin focus on the physical, psychological, and intrapsychological causation (Lai and Chiang 2003; Chiang 2003; Chang 2007) respectively; whereas force interaction verbs as a whole have heretofore received scanty analysis.
Force dynamics is discussed in great detail in Talmy (2000). According to Talmy, force dynamics as a semantic category exhibits a direct and unilateral force relation. Several major force-dynamic patterns such as “causing” and “letting” were distinguished to conceptualize possible force relations. Talmy further suggested that force-dynamic patterns incorporated in lexical items can bring many of them together into systematic relationships (Talmy 2000: 409).
In light of Talmy’s theory, this study tries to tackle the following questions:
1) Do those force dynamic senses schematized by Talmy (2000) exist in Mandarin as well? In what way and to what extent are they lexicalized in Mandarin?
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2) Are there any differences between English FD schemas and the Mandarin ones?
3) Talmy suggested that FD is a unique semantic category and is extendable to various interaction domains, are there other possible force relations left out from Talmy’s discussion?
The three issues are of great importance because they not only display force dynamics in Mandarin but also refine the force-dynamic schemas proposed by Talmy (2000) into a more complete mechanism.
1.2.2 Social Interaction Verbs
According to Levin’s taxonomy (1993), verbs of social interaction are related to group activities that inherently involve more than one participant. A significant number of these verbs are related to fighting; another large group is related to verbal interactions. When one of these verbs takes a subject that refers to a single person, then it must take either a direct object (the marry verbs) or a with phrase (the
correspond verbs); it need not take a complement if its subject is a collective NP. In
addition, those verbs that relate to verbal interactions can take a prepositional phrase describing the content of the communication (They bargained over the price), while those verbs that relate to fighting can take prepositional phrases describing the reason for the fight (They fought over the land). The prepositions most commonly heading such phrases are over and about; the choice of preposition depends on the verb and the content of the preposition phrase itself.
In addition, Haspelmath (2007) proposes that lexical reciprocals can be defined as predicates that express a mutual configuration by themselves, without necessary grammatical marking. They consist of a semantically restricted set of predicates whose meanings generally fall into the class of social actions and relations (‘marry’, ‘quarrel’, ‘friend’), spatial relations (‘adjoin’, ‘next to’), and the relations of (non-)identity (‘same as’, ‘different from’, ‘resemble’).
However, since neither verbs of social interaction nor lexical reciprocals have been adequately studied in the field of Mandarin verbal semantics, there are still some issues that need to be further investigated:
1) What are the form-function correlations lexicalized in Mandarin social interaction verbs?
2) What are the classification criteria for Mandarin social interaction verbs? 3) How is the reciprocity in terms of force relations conceptualized in Mandarin
5 social interaction verbs?
To fill the gaps, this study focuses on Mandarin social interaction verbs, attempting to provide a detailed frame-based solution to the form-meaning interactions and to propose conceptual schemas in terms of force relations in order to ultimately pursue a broader generalization of reciprocity encoded in the verbs.
Ultimately, the study provides a detailed analysis of the lexical distinctions encoded in Mandarin social interaction verbs as evidenced in their syntax-to-semantics correlations and proposes frame-specific conceptual schemas as semantic links for different types of social interaction verbs.
1.3 Research Method
1.3.1 Data Base
The Data used in the present analysis is mainly based on the corpus data from Academia Sinica Balanced Corpus of Modern Mandarin Chinese (Sinica Corpus) (http://dbo.sinica.edu.tw/SinicaCorpus/index.html). The second database is Chinese Word Sketch (http://wordsketch.ling.sinica.edu.tw/), which provides amplified data in contribution to grammatical co-occurrence and the distribution of syntactic behavior of each lemma. Thirdly, ‘Google Search,’ the daily-updated database, (http://www.google.com.tw/) is used to verify collocational observations, which may be lacking in the two aforementioned less freqently updated corpora. Other supplementary sources are “the Academia Sinica Biligual Ontological WordNet (Sinica BOW) (http://bow.sinica.edu.tw/), which shows the English-Chinese bilingual lexical access, the Framenet (http://framenet.icsi.berkeley.edu/), and the Mandarin Verbnet (http://140.113.222.78/verbnet/website/).
1.3.2 Theoretical Framework
Two theoretical frameworks are adopted in this study. Force Dynamics (Talmy 2000) is adopted to explore possible force relations and FD schemas lexicalized by Mandarin SIVs. Frame Semantics (Fillmore and Atkins 1992) as well as the frame-based taxonomy proposed by Liu and Chiang (2008) are adopted to establish a unified, frame-based, and corpus-based classification to the study of SIVs in Mandarin.
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Fillmore and Atkins (1992) propose a cognitive framing system to the meaning(s) of words. A word links or activates semantic frame(s) in which the concept of the word is defined. That is to say, the meaning(s) of a word is(are) both embodies and situated in a specific environment, say it a frame as its’ background. Each frame contains core frame elements, and different word senses are shown by different frames in which specific frame elements are highlighted. Moreover, the profiled frame elements will lead to distinct syntactic behaviors. By observing the syntactic-semantic correlations, the meanings of verbs can be identified.
1.3.3.1 Framework of Mandarin VerbNet
Under the assumption that verb meanings are anchored in semantic frames with lexically-profiled specificities (Fillmore and Atkins 1992), Mandarin SIVs are analyzed and re-constructed with a frame-based taxonomy, following the classificational scheme established in Liu and Chiang (2008) with an extendable hierarchy of semantic scopes: Archiframe > Primary frame > Basic frame > Microframe. The higher the frame is, the broader semantic domain it is and the more background frame information it provides.
According to Liu and Chiang (2008), the Archiframe (AF) is the highest semantic domain in which the maximal scope of background information for a unique event type is provided. It has anoverarching conceptual schema with a default set of participant roles (a.k.a. frame elements). Primary Frames (PFs) are more focused frames in which given portion of the conceptual schema is profiled or specified. Different primary frames contain distinctive and unique set of core frame elements. Basic Frames (BFs) highlight a particular participant role or relation within the primary frame. Basic frames are distinguished based on the syntactic patterns that foreground or background certain frame elements. Microframes (MFs) are distinguished according to role-internal features of frame elements. Under the hierarchical scheme, each frame is specified with a definition, a set of frame elements, frame-level defining patterns, a subpart of conceptual schema, and representative lemmas.
1.3.4 Methodology
In this study, we analyze Mandarin SIVs and observe whether they belong to unilateral verbs or bilateral verbs. To capture the mapping relation between syntactic realizations and semantic properties of Mandarin unilateral SIVs, five steps are
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Step 1: Comparing the FD patterns in English proposed by Talmy (2000) to those in Mandarin so as to develop the possible lexicalization patterns of
Mandarin SIVs.
To better accommodate the conceptual connection between force dynamics and force interactions, the present study firstly compared the FD patterns in English with those in Mandarin so as to find possible force relations in Mandarin SIVs. Based on the lexicon that represents different FD patterns, the equivalent Mandarin lexicon was obtained through Sinica BOW.
Step 2: Defining and Finding the Mandarin Social Interaction Verbs
We also made reference to the English database FrameNet in searching for potential targets left from Talmy’s discussion. We focus on the verbs depicting external and unilateral social interaction between two distinct and purposeful force-exerting parties for or to trigger a particular action in interactive settings. Based on the lexical items listed in FrameNet, the equivalent Mandarin lemmas were obtained through Sinica BOW as well. Notice that the irrelevant lemmas were filtered out and some related but neglected lemmas were added in.
Step 3: Collecting the Corpus Data
Sinica Corpus, Chinese Word Sketch, and Google Search were used to collect the corpus data of the target verbs.
Step 4: Observing and Investigating the Data
The Investigation particularly lied in the conceptual FD schemas, syntactic realizations and semantic attributions of each verb. The data were under inspection in their 1) grammatical function, 2) syntactic categories, 3) syntactic patterns, 4) frame elements, and 5) grammatical collocations.
Step 5: Analyzing and Classifying the Verbs in Inspection
The findings based on the previous investigation were utilized as decisive criteria for the taxonomy of social interaction verbs in Mandarin.
On the other hand, to capture and analyze the form-to-meaning interaction of Mandarin social interaction verbs, four steps are taken successively as follows:
Step 1: Finding Mandarin Social Interaction Verbs
Based on the lexical items mentioned in Levin’s and Haspelmath’s studies, the author searched the English database FrameNet, and several frames related to verbs of social interaction are found. As mentioned in section 2.2, most verbs of social interaction come from the Reciprocality Frame, which is inherited by several subframes such as Amalgamation, Being_attached, Chatting, Collaboration, Commercial_transaction, Discussion, Exchange, Make_acquaintance and Similarity Frame, as shown in Table (1) below:
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No. Frame Name Lemma
1 Amalgamation combine, merge, unify, unite, etc.
2 Being_attached attached, connected, linked, etc.
3 Chatting chat, converse, speak, talk, etc.
4 Collaboration collaborate, cooperate, partner, work together, etc.
5 Commercial_transaction transaction, etc.
6 Discussion communicate, debate, discuss, negotiate, etc.
7 Exchange change, exchange, trade, etc.
8 Make_acquaitance meet, etc.
9 Similarity like, alike, unlike, differ, different, similar,
dissimilar, distinct, resemble, vary, etc.
Table (1): Subframes inherited from Reciprocity Frame in FrameNet
The English lemmas then served as the input to the Academia Sinica Bilingual Ontological WordNet (Sinica BOW), a bilingual database, and Dr. Eye, a translation program, to obtain the equivalent Mandarin lemmas. Moreover, 教育部重編國語辭 典修訂本 is consulted so as to exhaust the targets of research. In addition, Mandarin social interaction verbs not found during this step are also added to the word pool. The equivalent Mandarin social interaction verbs are listed in Table (2) below:
No. Frame Name Lemma
1 Amalgamation 結合、合併、聯合 2 Being_attached 聯結、連結 3 Chatting 聊天、談、論、談論 4 Collaboration 合作、合夥、合力 5 Commercial_transaction 交易 6 Discussion 溝通、爭論、討論、協調 7 Exchange 交換、交易
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8 Make_acquaitance 見面、碰面
9 Similarity 像、不像、一樣、不一樣、相似、不同
Table (2): Mandarin equivalents of subframes inherited from Reciprocity Frame
in FrameNet
Note that only verbs and nominalized verbs are included in this study, whereas attributive predicates, adjectives and nouns are not. Several unrelated lemmas are filtered out, such as those lemmas in Similarity Frame, and some related but neglected lemmas are added into examination during the analysis.
Step 2: Collecting Corpus Data—Obtaining Sentences Containing Mandarin Social Interaction Verbs
After grouping the Mandarin social interaction verbs, the author searched and collected corpus data in Sinica Corpus, Chinese Word Sketch, and Google as well.
Step 3: Examining the Data—Observing the Morphological and Grammatical Characteristics
To clarify the syntactic expressions and semantic attributions of each verb, the author examined the data particularly in their 1) syntactic categories, 2) grammatical functions, 3) frame elements, 4) syntactic patterns, and 5) grammatical collocations and morphological make-ups.
Step 4: Analyzing and Categorizing the Verbs—Postulating Conceptual Schema Based on Frame Elements
A set of essential frame elements are found from the corpus data. Based on the frame elements, a conceptual schema is postulated. The findings based on previous examination were utilized as criteria to analyze and categorize Mandarin social interaction verbs into different but related frames.
2. Conceptual Schema of Social Interaction Archiframe
According to Liu and Chiang (2008), an Archiframe is the maximal scope of an eventive background, which is schematized by a Conceptual Schema (CS) plotting with a set of default participants, that is, the Frame Elements (FEs). The schematized representation reveals the cognitive basis for a specific frame and the interrelations among its subframes.
In the study, social interaction events are divided into unilateral and bilateral social interaction depending on what force trajectory projections they denote.
10 (1) Two Clines of Social Interaction Events:
a. Unilateral Social Interaction (AB Target) 華府阻止法國出售航空母艦給中共。
Huáfŭ zŭzhĭ Fàguó chūshòu hángkōngmŭjiàn gěi Zhōnggòng
Washingtan D.C. ZUZHI France vend aircraft carrier to Chinese Communist Party
‘The US government stops France from vending the aircraft carrier to the Chinese government.’
b. Bilateral Social Interaction (A and B Target) 我們合作舉辦就業博覽會。
wŏmen hézuò jŭbàn jìuyè bólănhuì
we HEZUO host career fair
‘We cooperate in hosting a career fair.’
章子怡和李安合作《臥虎藏龍》。
Zhāngzĭyí hé Lĭān hézhò Wòhŭcánglóng
Zhangziyi Conj. An Lee HEZUO “Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon” ‘Zhanziyi and An Lee cooperate in (filming the movie) “Crouching Tiger,
Hidden Dragon”.’
The social interaction in (1a) is exerting between a force-initiating party 華府
Huáfŭ ‘The US government’ and a force-taking party 法國Fàguó ‘France’ for a target
action 出售航空母艦 給中共chūshòu hángkōngmŭjiàn gěi Zhōnggòng ‘sale the aircraft carrier to the Chinese government’ whereas the social interaction in (1b) is exerting mutually and recripocally between two conjoined Force-exerting parties 我 們wŏmen ‘we’ or 章子怡和李安Zhāngzĭyí hé Lĭān ‘Zhanziyi and An Lee’ for a target action 舉辦就業博覽會jŭbàn jìuyè bólănhuì ‘host a career fair’ or for a target theme 臥虎藏龍Wòhŭcánglóng ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon.’ Nevertheless, no matter the event is unilateral or bilateral, a social interaction event takes two force-exerting parties (A, B, or A+B) to interact with and a particular Target (an action or a theme) that is related to the interaction. Diagram (1) below displays the conceptual schema of social interaction events:
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Diagram (1): the Conceptual Schema of Social Interaction Archiframe
In the conceptual schema, Force-exerting party_1 (A) and Force-exerting party_2 (B) impose the dynamic forces upon each other interactively for a particular Target. Note that it is possible for A and B to combine and conjoin as Force-exerting parties (A+B) to reach a Target in a social interaction.
3 Frame-based Analysis
3.1 The Hierarchical Structure of the Social Interaction Verbs
The analysis of Mandarin social interaction verbs is based on the theory of Frame Semantics (Fillmore and Atkins 1992) and the framework of Mandarin VerbNet proposed by Liu and Chiang (2008). Mandarin social interaction verbs can be categorized into different frames which can be further analyzed into different layers. In this section, the relationship of frames in social interaction domain will be introduced. The hierarchical structure of frames is as follows: Archiframe > Primary frame > Basic frame > Microframe. Archiframe is a broad semantic domain defined with a general event schema; Primary frame is a subpart of the schema with a unique set of core frame elements; Basic frame highlights particular frame elements, realizing them in particular constructions, called defining patterns; Microframe is further distinguished according to role-internal specifications of frame elements, such as Collocational Association, Semantic Attribute, and Morphological Make-up. Since the issue of this study is social interaction verbs, only frames under Bilateral Primary Frame will be presented.
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According to Liu and Chiang (2008), an Archiframe (AF) is relatively the highest frame in the extendable semantic hierarchy. It represents a relatively large and independent semantic domain, in this case, the social interaction domain. An archiframe provides an overarching conceptual schema as the semantic prerequisite for the individual subframes underneath. The information of Social Interaction archiframe is given below:
Definition: A relational social interaction that involves two (sometimes more) Force-exerting parties (A and B), in which Force-exerting party_1 (A) and Force-exerting party_2 (B) impose dynamic forces upon each other interactively to reach a particular Target. Note that it can be further divided into Unilateral interaction and Bilateral interction based on what force trajectory it is.
Representitive lemma:阻止zŭzhĭ “to stop,”合作hézuò “to cooperate” Frame Elements: Force-exerting party_1, Force-exerting party_2, Force-exerting parties, Target
Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Force-exerting party_1[NP] < * < Force-exerting party_2 [NP]< (Target[VP]) [ 隔 壁 的 王 先 生 /Force-exerting party_1] 一 直 [ 阻 止 /Social Interaction][ 她 /Force-exerting party_2][買房子/Target]，
gébì de Wáng xiānshēng yìzhí zŭzhĭ tā măi fángze
next door Wang mister continuously ZUZHI 3sg buy house
‘Mister Wang next door keeps restraining her from buying the house.’
b. Force-exerting party_2[NP] < * < Force-exerting party_1[NP] < ( ,Target[VP]) [我/Force-exerting party_2][順從/ Social Interaction][婆婆/Force-exerting
party_2]，[努力持家/Target]。
wŏ shùncóng pópo nŭlìchíjiā
I comply with mother-in-lawstrive manage household
‘I complied with my mother-in-law, and strived to manage the household.’ c. Force-exerting party_1[NP] < Conj{和/跟/與} < Force-exerting party_2[NP]
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[紀金池/Force-exerting party_1]與[好友/Force-exerting party_2][合力/Force Interaction][創辦私立盲人有聲圖書館/Target]，
Jìjīnchí yŭ hăoyŏu hélì chuàngbàn sīlì yŏushēng túshūguăn
Jijinchi CONJ good friend HELI found Private audio library for the blind ‘Jijinchi and his good friend cooperate in founding the Private audio library for the blind.’
d. Force-exerting parties[NP] < * < (Target[VP;NP;CL])
[兩個町/Force-exerting parties][合作/Social Interaction][舉辦嘉年華會 /Target]。
liăng-ge tĭng hézuò jŭbàn jiāniánhuáhuì
Two city block HEZUO host carnival
‘The two city blocks cooperate in hosting the carnival.’
3.3 Layer 2: Primary Frame
Primary Frames (PFs) are one layer below the archiframe in which given portion of the conceptual schema is profiled or specified. Different Primary Frames contain distinctive and unique set of core frame elements (FEs) and are defined with syntactic representations that are more restricted. With the findings, two primary frames are divided based on whether the force trajectory is Unilateral or Bilateral. The unilateral frame focuses on the initiating-subordinary relationship between force-exerting party 1 and 2, which might due to or trigger a particular target action; the bilateral frame, on the other hand, emphasizes on the recripocal relationship among two or more conjoined force-exerting parties interacting for a target.
Diagram (2): The Primary Frames under Social Interaction Archiframe
3.3.1 PF 1: Unilateral Primary Frame
Social Interaction
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Definition: It is an initiating-subordinary social interaction in which Force-exerting party_1 (A) and Force-exerting party_2 (B) impose the dynamic action upon each other interactively for or to trigger a particular Target action that is performed by either one or by both parties due to the force competition between the two.
Representative Lemma: 強迫 qiángpò ‘force, 阻止 zŭzhĭ ‘restrain’, 中止
zhōngzhĭ ‘discontinue’, 反抗 fănkàng ‘resist’, 幫助 bāngzhù ‘help’, 允許 yŭnxŭ ‘allow’
Core Frame Elements: Force-exerting party_1, Force-exerting party_2, Target Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
(a) Force-exerting party_1 [NP;CL] < ＊ < Force-exerting party_2 [NP;CL] < (Target[VP])
[ 他 /Force-exerting party_1] 臥 軌 [ 阻 止 /Unilateral][ 火 車 /Force-exerting party_2][啟動/Target]。
ta wogui zuzhi huoche qidong
(b) Force-exerting party_2 [NP] < ＊ < Force-exerting party_1 [NP] < (, Target [VP])
[我/Force-exerting party_2][反抗/Unilateral][黨中央/Force-exerting party_1]， [參選了這次立委選舉/Target]。
wo fankang dangzhongyang canxuan-le zhe-ci liwei xuanju
3.3.2 PF 2: Bilateral Primary Frame
Definition: It is a reciprocal social interaction which inherently involves two or more participants of equal status, in which Force-exerting party_1 (A) and Force-exerting party_2 (B) impose mutual forces on each other and conjoin as Force-exerting parties (A and B) in order to reach a Target within social settings. Representative Lemma: 合作 hézuò ‘collaborate’, 競爭 jìngzhēng ‘compete’, 交流 jiāoliú ‘interact’, 互動 hùdòng ‘interact’, 分開 fēnkāi ‘seperate’, 對抗
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Core Frame Elements: Force-exerting party_1, Force-exerting party_2, Force-exerting parties, Target
Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
(a) Force-exerting party_1 [NP] < Conj {和/跟/與} < Force-exerting party_1 [NP] < ＊ < (Target [NP;VP;CL])
一 九 九 零 年 [ 杜 可 風 /Force-exerting party_1] 和 [ 香 港 導 演 王 家 衛 /Force-exerting party_2][合作/Bilateral][拍攝《阿飛正傳》/Target]。
yijiujiulingnian dukefeng han xianggang daoyan wangjiawei hezuo paishe afeizhengchuan
(b) Force-exerting parties [NP] < ＊ < (Target [NP;VP;CL])
[萊特兄弟/Force-exerting parties]長大以後，[合作/Bilateral][經營一家腳踏車 店/Target]。
laite xiongdi zhangda yihou hezuo jingying yi-jia jiaotachedian
3.4 Layer 3: Basic Frame
Basic Frames are semantically more restricted frames under each primary frame. Each one of them specifies a narrower scope of meaning. According to Liu and Chiang (2008), basic frames are “semantically more informative, distributionally more frequent and common, and are associated with foregrounded or backgrounded frame elements within the set of primary-selected elements.” (Liu and Chiang 2008:10)
That is to say, different basic frames highlight different frame elements with distinctive syntactic representations. For basic frames under the same primary frame, they inherit the defining patterns from the primary frame but develop some unique syntactic patterns of their own, which separate them from one another.
Target
B A
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From the above, we see that the primary frame level contains two primary frames: Unilateral primary frame and Bilateral primary frame. Therefore, each primary frame is divided into different basic frames. First of all, we would look into the unilateral primary frame. Verbs in the unilateral primary frame are divided into several basic frames based on the force direction they encode and the asymmetrical presentation of certain frame elements, i.e., foregrounding or backgrounding particular frame
elements to denote a narrower meaning. Examples below demonstrate six defining patterns matching with six foregrounded frame elements, which show the difference among different basic frames:
(2) Foregrounding frame elements of verbs under Unilateral primary frame a. [有一些雇主/Antagonist]強迫[懷孕婦女/Agonist][在產前離職/Target act]，
yŏu yìxiē gùzhŭ qiángpò huáiyùnfùnŭ zài chănqián lízhí
there are some employer QIANGPO pregnant women procreationbefore leave one’s job
‘There are some employers forcing pregnant exployees to leave their job before they give birth to a child.’
b. [音樂/Agonist]快慢交雜，絕不中止。
yīnyuè kuàimàn jiāozá juébù zhōngzhĭ
music fast slow interwine never ZHONGSHI
‘The music with mixed speed never stops (for good).’
c. [組織委員/Antagonist]阻止[記者/Agonist][不要詢問政治性議題/Target act]。
zŭzhī wěiyuán zŭzhĭ jìzhě búyào xúnwèn zhèngzhìxiàng yìtí
Organizing committee ZUZHI reporter NEG-ask political issue
‘The organizing committee stops reporters (because they) don’t want them to ask questions about political issues.’
d. [我/Re-acting force]聽從[醫生的指示/Prior force]，[接受治療並經常和醫師 聯繫 /Accompanying act]。
wŏ tīngcóng yīshēng de zhĭshì jiēshòu zhìliáo bìng jīngcháng hé yīshī lián xì
I obey doctor-DE instruction receive treatment and constant with doctor contact
‘I obeyed the instruction of the doctor, took treatments and remained contact with the doctor constantly.’
e. [各地義工/Benefiter]幫忙[救難隊/Beneficiary][搬動救援物資/Target act]。
gèdì yìgōng bāngmáng jìunànduì bāndòng jìuyuán wùzī
each region volunteers BANGMANG rescue team transport relief goods ‘Volunteers from different regions help the rescue team transport relief goods.’ f. [美國人/Grantor]允許[老蔣/Grantee][出兵/Target act]
17 Měiguórén yŭnxŭ lăoJiăng chūbīng
American YUNXU old Jiang dispatch troops
‘The American (government) allows old Jiang to dispatch troops.’
If we compare (2a) with (2b), we found that when talking about the event of 強 迫qiángpò “to force,” the force-initiating Antagonist is usually mentioned whereas in the event of 中止zhōngzhĭ “to discontinue,” the Antagonist (say it the DJ) is not as important as it is in the forcing event. Therefore, Antagonist is foregrounded in forcing events like (2a) and backgrounded in terminating events like (2b). On the other hand, the event of 阻止zŭzhĭ “to restrain” quite oftenly highlight the Antagonist and a Target act that indicates the purpose of opposition; In the event of 反抗fănkàng “to resist,” it is the Re-acting force that plays the most important role to react whereas in the event of 幫忙bāngmáng “to help,” and 允許yŭnxŭ “to allow,” it is the Beneficiary and the Grantor that stand under a spotlight respectively.
With different foregrounded elements in (2), there are six basic frames under the unilateral primary frame, namely Forcing, Try to stop, Stopping, Counteractive forcing, Assisting, and Letting as shown in diagram (3) below:
Diagram (3): The Basic Frames under Unilateral Primary Frame
As illustrated above, verbs in unilateral primary frame display distinctive force directions in social interaction. Lemmas in Forcing, Try to stop, and Stopping frames denote the interaction between two opposite forces (the Antagonist and the Agonist.) Lemmas in Counteractive forcing frame presuppose an act given from a Prior force to be counteracted with by a Re-acting force. Lemmas in Assisting frame signal a same directional social interaction between the Benefiter and the Beneficiary; whereas lemmas in Letting frame encode the social interaction in which one disengaging Grantor interact with a Grantee.
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Definition: Verbs in this frame describe social interactions in which a foregrounded antagonistic entity or event (Antagonist) exerts an opposite force to an agonistic entity (Agonist,) which is forced to move toward a Target act (usually do it in a reluctant way).
Lemma: 迫使pòshĭ “to make,” 強使qiángshĭ “to make,” 逼使bīshĭ “to make,” 逼迫bīpò “to force,” 強迫qiángpò “to force,” 逼bī “to force,” 強逼qiángbī “to force”
Frame Elements: Antagonist, Agonist, Target act Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Antagonist[NP;CL] <{故意/刻意}<* <Agonist[NP] < (Target act[VP]) [民主黨/Antagonist]刻意[迫使/Forcing][眾議院/Agonist][進行表決/Target act]。
Mínzhŭdăng kèyì pòshĭ zhòngyìyuàn jinxing biăojué
The Democratic party deliberately POSHI the House of Representatives to vote ‘The Democrtic party had the House of Representatives to vote to decide
deliberately.’
b. Antagonist[NP] <把 <Agonist[NP] < * < Target act[VP]
[保守派人士/Antagonist]努力把[柯爾/Agonist][逼/Forcing][下台/Target act]。
băoshŏupài rénshì nŭlì bă Kēěr bī xiàtái
the conservatives strive BA Gore BI regian
‘The conservatives works very hard to force Gore to resign.’
c. Agonist[NP] <被/遭/為/遭到<Antagonist[NP] < *< Target act[VP] [報社/Agonist]被[獨裁者/Antagonist][強迫/Forcing][歇業/Target act]。
bàoshè bèi dúcáizhě qiángpò xiēyè
newspaper office BEI autocrat QIANGPO shut down
‘The newpaper office is forced to shut down by the autocrat.’
d. Antagonist[NP] < {用/以/靠} [Prep]+Instrument[NP]/Means[NP;VP] < * < Agonist[NP] < (Target act[VP])
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[外國/Antagonist]用[槍砲/Instrument][強迫/Forcing][清朝政府/Agonist][開放 港口通商/Target act]。
Wàiguó yòng qiāngpào qiángpò qīngcháo zhèngfŭ kāifàng găngkŏu tōngshāng
Foreign countries by firearms QIANGPO Qing government open port trade ‘Foreign countries forced the Qing government to open a trade pass at the ports.’
e. *Dui
*[我/Antagonist]對[他/Agonist][迫使/強迫/逼/Forcing]。
wŏ duì tā pòshĭ/qiángpò/bī
I to 3sg POSHI/QIANGPO/BI *‘I force to him.’
3.4.2 Unilateral Basic Frame2:Try to stop Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe social interactions in which an Agonist is typically forced by an Antagonist to move away from an Intended act.
However, in some cases, the Agonist is forced by an Antagonist to move toward a certain Target act that indicates the purpose of Antagonist’s opposition. Lemma: 阻止zŭzhĭ “to restrain,” 阻擋zŭdăng “to block,” 阻礙zŭài “to hinder,” 制止zhìzhĭ “to stop,” 遏止èzhĭ “to stop,” 遏制èzhì “to stop,” 阻撓
zŭnáo “to hinder,” 攔阻lánzŭ “to hinder,” 預防yùfáng “to prevent,” 防止 fángzhĭ “to prevent,” 避免bìmiăn “to avoid”
Frame Elements: Antagonist, Agonist, Intended act, Target act Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Antagonist[NP;CL] <({企圖/試圖/打算}) <* <Agonist[NP] <(Intended act[VP])
[大學聯招會/Antagonist]試圖[阻擋/Try to stop][各媒體/Agonist][統計錄取 率/Intended act]，
dàxuéliánzhāohuì shìtú zŭdăng gè méotĭ tŏngjì lùqŭlù
Joint board of College recruitment commossion try ZUDANG every mass media gather statistics enrollment rate
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‘The Joint board of College recruitment commossion tries to stop the press from gathering statistics of the enrollment rate.’
b. Antagonist[NP]< * < Agonist[NP] <Target act[VP]
[巴國/Antagonist]企圖[阻止/Try to stop][柯林頓/Agonist][不要過分親近北 京/Target act]。
Bāguó qìtú zŭzhĭ Kēlíndùn búyào guòfèn qīnjìn Běijīng
Pakistan government try ZUZHI Cliton Neg excessively close to Beijing Government
‘The Pakistan government tries to stop Cliton (because they) don’t want him (or America) to be too close to the Beijing government.’
c. Antagonist[NP] < (Means[NP;VP]) <把 < Agonist[NP] < *
[警方/Antagonist][部屬警力/Means]把[反核人士/Agonist][阻擋/Try to stop] 在外。
jĭngfāng bùshŭ jĭnglì bă fănhérénshì zŭdăng zài wài
police arrange police forces BA anti-nuclear people ZUDANG at out ‘The police arranged a crew to block the anti-nuclear people out.’
d. Agonist[NP] < {被/為/遭/遭到} < Antagonist[NP] < {所}*
[公司的申訴管道/Agonist]常遭[不明人士/Antagonist][阻礙/Try to stop]，意 見總是無法上傳。
gōngsī de shēnsù guăndào chángzāo bòmíngrènshì zŭài yìjiàn zŏngshì wúfă shàngchuán
company-DE querimony channel often ZAO unknown people ZUAI opinion always NEG upward deliver
‘The querimony channel of the company is often blocked by unknown people. Opinions are always not delivered to the higher authorities.’
e. Antagonist[NP] < {用/以/借} [Prep]+Instrument[NP]/Means[NP;VP] < * < Agonist[NP] <(Intended act[VP])
[歹徒/Antagonist]借[人群/Instrument][阻擋/Try to stop]了[警衛的視線 /Agonist]。
dăitú jiè rénquán zŭdăng le jĭngwèi de shìxiàn
evildoer by crowd ZUDANG-PERF security guard-DE sight
‘The evildoer (hided behind) the crowd that blocked the sight of the security guard.’
f. *Dui
*[我/Antagonist]對[他/Agonist][阻止/阻擋/Try to stop]。
wŏ duì tā zŭzhĭ/zŭdăng
I to 3sg ZUZHI/ZUDANG *‘I hinder to him.’
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It is interesting to see that in the majority cases, verbs in Try to stop frame describe social interactions in which an Agonist is forced by an Antagonist to move away from an Intended act as shown in defining pattern (a). However, in order to conform to the event structure of the UNILATERAL primary frame in which a Target act is typically addressed, verbs in Try to stop frame submit to the paradigm pressure and describe social interactions in which an Agonist is forced by an Antagonist to move toward a certain Target act that indicates the purpose of Antagonist’s opposition as can be seen in defining pattern (b). This unique specialty of frame conformation is the signature of Try to stop basic frame.
3.4.3 Unilateral Basic Frame3:Stopping Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe social interactions in which a highlighted Agonist is completely stopped by an Antagonist and is forced to move away from an Intended act.
Lemma:中止zhōngzhĭ “to discontinue,” 終止zhōngzhĭ “to terminate,” 中斷
zhōngduàn “to discontinue,” 結束jiéshù “to end,” 終結zhōngjié “to terminate”
Frame Elements: Antagonist, Agonist, Intended act Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Antagonist[NP] < * < Agonist[NP] < (Intended act[VP])
[這個病毒/Antagonist][中止/Stopping][我的防毒軟體/Agonist][掃到它 /Intended act]。
zhège bìngdú zhōngzhĭ wŏ de fángdúruăntĭ săo dào tā
this virus ZHONGZHI my anti-virus software detect-PERF 3sg
‘This virus stopped my anti-virus software from detecting its exsistance.’ b. Agonist[NP] < *
[團隊精神/Agonist]不會因計畫完成而[終止/Stopping]，
tuánduì jīngshén búhuì yīn jìhuà wánchéng ér zhōngzhĭ
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‘The team spirit won’t stop/terminate as the project ends.’ c. Antagonist[NP] <把< Agonist[NP] < {暫時/永遠} < *
[經建會主委蕭萬長/Antagonist]把[計畫/Agonist]暫時[中止/Stopping]了。
Jīngjiànhuì zhŭwěi Xiāowàncháang bă jìhuà zhànshí zhōngzhĭ le
Council for economic planning and development committee chairman Xiaowanchang Ba project temporarily ZHONGZHI
‘Xiaowanchang, who is the committee chairman of the Council for economic planning and development, stopped the project terporarily.’
d. Agonist[NP] <受/為/遭< Antagonist[NP] < *
[核廢運北韓/Agonist]屬商業行為不受[政治干擾/Antagonist][中止 /Stopping]。
héfèi yùn Běihán shŭ shāngyè xíngwéi búshòu zhèngzhì zhōngzhĭ
nuclear waste transport North Korea belong businessdealing Neg-receive political interruption ZHONGZHI
‘Transporting the nuclear waste to North Korea belongs to business dealings, which is not stopped by political interruptions.’
e. Antagonist[NP] < {用/以/憑}[Prep]+Instrument[NP]/Means[NP;VP] < * < Agonist[NP] <(Intended act[VP])
[海山高中文祺/Antagonist]以[嬌小的身體/Instrument][終止/Stopping][淡商 這一波的進攻/Agonist]。
Hăishān gāozhōng Wénchí yĭ jiāoxiăo de shēntĭ zhōngzhĭ Dànshāng zhè yìpō de jìngōng
Haishan High school Wenchi with little body ZHONGZHI Tam-shui vocational high school this-CL attack
‘Wenchi from Haishan High school stopped the attack called by Tam-shui vocational high school.’
f. *Dui
*[我/Antagonist]對[他/Agonist][終止/中止/Stopping]。
wŏ duì tā zhōngzhĭ/zhōngzhĭ
I to 3sg ZHONGZHI/ZHONGZHI *‘I stop to him.’
3.4.4 Unilateral Basic Frame4:Counteractive forcing Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe counteractive social interactions in which a highlighted Re-acting force responds to a presupposed Prior force and sometimes performs an Accompanying act to be in association with the
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Lemma: 反抗fănkàng “to resist,” 抵抗dĭkàng “to resist,” 抵擋dĭdăng “to withstand,” 抗拒kàngjù “to resist,” 抵拒dĭjù “to resist,” 拒抗jùkàng “to resist,” 聽從tīngcóng “to obey,” 順從shùncóng “to submit to,” 遵從zūncóng “to comply with”
Frame Elements: Re-acting force, Prior force, Accompanying act Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Re-acting force[NP] <({消極地/一昧地}Manner[ADVP])<* < Prior force[NP] < (, Accompanying act[VP])
[他/Re-acting][一昧地/Manner][順從/Counteractive forcing][父母/Prior force]，
tā yímèidì shùncóng fùmŭ
3sg blindly SHUNCONG parents
‘He blindly complies with (the order from) his parents.’ b. Re-acting force[NP] <對 < Prior force[NP] < *
[法輪功學員/Re-acting force]對[中共/Prior force][反抗/Counteractive forcing]，
Fălúngōng xúeyuán duì Zhōnggòng fănkàng
Falungong members to the Chinese Communist Party FANKANG
‘The members of Falungong fight against (the oppression from) the Chinese Communist Party.’
c. Prior force[NP;CL] < Re-acting force[NP] < *
[他人的意見/Prior force][你/Re-acting force]不一定要[聽從/Counteractive forcing]。
tārén de yìjiàn nĭ bùyídìng yào tīngcóng
other people-DE opinion you NEG-necessary TINGCONG
‘As for opintions from other people, you don’t necessarily need to listen (to them).’
d. Prior force[NP] < {受/受到} < Re-acting[NP] <(Degree[ADVP]) <*/*+nom [他/Prior force]拉扯被害人時，受到[被害人/Re-acting force][強烈/Degree][抵
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tā lāchě bèihàirén shí shòudào bèihàirén qiángliè dĭkàng
3sg pull and drag victims while receive victims strong DIKANG
‘While pulling and dragging the victim, he received a strong resistance (from the victim).’
e. Re-acting force[NP] < {用/以} [Prep]+Instrument[NP]/Means[NP;VP] < * < Prior force[NP]< (, Accompanying act[VP])
[她/Re-acting force][闔起眼/Means][反抗/Counteractive forcing][心裡的聲音 /Prior force]，[不願再多想什麼/Accompanying act]。
tā héqĭyăn fănkàng xīnlĭ de shēngyīn búyuàn zài duō xiăng shéme
3sg close eyes FANKANG heart inside voice NEG-want again more think ‘She closed her eyes to resist the voice inside her heart, and was not willing to think about anything more.’
f. *Ba
*[我/Re-acting force]把[媽媽的命令/Prior force][反抗/順從/Counteractive forcing]。
wŏ bă māmā de mìnglìng fănkàng/shùncóng
I BA mother-DE order FANKANG/SHUNCONG *‘I resist/obey the order of my mother.’
3.4.5 Unilateral Basic Frame5: Assisting Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe same directional social interactions in which a Benefiter (which is often omitted or is interpreted from the context) benefits the Beneficiary by helping or supporting (sometimes even performing) the Target act.
Lemma: 幫bāng “to help,” 幫忙bāngmáng “to help,” 幫助bāngzhù “to help,” 援助yuánzhù “to assist,” 扶助fúzhù “to help,” 協助xiézhù “to assist,” 輔助
fŭzhù “to assist,” 匡助kuāngzhù “to help,” 支持zhīchí “to support,” 扶持fúchí
“to support,” 扶植fúzhí “to support,” 資助zīzhù “to patronize,” 贊助zànzhù “to sponsor,” 補助bŭzhù “to subsidize”
Frame Elements: Benefiter, Beneficiary, Target act Conceptual Schema:
25 Defining Patterns:
a. Benefiter[NP] < * < Beneficiary[NP] < (Target act[VP])
[居禮先生的父親/Benefiter]也[幫/Assisting][他們/Beneficiary][一起照顧孩 子/Target act]。
Jūlĭxi ānshēng de fùqīn yĕ bāng tāmén yìqĭ zhàogù háizi
Curie mister DE father also BANG them together take care of the children ‘Mister Curie’s father also helped them take care of the children together.’
b. Benefiter[NP] <對 < Beneficiary[NP] < Degree[ADVP]{很/十分/特別} <*+nom
[林漢章/Benefiter]對[做台灣史研究的人/Beneficiary]都[很/Degree][支持 /Assisting+nom]。
Línhànzhāng duì zuòTáiwānshĭ de rén dōu hěn zhīchí
Linhanzhang to do Taiwan history-DE people all very ZHICHI
‘Linhanzhang is very supportive to all the people who do research on the history of Taiwan.’
c. Beneficiary[NP] <由 < Benifiter[NP] < * < (Target act[VP])
[老弱婦孺/Beneficiary]可由[工作人員/Benefiter][幫忙/Assisting][到達目的 地/Target act]。
lăorùofùrú kě yóu gōngzuòrényuán bāngmáng dàodá mùdìdì
The elder, weak, women, and children can by staff BANGMANG get to destination
‘The elder, weak, women and children can be assisted by the staff to get to the destination.’
d. Beneficiary[NP] < {受/受到/受過/*被/*遭} < Benefiter[NP] <*/*+nom [災民/Beneficiary]受到[大家/Benefiter]的[幫助/Assist+nom]，
zāimín shòudào dàjiā de bāngzhù
victim receive everybody-DE BANGZHU
‘The victims received the assistance from everyone.’
e. Benefiter[NP] <({到/在} Place[NP]) <{用/以/靠}[Prep]+
Instrument[NP]/Means[NP;VP] < * < Beneficiary[NP] < (Target act[VP]) [貞觀/Benefiter]一大早就到[外婆家/Place]用[鐮刀/Instrument][幫忙
26 /Assisting][割菜瓜/Target act]。
Zhēnguān yídàzăo jìudào wàipó jiā yòng liándāo bāngmáng gē càiguā
Zhenguan early morning JIU to grandmother house by sickle cut snake melon ‘Zhenguan went to the grandmother’s house early in the morning and helped to cut the snake melons with a sickle.’
f. *Ba
*[貞觀/Benefiter]把[外婆/Beneficiary][幫/幫助/Assisting]。
Zhēnguān bă wàipó bāng/bāngzhù
Zhenguan BA grandmother BANG/BANGZHU * ‘Zhenguan helped her grandmother.’
3.4.6 Unilateral Basic Frame6:Letting Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe social interactions in which a
highlighted disengaging Grantor (usually an authoritative human) makes the way for the Grantee (usually a human) to move toward a Target act.
Lemma:允讓yŭnràng “to allow,” 允許yŭnxŭ “to allow,” 准許zhŭnxŭ “to permit,” 同意tóngyì “to agree to,” 放任fàngrèn “to let,” 放縱fàngzòng “to indulge,” 縱容zòngróng “to connive,” 任憑rènpíng “to let alone without restriction”
Frame Elements: Grantor, Grantee, Target act Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
a. Grantor[NP]< * < Grantee[NP] < (Target act[VP])
[媽媽/Grantor][放任/Letting][他/Grantee][哭鬧/Target act]。
māmā fàngrèn tā kūnào
Mother FANGREN 3sg cry noisily
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b. Grantor[NP] <對 < Grantee[NP] < {表示/加以/予以/*進行} < *+nom [老闆/Grantor]對[上述提議/Grantee]表示[同意/Letting+nom]。
lăobăn duì shàngshù tíyì biăoshì tóngyì
Boss to above proposal indicate TONGYI
‘The boss indicated his permission to the proposals above.’ c. Grantee[NP] <(Target act[VP]) < Grantor[NP] < *
[一夫多妻/Grantee][我們的法律/Grantor]根本不[允許/Letting]。
yìfūduōqī wŏmén de fălù gēnběn bù yŭnxŭ
One husband several wife our law at all NEG-YUNXU
‘(The idea of) one husband with several wives is not permitted by our law.’ d. Grantee[NP] <被/受/*遭<Grantee[NP] < * < (Target act[VP])
[阿斯巴甜/Grantor]在一九八一年被[美國食品藥物管理局/Grantee][允許 /Letting][上市/Target act]。
Āsībātián zài yījĭubāyī nián bèi Měiguó shípĭngyàowùguănlĭjú yŭnxŭ shàngshì
Aspartame in 1981 year BEI US Food and Drug Administration (F.D.A.) YUNXU on the market
‘Aspartame was allowed to be on the market by the US F.D.A. in 1981.’ e. Grantor[NP] < Means[NP;VP]/*Instrument[NP]< * < Grantor[NP] < (Target act[VP])
[老師/Grantor][點頭/Means][允許/Letting][我/Grantor][離開/Target act]。
lăoshī diăntóu yŭnxŭ wŏ líkāi
Teacher nod YUNXU me leave
‘The teacher allowed me to leave by nodding.’ f. *Ba
*[我/Grantor]把[你Grantee][允許/放任/Letting]。
wŏ bă nĭ yŭnxŭu/fàngrèn
I BA you YUNXU/FANGREN *‘I allow/let you.’
3.4.7 Summary of Basic Frames under Unilateral Primary Frame
This section summarizes the six basic frames under Unilateral primary frame as shown in table (3) below:
Basic Frame Frame Elements Defining Patterns Forcing Antagonist, Agonist, a. Antagonist<({故意/刻意})<*<Agonist <(Target act)
28 Target act
(Highlight the disposal and the affectiveness of the Antagonist) [民主黨/Antagonist]刻意[迫使/Forcing][眾 議院/Agonist][進行表決/Target act]。 b. Antagonist<把<Agonist<*<Target act [保守派人士/Antagonist]努力把[柯爾 /Agonist][逼/Forcing][下台/Target act]。 c. Agonist<被/遭/為/遭到 <Antagonist<*<(Target act) [報社/Agonist]被[獨裁者/Antagonist][強迫 /Forcing][歇業/Target act]。 d. Antagonist<{用/以/ 靠}Instrument/Means< *<Agonist<(Target act) [外國/Antagonist]用[槍砲/Instrument][強迫 /Forcing][清朝政府/Agonist][開放港口通商 /Target act]。 e. (x) Dui Try to stop Antagonist,
Agonist, Intended act, Target act
(Highlight the the Antagonist and its purpose of why stopping the event via Frame conformation) a. Antagonist<({企圖/試圖/打 算})<*<Agonist<(Intended act) [大學聯招會/Antagonist]試圖[阻擋/Try to stop][各媒體/Agonist][統計錄取率/Intended act]， b. Antagonist<*<Agonist<Target act [巴國/Antagonist]企圖[阻止/Try to stop][柯 林頓/Agonist][不要過分親近北京/Target act]。 c. Antagonist<(Means)<把<Agonist<* [警方/Antagonist][部屬警力/Means]把[反核 人士/Agonist][阻擋/Try to stop]在外。 d. Agonist<{被/為/遭/遭 到}<Antagonist<{所}* [公司的申訴管道/Agonist]常遭[不明人士 /Antagonist][阻礙/Try to stop]，意見總是無 法上傳。 e. Antagonist<{用/以/ 借}Instrument/Means< *<Agonist<(Intended act) [歹徒/Antagonist]借[人群/Instrument][阻擋 /Try to stop]了[警衛的視線/Agonist]。
29 f. (x) Dui Stopping Antagonist, Agonist, Intended act (Highlight the affected Agonist) a. Antagonist<*<Agonist<(Intended act) [這個病毒/Antagonist][中止/Stopping][我的 防毒軟體/Agonist][掃到它/Intended act]。 b. Agonist< * [團隊精神/Agonist]不會因計畫完成而[終止 /Stopping]， c. Antagonist<把< Agonist<{暫時/永遠}< * [經建會主委蕭萬長/Antagonist]把[計畫 /Agonist]暫時[中止/Stopping]了。 d. Agonist<受/為/遭<Antagonist<* [核廢運北韓/Agonist]屬商業行為不受[政治 干擾/Antagonist][中止/Stopping]。 e. Antagonist<{用/以/ 憑}Instrument/Mean<* <Agonist<Intended act [海山高中文祺/Antagonist]以[嬌小的身體 /Instrument][終止/Stopping][淡商 /Agonist][這一波的攻勢/Intended act]。 f. (x) Dui Counteractive forcing Re-acting force, Prior force, Accompanying act (Highlight the force-taking Re-acting force) a. Re-acting force<(Manner{消極地/一昧 地})<*<Prior force<(, Accompanying act) [他/Re-acting][一昧地/Manner][順從
/Counteractive forcing][父母/Prior force]， b. Re-acting force<對<Prior force<*
[法輪功學員/Re-acting force]對[中共/Prior force][反抗/Counteractive forcing]， c. Prior force<Re-acting force<*
[他人的意見/Prior force][你/Re-acting force] 不一定要[聽從/Counteractive forcing]。 d. Prior force<{受/受 到}<Re-acting<(Degree)<*/*+nom [他/Prior force]拉扯被害人時，受到[被害人 /Re-acting force][強烈/Degree][抵抗 /Counteractive forcing]。 e. Re-acting force<{用/以}Instrument/Means <*<Prior force<(, Accompanying act) [她/Re-acting force][闔起眼/Means][反抗
30
/Counteractive forcing][心裡的聲音 /Prior force]，[不願再多想什麼/Accompanying act]。 f. (x) Ba Assisting Benefiter, Beneficiary, Target act (Highlight the need-possessing Beneficiary that is benefited from the interaction) a. Benefiter<*<Beneficiary<(Target act) [居禮先生的父親/Benefiter]也[幫 /Assisting][他們/Beneficiary][一起照顧孩子 /Target act]。 b. Benefiter<對<Beneficiary<Degree{很/十 分/特別}<*+nom [林漢章/Benefiter]對[做台灣史研究的人 /Beneficiary]都[很/Degree][支持 /Assisting+nom]。 c. Beneficiary<由<Benifiter<*<(Target act) [老弱婦孺/Beneficiary]可由[工作人員 /Benefiter][幫忙/Assisting][到達目的地 /Target act]。 d. Beneficiary<{受/受到/受過/* 被}<Benefiter<*+nom [災民/Beneficiary]受到[大家/Benefiter]的 [幫助/Assist+nom]， e. Benefiter<({到/在}Place)<{用/以/ 靠}Instrument/Means<*<Beneficiary<(Tar get act) [貞觀/Benefiter]一大早就到[外婆家/Place] 用[鐮刀/Instrument][幫忙/Assisting][割菜瓜 /Target act]。 f. (x) Ba Letting Grantor, Grantee, Target act (Highlight the Grantor, which is posturing itself by disengaging from the event)
a. Grantor<*<Grantee<(Target act) [媽媽/Grantor]放任[他/Grantee][哭鬧/Target act]。 b. Grantor<對<Grantee<{表示/加以/予 以}<*+nom [老闆/Grantor]對[上述提議/Grantee]表示[同 意/Letting+nom]。 c. Grantee<(Target act)<Grantor<* [一夫多妻/Grantee][我們的法律/Grantor]根 本不[允許/Letting]。
31 d. Grantee<被/受<Grantee[NP]< *<(Target act) [阿斯巴甜/Grantor]在一九八一年被[美國食 品藥物管理局/Grantee][允許/Letting][上市 /Target act]。 e. Grantor<Means/*Instrument<*<Grantor< (Target act) [老師/Grantor][點頭/Means][允許 /Letting][我/Grantor][離開/Target act]。 f. (x) Ba
Table (3): The overview of Basic Frames under Unilateral Primary Frame
The unilateral Social Interaction Verbs are classified by the six basic Frames under Unilateral Primary Frame. On the other hand, as we mentioned above, Mandarin also has bilateral Social Interaction Verbs and the basic frame of these verbs are shown as follows:
3.4.8 Bilateral Basic Frame1: Collaborate Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe mutually attractive social interactions in which Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2 conjoin as Co-actors in order to obtain a Target_entity or perform a Target_act.
Representative Lemma: 合作 hézuò ‘collaborate’, 合夥 tónghuǒ ‘work in partnership’, 分 工 fēngōng ‘division of labor’, 搭 檔 dādǎng ‘be in partnership’, 結盟 jiéméng ‘form an alliance’, 同心協力 tóngxīnxiélì ‘pull together’
Core Frame Elements: Co-actor_1, Co-actor_2, Co-actors, Target_entity, Target_act
Conceptual Schema:
Target Co-actor_1
32 Defining Patterns:
(a) Co-actor_1 [NP] < Conj { 和 / 跟 / 與 } < Co-actor_2 [NP] < ＊ < (Target_entity [NP] / Target_act [VP])
[ 泰 國 /Co-actor_1] 與 [ 美 國 「 國 際 節 約 能 源 中 心 」 /Co-actor_2][ 合 作 /Collaborate][開發節電產品/Target_act]。
taiguo yu meiguo guoji jieyue nengyuan zhongxin hezuo kaifa jiedian chanpin
(b) Co-actors [NP] < ＊ < (Target_entity [NP] / Target_act [VP])
[他們夫婦/Co-actors]曾[合作/Collaborate][譜寫了不少曲子哩/Target_act]！
tamen fufu ceng hezuo puxie-le bu shao quzi li
3.4.9 Bilateral Basic Frame2: Compete Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe mutually repulsive social interactions in which Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2 conjoin as Co-actors in order to obtain a Target_entity, perform a Target_act, or win in a Target_situation.
Representative Lemma: 競爭 jìngzhēng ‘compete’, 比賽 bǐsài ‘contest’, 交 手 jiāoshǒu ‘fight with’, 角力 jiǎolì ‘wrestle’, 較量 jiàoliàng ‘contest’, 僵持
jiāngchí ‘refuse to budge’, 一較長短 yíjiàochángduǎn ‘compete’, 不相上下 bùxiāngshàngxià ‘match’, 僵持不下 jiāngchíbúxià ‘refuse to budge’, 分庭抗
禮 fēntíngkànglǐ ‘compete on equal terms’
Core Frame Elements: Co-actor_1, Co-actor_2, Co-actors, Target_entity, Target_act, Target_situation
Conceptual Schema:
Target Co-actor_1
33 Defining Patterns:
(a) Co-actor_1 [NP] < Conj { 和 / 跟 / 與 } < Co-actor_2 [NP] < ＊ < (Target_entity [NP] / Target_act [VP] / Target_situation [CL])
a. 前 一 陣 子 [ 臺 大 某 系 學 生 /Co-actor_1] 與 [ 老 教 授 /Co-actor_2][ 競 爭 /Compete][研究室的使用權/Target_entity]。
qian yizhenzi taida mou xi xuesheng yu lao jiaoshou jingzheng yanjiushi de shiyong quan
b. [這個不專心的小孩/Co-actor_1]和[死黨/Co-actor_2][比賽/Compete][誰能 在電腦室待最久不離開/Target_situation]。
zhe-ge bu zhuanxin de xiaohai han sidang bisai shei neng zai diannaoshi dai zuijiu bu likai
(b) Co-actors [NP] < ＊ < (Target_entity [NP] / Target_act [VP] / Target_situation [CL])
a. 因為[各報社/Competitors]相互[競爭/Compete][訂戶市場/Target_entity]。
yinwei ge baoshe xianghu jingzheng dinghu shichang
b. 瞧瞧[這兩個男孩/Competitors]，撿了個報廢的腳踏車輪子， 在[比賽 /Compete][誰滾得遠/Target_situation]呢！
qiaoqiao zhe liangge nanhai jian-le ge baofei de jiaotache lunzi zai bisai shei gun de yuan ne
3.4.10 Bilateral Basic Frame 3: Interchange Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe mutual social interactions in which Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2 conjoin as Co-actors and pass Theme_for_interchange on to each other.
Representative Lemma: 交流 jiāoliú ‘interact’, 交換 jiāohuàn ‘exchange’, 交易 jiāoyì ‘transact’, 分享 fēnxiǎng ‘share’
Core Frame Elements: Co-actor_1, Co-actor_2, Co-actors, Theme_for_interchange
34 Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
(a) Co-actor_1 [NP] < Conj { 和 / 跟 / 與 } < Co-actor_2 [NP] < ＊ < (Theme_for_interchange [NP])
[ 廿 一 名 學 生 代 表 /Co-actor_1] 今 日 將 與 [ 台 北 學 子 /Co-actor_2][ 交 流 /Interchange][兩地的青少年政策、問題/Theme_for_interchange]。
ershiyi-ming xuesheng daibiao jinri jiang yu taibei xuezi jiaoliu liangdi de qingshaonian zhengce wenti
(b) Co-actors [NP] < ＊ < (Theme_for_interchange [NP])
[ 各 縣 市 學 生 /Co-actors] 齊 聚 一 堂 [ 交 流 /Interchange][ 研 究 心 得 /Theme_for_interchange]。
ge xianshi xuesheng qijuyitang jiaoliu yanjiu xinde
3.4.11 Bilateral Basic Frame 4: Forming_relationships Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe mutual social interactions in which Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2 conjoin as Co-actors to establish interpersonal relationships.
Representative Lemma: 互動 hùdòng ‘interact’, 相處 xiāngchǔ ‘get along’, 結婚 jiéhūn ‘marry’, 離婚 líhūn ‘divorce’, 交往 jiāowǎng ‘have relationship with’, 分手 fēnshǒu ‘part’, 見面 jiànmiàn ‘meet’, 碰面 pèngmiàn ‘meet’ Frame Elements: Co-actor_1, Co-actor_2, Co-actors
Theme_for Co-actor_1
35 Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
(a) Co-acotr_1 [NP] < Conj {和/跟/與} < Co-actor_2 [NP] < ＊ (< Duration [NP; AdvP])
由 此 可 見 ， [ 政 府 /Co-actor_1] 與 [ 民 間 /Co-actor_2] 已 經 [ 互 動 /Forming_relationships]得很密切了。
youcikejian zhengfu yu minjian yijing hudong de hen miqie le
(b) Co-actors [NP] < ＊ (< Duration [NP; AdvP]) [雙方/Co-actors][互動/Forming_relationships]一向良好。
shuangfang hudong yixiang lianghao
3.4.12 Bilateral Basic Frame 5: Separate Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe opposite force relations between Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2/Co-actors that lead them out the joint party. There may or may not be a Coordinator exerting an external force upon Co-actor_1 and Co-actor_2/Co-actors.
Representative Lemma: 分開 fēnkāi ‘seperate’, 分離 fēnlí ‘seperate’, Frame Elements: Co-actor_1, Co-actor_2, Co-actors, Coordinator
Co-actor_1
36 Conceptual Schema:
Defining Patterns:
(a) Co-actor_1 [NP] < Conj {和/跟/與} < Co-actor_2 [NP] < ＊
九六年[查理王子/Co-actor_1]也與[黛安娜王妃/Co-actor_2][分開/Seperate]。
jiuliunian chali wangzi ye yu daianna wangfei fenkai
(b) Co-actors [NP] < ＊
後來因為外在壓力，內在的因素，[他們/Co-actors][分開/Seperate]了。
houlai yinwei waizai yali neizai de yinsu tamen fenkai le
(c) Coordinator < 把/將 < Co-actor_1 [NP] < Conj {和/跟/與} < Co--actor_2 [NP] < ＊
[ 我 們 /Coordinator] 把 [ 財 委 會 /Co-actor_1] 與 [ 黨 營 事 業 /Co-actor_2][ 分 開 /Seperate]，
women ba caiweihui yu dangying shiye fenka
3.4.13 Bilateral Basic Frame 6: Oppose Basic Frame
Definition: Verbs in this frame describe Side_1 agentively exerts a force upon Side_2 and conjoin as a joint party in order to perform a Target_act.
Representative Lemma: 對抗 duìkàng ‘oppose’, 抗衡 kànghéng ‘match’ Frame Elements: Side_1, Side_2, Sides
Conceptual Schema: Coordinator Co-actor_1 Co-actor_2 Side_2 Side_1
